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Crime and violence impede development and disproportionally impact poor people in many countries across the world. Though crime and violence represent serious problems in many countries, less-developed countries experience particular concentrations, especially those that are characterized by fragile or less-trusted government institutions and pervasive insecurity. Under such circumstances, human, social, political, and economic development suffers. Research across the globe has shown that holistic approaches that focus on the entire spectrum of a government's crime response chain, ranging from crime prevention to enforcement, tend to have better outcomes than isolated interventions involving only the police or other individual government agency. To date, most of the Bank's investment in efforts to reduce crime have focused on crime prevention in the form of urban and social development programs. Investment and policy lending that support the improvement of police operations to reduce crime and develop stronger neighborhoods are more limited. To assist country teams and client counterparts in their efforts to develop effective, holistic responses against crime that include the police, justice reform staff in the Governance Global Practice teamed up with internationally recognized experts to compile evidence-based good practice information for developing effective police responses to crime. The resulting three part publication, titled Addressing the Enforcement Gap to Counter Crime: Investing in Public Safety, the Rule of Law and Local Development in Poor Neighborhoods outlines the impact of crime and violence on development and the poor in particular and explains a proven three-pronged approach to creating police agencies that work in collaboration with communities and other government and private service providers to identify crime problems, develop holistic and inclusive solutions the apply a restorative justice approach. The publication also outlines how such approach can be integrated into Bank projects and client country reform plans.

This 2015 index of sustainability indicators has been prepared in accordance with the internationally recognized standard for sustainability reporting Global Reporting Initiative (GRI) guidelines and complies with the 'core option.' The GRI Index provides an overview of sustainability considerations within the World Bank's lending and analytical services as well as its day-to-day operations and management of staff. The World Bank aims to be comprehensive in its reporting and thus the Index includes indicators from GRIs financial sector supplement. The GRI Index covers activities from fiscal 2015, July 1, 2014, through June 30, 2015.

En Manizales, a la problemática del suelo advertida en procesos que acentúan las inequidades, como la fragmentación y renovación urbana, la presión sobre la selva andina, y las zonas de riesgo de la periferia, se suman las dinámicas incontroladas de expansión de la frontera urbana por quienes controlan el modelo de ocupación territorial, para mantener la distribución inequitativa de cargas y beneficios y la separación de costos y utilidades, asociada a la actividad urbanizadora

The main purpose of the South Africa Report on the Observance of Standards and Codes, Accounting and Auditing (ROSC A&A) is to determine reforms that will continue to improve the quality of financial reporting in South Africa. The review, requested by the Minister of Finance, was conducted to assess the status of implementation of policy recommendations in the prior 2003 ROSC A&A report, assess the institutional framework underpinning accounting and auditing practices in comparison with international standards and good practices in order to identify any emerging issues that require strengthening, share good practices adopted in the country, and propose policy recommendations addressing areas that require improvements. Implementation of the policy recommendations will further enhance the quality of financial reporting in the country, a key pillar that contributes to enhancing the business environment and advancement of governance and financial accountability in both the private and public sector entities. The review focuses on private sector. Financial reporting in public sector is assessed under public expenditure and financial accountability framework.

From Richard Nixon to the Israel lobby, the late Republican Congressman Paul Norton "Pete" McCloskey Jr. challenged the most powerful elements of the ruling class on the American people's behalf.On September 29, 1927, McCloskey was born in San Bernardino, California. He was raised in South Pasadena. After graduating high school in 1945, McCloskey joined the Navy and attended Occidental College as well as the California Institute of Technology. In 1950, he graduated from Stanford with a Bachelor's degree.When the Korean War began, McCloskey joined the Marines where he led a rifle platoon in a bayonet charge to take a strategic hill. He won the Navy Cross, the Silver Star, and two Purple Hearts. He remained a Marine Reserve officer for several years thereafter. In 1953, McCloskey earned his law degree from Stanford and became a deputy district attorney in Alameda County until 1954.Subsequently, from 1955-1967, he practiced general and environmental law in Palo Alto, while giving lectures on legal ethics at the Santa Clara and Stanford law schools. He was inspired to enter politics after he saw President Jack Kennedy give a speech in 1963 during a conference regarding civil rights.In a 1967 special election necessitated by the death of Rep. J. Arthur Younger, McCloskey won his seat representing the San Mateo district in Congress. With the Vietnam War already raging, McCloskey ran as an antiwar candidate defeating the beloved film star and his fellow Republican Shirley Temple Black along with the Democrat Roy Archibald.While serving seven terms in Congress, McCloskey became the first GOP representative to both oppose the war – including by calling for a repeal of the despicable Gulf of Tonkin Resolution which ostensibly authorized the unconstitutional war – and demand Nixon's impeachment.In 1972, he fought a quixotic battle attempting to unseat Nixon for the GOP nomination for President, arguing "I'll probably get licked, but I can't keep quiet." He won 19.7 percent of the vote against Nixon at the New Hampshire primary. McCloskey was emphatic, "To talk, as the president does, of winding down the war while he is expanding the use of air power is a deliberate deception."He was prevented from speaking against Nixon and the war at the Republican National Convention that year as a result of a rule written by John Ehrlichman, his old friend and law school debate partner, stating a candidate could not get to the floor with fewer than 25 delegates. McCloskey only had one.In 1975, he traveled to Cambodia to observe the mass destruction left by the massive US bombing campaign. Yale's Ben Kiernan, a leading historian on Cambodia, estimates the US dropped approximately 500,000 tons of bombs on the country between 1969-1973. According to the BBC, "the number of people killed by those bombs is not known, but estimates range from 50,000 to upwards of 150,000."Then-National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger approved nearly 4,000 bombing raids on Cambodia between 1969-1970. He infamously stated during a declassified 1970 telephone conversation "It's an order, it's to be done. Anything that flies, on anything that moves. You got that?"McCloskey condemned the atrocities committed in Cambodia, declaring that Washington had unleashed "greater evil than we have done to any country in the world, and wholly without reason, except for our benefit to fight against the Vietnamese."In the early 1980s, McCloskey began criticizing the immense power and pervasive influence of the Israel lobby on American foreign policy. He supported then-chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization Yasser Arafat. His position was that Palestinian militancy and resistance, including the use of terrorism, was a reaction to the brutality of the illegal Israeli occupation, ongoing since 1967, in the West Bank and Gaza.He vehemently opposed Israel's expansion of Jewish-only colonies in the territory intended by the United Nations as land for a future Palestinian state. He advocated for the implementation of UN resolutions which declared the so-called settlements illegal. McCloskey even put forward a resolution to withhold $150 million in US aid to Israel in order to pressure Tel Aviv to remove the settlements.Facing intense backlash from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), McCloskey ultimately withdrew his amendment. After Israel, under the leadership of Likudnik Prime Minister Menachem Begin, passed its 1981 Golan Heights annexation law, he denounced the move as an "aggressive and imperialistic action." In response to this violation of Syrian sovereignty, McCloskey also implored Congress to rescind the $2.2 billion in US taxpayer money Tel Aviv was due to receive in 1982-1983."Until Congress is willing to stand up to Israel, every time that we step back and deliver them F-16s, or accept the bombing of downtown Beirut, we will accept whatever they want to do," McCloskey thundered. AIPAC poured money into his opponents' campaigns and he was unseated during the 1982 election."In 1982, McCloskey lost to future governor Pete Wilson in a primary election for the U.S. Senate. He told The Times that his controversial positions on Israel might have contributed to his defeat," the Los Angeles Times reports. "He has been supportive of the Palestinian people's plight since the late 1970s," Helen McCloskey, his longtime press secretary whom he married in 1982, told the outlet. "Of course, now that is very relevant," she added.Even after leaving politics, McCloskey continued to oppose the Israel lobby and its depredations against the American people. As Paul Findley, the former Illinois congressman and McCloskey's co-founder of the Council for the National Interest, has written:AIPAC's endeavors did not stop McCloskey from seeking out justice in issues related to the Middle East. In 1993, the district attorney of San Francisco released 700 pages of documents implicating the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, a major Jewish organization that calls itself "a defender of civil rights," in a vast spying operation. The targets of the ADL operation were American citizens who were opposed to Israel's repression of Palestinians and to the South African government's policy of apartheid. The ADL was also accused of passing on information to both governments. After experiencing "great political pressure," the district attorney dropped the charges, prompting victims to file a suit against the ADL for violation of their privacy rights. They chose Pete McCloskey as their attorney.McCloskey and his clients, two of whom were Jews who had been subjected to spying after criticizing Israeli policy in the occupied territories, revealed an extensive operation headed by ADL undercover operative Roy Bullock, whose files contained the names of 10,000 individuals and 600 organizations, including thousands of Arab Americans and national civil rights groups such as the NAACP. Much of Bullock's information was gained illegally from confidential police records. In April 2002, after a nine-year legal battle, McCloskey won a landmark $150,000 court judgment against the ADL.During the second Iraq War, McCloskey also highlighted the heavy influence of the Likud as well as the neoconservatives in spearheading the push for Washington's illegal and disastrous invasion.In a 2005 interview with Scott Horton, host of Antiwar Radio and now editorial director of Antiwar.com, McCloskey rebuked the arguments for the war and excoriated the neocons proliferating throughout the George W. Bush administration,We killed a lot of people [in Vietnam], we killed a million Vietnamese, 55,000 Americans, and wounded four or five times that many in a war we shouldn't have fought in the first place… [And in the case of Iraq,] it's the same problem. I don't know how you earn the love and affection and the minds and hearts of the ordinary Iraqi when you're blowing up his houses and killing his relatives… [Paul] Wolfowitz, and [Douglas] Feith, and this man [Richard] Perle, and John Bolton appointed to the UN [ambassadorship], those men have considered Israel almost as the 51st state. I don't think there's any secret that we've gone to war in Iraq, not to protect against the Iraq threat to the United States, but to stop the Iraq threat to Israel, the same men that have taken us into this policy and this war… [including] Perle [had been] advising the Israeli government in 1996 to take out Iraq [in the "Clean Break" document written for then Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu]. Of course, now they're pushing to take out Iran. Well why are we wanting to take out Iran? Because it represents a threat to Israel.During the interview, McCloskey continues to rail against the iron grip of the Israel lobby in American politics and warns of the consequences of the extraordinary deference to Israel regarding Washington's relations with the Middle East,And this whole policy over the last 20 years has ignored [UN Security Council] Resolution 242 which… allowed the creation of the state of Israel but said it should be side by side by a Palestinian state made up of the West Bank and Gaza. And our refusal to comply with the United Nations and now trying to appoint Bolton as our representative to the United Nations sends a signal to the world that whatever Israel does the United States is going to support, including Israel's known possession of atomic weapons… And the only reason we take these policies is because the [lobby] through AIPAC has scared every congressman into fearing they'll lose their seat if they in any way vote against Israel.In a sense, McCloskey's antiwar career came full circle in 2014 when he visited North Korea. While there, he met with a fellow veteran from the opposite side of the battle, a retired three-star general who had also been wounded. "I told him how bravely I thought his people had fought, and we embraced… We ended up agreeing that we don't want our grandchildren or great-grandchildren to fight, that war is hell, and there's no glory in it," McCloskey said.Last week, the former congressman passed away at his home in Winters, California as a result of congestive heart failure, according to family friend Lee Houskeeper. McCloskey was 96 years old.American congressmen seldomly, if ever, conduct themselves with any honor or courage. Too often we see our supposed representatives in the legislature shamelessly carrying water for the war party, lying to their constituents, regurgitating propaganda from foreign lobbies and arms-industry funded think tanks. With well over $30 trillion in debt, most of our lawmakers happily continue robbing the American people to fund the American Empire.McCloskey's example and legacy is one to emulate if we desire to avoid full-scale war with any of the current White House's favored targets: Beijing, Moscow, Pyongyang, or Tehran. Given that we already stand on the precipice of nuclear conflict with Russia and soon China, concurrently committing mass slaughter in Palestine, and edging towards war with Iran and its allies across the Middle East, we could use a great man like former California Congressman Pete McCloskey.This article was republished with permission from Antiwar.com

The Government White Paper on day care provision presented in December 1999 announced a three-year program to improve quality. Starting in 2001, all Norwegian day care centres were to establish tools and systems designed to further develop and safeguard the quality of day care centres. The program was to be finalised by 2003. A survey conducted at the end of the period showed that only one in five managers felt that their day care centre had attained the goals. The program to improve quality coincided with an increasing focus on strong price reductions in child care services and a commitment to make day care centres available to all families who wanted this type of child care. Since 2003, there has been a vast expansion in child care coverage rates in Norway. At the end of 2003, 205 000 children were enrolled in day care centres. By January 2008 about 265 000 children were enrolled. The biggest increase was seen for children below three, and during 2008 almost 40 000 one-year olds were enrolled in day care centres. We have compared the results from 2004 and 2008 in order to explore whether this expansion has happened at the expense of quality. On average, there are more children per day care centre in 2008 compared to 2004. This is especially true for the new centres that started up after 2004, but also the older ones have expanded. Day care centre managers are typically stable employees. More than half had managed the same day care centre for more than five years, and almost 40 percent had been in the same position for more than eight years. Since 2004 there has been a small increase in turnover of employees. In 2004, half of the day care centres reported that none of their employees had left their position within the last 6 months, while in 2008 this was reduced to 40 percent. As in 2004, the small day care centres reported the lowest turn over rates. A smaller portion of those who were educated as pre-school teachers had ended their position compared with those without such education. Ninety percent of the managers are women, and 92 percent are educated pre-school teachers. Approximately two percent have additional education. Three percent of the day care centres have managers who do not meet the educational requirement. In 14 percent of the child care centres there is at least one employee who is undertaking education to become a preschool teacher. In every fourth day care centre there is more than one preschool teacher per unit. In 16 percent of the day care centres there are at least one male pre-school teacher, and 34 percent of the day care centres had at least one male assistant. The number of day care centres with at least one male employee has increased from 33 percent in 2002 to 51 percent in 2008. The percentage of educated preschool teachers in day care centres varies a lot. In one in four day care centres 27 percent, or fewer, of the staff had preschool teacher education. In another fourth of the day care centres 43 percent, or more, were educated preschool teachers. Compared to 2004 there has not been any decrease in the proportion of preschool teachers. The proportion of preschool teachers has increased more in the private day care centres than in municipal day care centres. Nine out of ten day care centres have annual appraisal talks with their staff. Eight out of ten employ internal vocational training schemes for their staff, and more than half of the day care centres have a separate budget for such training. In this area there has been a small increase since the last evaluation in 2004. The size of the day care centre is the most decisive factor determining whether all three measures to improve the staff are set. Norwegian day care centres operate within the framework of a national curriculum (Rammeplanen). Since last survey in 2004 the number of subjects to be covered according to the national curriculum havebeen expanded from five to seven. In 2008 most day care centres emphasised the area "Communication, language and texts". Emphasis on this subject has increased steadily since 2002. Similar to what has been reported in earlier periods there was least interest for the area "Ethics, religion and philosophy". In 2008 fewer day care centres work with all areas compared to 2004, but we observed a tendency that bigger private day care centres work with more areas. The vast majority of day care centres have established formal routines for informing parents and new employees. This applies above all to what we define as «start-up information». Since 2004 the day care centres have increased their formal routines for writing down information to and from care givers. At least eight out of ten day care centres have routine parent-staff conversations, parent-staff meetings and liaison committee meetings twice a year. More day care centres employ user surveys, but not as frequent as in 2004. The existence of formal information routines depends heavily on a day care centre's size, bigger centres have more formal routines. Children's well-being and development are commonly evaluated in a traditional manner, i.e. by observation, followed by educational documentation. About half of the day care centres make little or no use of methods such as systematic conversations or interviews with children. There is however a small increase in the use of child interviews. The number of day care centres where children participate in assessment work has increased since 2002, in 2008 59 percent of the day care centres involved children in the assessment work. Children are also being drawn more and more into the process of planning the day care centre's activities, and children are now participating more than their parents in such planning. Even though participation has increased considerably there are still a high number of day care centres where there is little or no child or parental participation. The general opinion among managers is that the physical environment such as buildings and outdoor areas are satisfactory and suitably adapted for all the children in the day care centre. In 2002 every third day care centre achieved top score on this measure. In 2008 half of the day care centres did the same. This is especially true for the biggest and newest day care centres. In half of the day care centres the owners have made plans for training or post-qualifying education facilities for their staff, and two out of three are already providing such training. Municipal day care centres are still ahead of their private counterparts both in terms of planning and providing training and post-qualifying education facilities for their staff. As regards the extent of contact and collaboration between the individual day care centre and the municipality in its role as local day care centre authority, no positive change can be seen from 2002 to 2008. The contact between them is slightly lower than in earlier surveys, and we find this problematic as contact is decisive for the municipal authority in order to have control. Our survey for 2008 revealed that the municipal authority have more intensive contact with municipal day care centres than with private day care centres, which makes us question their equal treatment. Compared to 2004 there are slightly more managers who report that bullying never occurs in their day care centre in 2008. Still the majority of day care centre managers report instances of bullying during last year, but at the same time they state that this happens only very rarely. The most common method to reduce bullying is the programme entitled «You and I and the two of us», which is used by half of the day care centres. The program that has increased most since 2004 is «Step by step», this program is now used in one third of theday care centres. The measures and routines for preparing the transition between day care centres and schools have been considerably improved since last survey. Such preparations for five-year olds are now established in almost every day care centre. However, it is problematic that more measures are in place in municipal day care centres than in private day care centres. It is most common to organize day care centres in units. 80 percent of the day care centres are organised in this way, while 13 percent are not divided into units. It is most common to have units divided by age. 60 percent of the day care centres have established formal routines for assessing all the children's language development, while a third has no regular routine for doing this. Those without formal routines report they assess only children who appear to have special needs in this area. 56 percent of the day care centres have at least one child with reduced functional ability. Almost all of these get additional support in order to employ extra staff. 87 percent have established formal contact with other municipal authorities to be able to give the child maximum support. As in the two earlier surveys the day care centre managers are generally satisfied with their framework conditions. We could also find that private day care managers are more satisfied with the conditions in which they operate than the managers of municipal day care centres. Most managers state that the localities are suitable for the children and for the purpose to which they are used. This opinion is especially strong among managers of new day care centres, for big day care centres, and is even more common in private than in municipal day care centres. A joint comparison of 30 different quality indicators in 2004 and 2008 indicate that day care centres in 2008 on average get a higher score than in 2004. ; Denne rapporten er en oppfølging av to tidligere NOVA-rapporter om kvalitetssatsingen i barnehagene i årene 2001-2003. Siden den gang har arbeidet med økt kvalitet måttet skje parallelt med et stadig større fokus på full dekning og lavere barnehagepriser. Sammenlignet med år 2003 har antallet barn i barnehagene økt med 60 000 nye barn, de fleste under tre år. Hovedmålet med rapporten har vært å finne svar på hvordan denne økningen har påvirket kvaliteten sammenlignet med tidligere år. Rapporten fokuserer på barnehagenes oppfølging av rammeplanen, rutiner og arbeidsmåter, fysisk miljø, samarbeid med eier og lokal myndighet, mobbing, overgang til skole, organisering, språkstimulering og støtte til barn med ekstra behov. Undersøkelsen, som bygger på et spørreskjema til styrerne i barnehagene, viser at den sterke veksten i barnehagesektoren har funnet sted uten at det har gått på bekostning av barnehagenes kvalitet.

The Government White Paper on day care provision presented in December 1999 announced a three-year program to improve quality. Starting in 2001, all Norwegian day care centres were to establish tools and systems designed to further develop and safeguard the quality of day care centres. The program was to be finalised by 2003. A survey conducted at the end of the period showed that only one in five managers felt that their day care centre had attained the goals. The program to improve quality coincided with an increasing focus on strong price reductions in child care services and a commitment to make day care centres available to all families who wanted this type of child care. Since 2003, there has been a vast expansion in child care coverage rates in Norway. At the end of 2003, 205 000 children were enrolled in day care centres. By January 2008 about 265 000 children were enrolled. The biggest increase was seen for children below three, and during 2008 almost 40 000 one-year olds were enrolled in day care centres. We have compared the results from 2004 and 2008 in order to explore whether this expansion has happened at the expense of quality. On average, there are more children per day care centre in 2008 compared to 2004. This is especially true for the new centres that started up after 2004, but also the older ones have expanded. Day care centre managers are typically stable employees. More than half had managed the same day care centre for more than five years, and almost 40 percent had been in the same position for more than eight years. Since 2004 there has been a small increase in turnover of employees. In 2004, half of the day care centres reported that none of their employees had left their position within the last 6 months, while in 2008 this was reduced to 40 percent. As in 2004, the small day care centres reported the lowest turn over rates. A smaller portion of those who were educated as pre-school teachers had ended their position compared with those without such education. Ninety percent of the managers are women, and 92 percent are educated pre-school teachers. Approximately two percent have additional education. Three percent of the day care centres have managers who do not meet the educational requirement. In 14 percent of the child care centres there is at least one employee who is undertaking education to become a preschool teacher. In every fourth day care centre there is more than one preschool teacher per unit. In 16 percent of the day care centres there are at least one male pre-school teacher, and 34 percent of the day care centres had at least one male assistant. The number of day care centres with at least one male employee has increased from 33 percent in 2002 to 51 percent in 2008. The percentage of educated preschool teachers in day care centres varies a lot. In one in four day care centres 27 percent, or fewer, of the staff had preschool teacher education. In another fourth of the day care centres 43 percent, or more, were educated preschool teachers. Compared to 2004 there has not been any decrease in the proportion of preschool teachers. The proportion of preschool teachers has increased more in the private day care centres than in municipal day care centres. Nine out of ten day care centres have annual appraisal talks with their staff. Eight out of ten employ internal vocational training schemes for their staff, and more than half of the day care centres have a separate budget for such training. In this area there has been a small increase since the last evaluation in 2004. The size of the day care centre is the most decisive factor determining whether all three measures to improve the staff are set. Norwegian day care centres operate within the framework of a national curriculum (Rammeplanen). Since last survey in 2004 the number of subjects to be covered according to the national curriculum havebeen expanded from five to seven. In 2008 most day care centres emphasised the area "Communication, language and texts". Emphasis on this subject has increased steadily since 2002. Similar to what has been reported in earlier periods there was least interest for the area "Ethics, religion and philosophy". In 2008 fewer day care centres work with all areas compared to 2004, but we observed a tendency that bigger private day care centres work with more areas. The vast majority of day care centres have established formal routines for informing parents and new employees. This applies above all to what we define as «start-up information». Since 2004 the day care centres have increased their formal routines for writing down information to and from care givers. At least eight out of ten day care centres have routine parent-staff conversations, parent-staff meetings and liaison committee meetings twice a year. More day care centres employ user surveys, but not as frequent as in 2004. The existence of formal information routines depends heavily on a day care centre's size, bigger centres have more formal routines. Children's well-being and development are commonly evaluated in a traditional manner, i.e. by observation, followed by educational documentation. About half of the day care centres make little or no use of methods such as systematic conversations or interviews with children. There is however a small increase in the use of child interviews. The number of day care centres where children participate in assessment work has increased since 2002, in 2008 59 percent of the day care centres involved children in the assessment work. Children are also being drawn more and more into the process of planning the day care centre's activities, and children are now participating more than their parents in such planning. Even though participation has increased considerably there are still a high number of day care centres where there is little or no child or parental participation. The general opinion among managers is that the physical environment such as buildings and outdoor areas are satisfactory and suitably adapted for all the children in the day care centre. In 2002 every third day care centre achieved top score on this measure. In 2008 half of the day care centres did the same. This is especially true for the biggest and newest day care centres. In half of the day care centres the owners have made plans for training or post-qualifying education facilities for their staff, and two out of three are already providing such training. Municipal day care centres are still ahead of their private counterparts both in terms of planning and providing training and post-qualifying education facilities for their staff. As regards the extent of contact and collaboration between the individual day care centre and the municipality in its role as local day care centre authority, no positive change can be seen from 2002 to 2008. The contact between them is slightly lower than in earlier surveys, and we find this problematic as contact is decisive for the municipal authority in order to have control. Our survey for 2008 revealed that the municipal authority have more intensive contact with municipal day care centres than with private day care centres, which makes us question their equal treatment. Compared to 2004 there are slightly more managers who report that bullying never occurs in their day care centre in 2008. Still the majority of day care centre managers report instances of bullying during last year, but at the same time they state that this happens only very rarely. The most common method to reduce bullying is the programme entitled «You and I and the two of us», which is used by half of the day care centres. The program that has increased most since 2004 is «Step by step», this program is now used in one third of theday care centres. The measures and routines for preparing the transition between day care centres and schools have been considerably improved since last survey. Such preparations for five-year olds are now established in almost every day care centre. However, it is problematic that more measures are in place in municipal day care centres than in private day care centres. It is most common to organize day care centres in units. 80 percent of the day care centres are organised in this way, while 13 percent are not divided into units. It is most common to have units divided by age. 60 percent of the day care centres have established formal routines for assessing all the children's language development, while a third has no regular routine for doing this. Those without formal routines report they assess only children who appear to have special needs in this area. 56 percent of the day care centres have at least one child with reduced functional ability. Almost all of these get additional support in order to employ extra staff. 87 percent have established formal contact with other municipal authorities to be able to give the child maximum support. As in the two earlier surveys the day care centre managers are generally satisfied with their framework conditions. We could also find that private day care managers are more satisfied with the conditions in which they operate than the managers of municipal day care centres. Most managers state that the localities are suitable for the children and for the purpose to which they are used. This opinion is especially strong among managers of new day care centres, for big day care centres, and is even more common in private than in municipal day care centres. A joint comparison of 30 different quality indicators in 2004 and 2008 indicate that day care centres in 2008 on average get a higher score than in 2004. ; Denne rapporten er en oppfølging av to tidligere NOVA-rapporter om kvalitetssatsingen i barnehagene i årene 2001-2003. Siden den gang har arbeidet med økt kvalitet måttet skje parallelt med et stadig større fokus på full dekning og lavere barnehagepriser. Sammenlignet med år 2003 har antallet barn i barnehagene økt med 60 000 nye barn, de fleste under tre år. Hovedmålet med rapporten har vært å finne svar på hvordan denne økningen har påvirket kvaliteten sammenlignet med tidligere år. Rapporten fokuserer på barnehagenes oppfølging av rammeplanen, rutiner og arbeidsmåter, fysisk miljø, samarbeid med eier og lokal myndighet, mobbing, overgang til skole, organisering, språkstimulering og støtte til barn med ekstra behov. Undersøkelsen, som bygger på et spørreskjema til styrerne i barnehagene, viser at den sterke veksten i barnehagesektoren har funnet sted uten at det har gått på bekostning av barnehagenes kvalitet.

Moving back to the land is, from different perspectives, a fascinating topic that has been on stage since the sixties. Since then, new forms of rurality have become an upcoming phenomenon on the media, still today we often hear of unexpected success of rural entrepreneurs who reinvented their life, they represent their triumph as reaction to market failure and city-life depression. From a sociological point of view, it is an exciting counter-cultural subject. How to study neo-rurality nowadays? Speaking in contemporary terms, we can talk about changes in rurality, taking Rural Social Innovation as our approach. As we'll see, social innovation is as appropriate as ambiguous when it comes to the research implementation, lacking in the specificity of the definition. Therefore, I decided to integrate the conceptual framework with two more solid theoretical approaches: social capital and moral market, which may analytically help understand and investigate the topic. From that, a research question rises, followed by an intense fieldwork. Let's go step by step, starting by introducing the study. a) The topic: Neo-rurality In the first chapter I explain the topic. Rurality studies connect different disciplines: sociology (marginality, mobility, market dynamics); geography (distance and periphery); policies and normative discourse (inner areas and rurality). 'Back-to-the-land' generally refers to the adoption of agriculture as a full-time vocation by people who have come from non-agricultural lifestyles or education. Originated in the 1960s, it situates back-to-the-landers as part of broader counterculture practices (Belasco, 2006). The back-to-the-land movement of the 1960s and 70s is often framed in relation to general cultural currents that encouraged "dropping out" of mainstream society in search of alternatives. "Multiplying fivefold between 1965 and 1970" writes Belasco (1989: 76) of communal back-to-the-land projects, "3,500 or so country communes put the counterculture into group practice". During the 1970s, the "protestant neo-ruralism" (neoruralismo protestatario, Merlo, 2006) conceives rural areas as the place where an alternative way of life can be experienced through the creation of an alternative agricultural production process. That approach refuses completely the Green Revolution (GR) paradigm (Shiva, 2016). Later, the development of alternative agricultural production was embedded in the agro-ecological paradigm, then absorbed by the global industrial system through the creation of organic certifications. Such a process of integration has developed a new critical reflection on food production and market relations. Neo-rurality is the frame that collects different approaches which are changing rural areas on different levels. It calls for attention to the relation between environmental issues, rural crisis and territorial issues (Ferraresi, 2013). Neo-rural farmers try a new model that is economically, socially and environmentally sustainable, protects biodiversity and promotes local quality food. In fact, production of quality food is key for the activation of practices and community relationships within the horizon of agro-ecological values. In Italy, pioneers of the alternative movements came from different backgrounds: the radical left, the ecologist movement and the anti-conformist or alternative movements. Also, a pioneering phase was characterized by a multiplicity of regional-level and often unconnected initiatives (Fonte, Cucchi, 2015). Ferraresi (2013) describes 'Neo-rurality' as a new, social and complex economy. Born partly in response to expansion of industrial food and partly due to the survival of some systems that resisted to conversion, we see emerging new or resurgent forms of production, trade and consumption, latterly conceptualised by academics as 'Alternative Agro-Food Networks' (AAFNs) or 'Alternative Food Networks' (AFNs). Movements become key players in the definition of new market places (Friedmann, 2005). Food movements act as an engine of awareness in consumption, and address issues that are core for social and media consensus, for instance health, environment, quality of life (Goodman, 1999), and also social justice and fair trade (Elzen et al., 2010). A second important effect of AAFNs is the empowerment of consumers, a leverage on citizenship action for the transformation of consumption behaviours into political action (Goodman, DuPuis, 2002). Exponents of neo-rural economy, as part of AAFNs, have promoted participation in alternative infrastructures contrasting the conventional market system, developing specific organisational forms, negotiating new forms of collaborative economy (Kostakis, Bauwens, 2014). They thus blur the distinction between public sphere and private sphere (Tormey, 2007). The AAFNs, as shown in the article by Murano and Forno (2017), has three main drivers shaping the form of development of this type of collective action: 1. Greater citizen awareness around economic, social and environmental sustainability issues; 2. The loss of purchasing power within important portions of the middle class, due to the increasing unemployment rates following the recession which started in 2007-2008; 3. General loss of meaning, due to the consumerism and the depletion of social relations, along with the decoupling of GDP growth and happiness (as suggested by the paradox Easterlin, 1974), people's search for a meaning in their life (Castells, Caraça, Cardoso, 2012) which seems to have been lost in a consumer society threatened by an economic, environmental and social crisis (D'Alisa et al., 2015). Tradition of local governance studies focuses on central areas, hi-tech districts, city-regions, overlooking the role of less industrialized areas, that actually represent two thirds of Italy. Northern Italy has been considered as a cluster of industrial development. Given current globalization forces, taking for granted recent government interest in undeveloped areas, inner areas have a stake in getting involved in wider market dynamics and renewed resources. An important contribution to the EU debate on territorial marginalisation has been provided by the Italian government's innovative approach to 'Inner Areas' (DPS, 2014). The government mapped all municipalities and categorized them according to their degree of remoteness from services, consistently with criteria that the debate on Foundational Economy indicates as key factors of spatial (in)justice. The emerging picture offers a polycentric connotation of the Italian territory. The geography of the inner peripheries includes mountain and coastal areas, as well as hilly and lowland areas, but provides no conclusive evidence to establish correlations between morphological conditions and degree of remoteness. The second chapter is dedicated to theoretical approaches: Rural Social Innovation, Social Capital and Sociology of Markets. b) Rural Social Innovation The neo-rurality phenomenon is strictly connected to Rural Social Innovation. Social innovation is a term on everyone's lips, indicating change and development, including social effects. Social Innovation is not specifically mentioned in literature on regional development, but in the more nuanced models we find that most important features are trust among actors, informal ties and untraded interdependencies between actors, which are key factors determining positive differentials in economic performance. Rural Social Innovation is helpfully used in many studies (Bock, 2012). Still, even though it is currently a very relevant phenomenon, Social Innovation itself is a critic concept, it is both one of the most common and ant the most unclear concepts nowadays. Because of its credits to local development, social networks and economic outcomes, I decided to use two more analytical sociological concepts to understand the phenomenon: social capital and sociology of markets. c) Social Capital Individuals generally pursue major life events—marriage, occupational choice—as part of a social network or group. As an exemplum, engaging in the creation of a new firm is generally done in a network of social relationships (Aldrich, 2005; Reynolds, 1991; Thornton, 1999); in that sense entrepreneurship can be considered a social phenomenon, rather than solely one of individual career choice. Social capital is a conscious use of embeddedness, the use of relations and resources for a purpose. According to Coleman (1988), social capital is defined by its function. It is not a single entity but a variety of different entities, with two elements in common: they all consist of some aspects of social structures, and they facilitate certain actions of actors within the structure. Coleman refers to the social structure that enables access to resources. Additionally, we can also recall Bourdieu, who sees social capital as the aggregate of actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance or recognition. And Putnam pointing at three components: moral obligation and norms; social values (trust); and social networks (voluntary association). d) Sociology of Markets The structure of markets can be reduced to its minimal components, that are a buyer and two sellers which compete according to some defined rules (Aspers, 2006b). Relations among actors can be of exchange, as between buyers and sellers, or of competition, as between producers. In the structure of markets, people also mobilize beliefs, ethics, values and views of the common good to talk about the effects of market processes (Boltanski, Thevenot, 2006). As pointed in the recent book published by Granovetter "Society and Economy" (2017:28) The fact that people seek simultaneously economic and non-economic goals is an unprecedented challenge for that economic analysis that focuses only on one of the two horns, as for sociology that focuses only on the other. Current theories of action in social sciences offer little knowledge of how individuals mix these goals. We can therefore recall Zelizer (2007) highlighting that economists and sociologists face a common presumption: the twinned stories of separate spheres and hostile worlds. Separate spheres indicate a distinction between two arenas, one for rational economic activity, a sphere of calculation and efficiency, and one for personal relations, a sphere of sentiment and solidarity. The companion doctrine of hostile worlds affirms that contact between the spheres generates contamination and disorder: economic rationality degrades intimacy, and close relationships obstruct efficiency. Moral economy is based on this attack on the common presumption. According to these considerations on ways that shape relationships and market, the main question that rises is: "Are values and social relationship separate from the market?". e) The Research During my PhD studies I worked on an answer to this question. In the third chapter I present the case of alternative agro-food movements and neo-rurality in urban and inner areas in the region of Campania (southern Italy). The study is based on qualitative research design, composed of fieldwork and interviews, undertaken in Campania during 2014-2016, where inner and central areas are the scenery of innovative development processes, founded on structural and territorial resources, as well as on individual and social capitals. Here I present you with a quote from an Italian journalist, Alessandro Leogrande, recalling the most important anthropologist of southern Italy, Ernesto Demartino: In a complex society, old elements and new elements continue to coexist, traits of modernity and traits of archaisms, pre-Christian segments and post-Christian segments, or entirely de-Christianised ones. It seems to me that the [Italian] South of these years, precisely in the light of a Demartino's analysis, fully returns the overlapping of these various layers. (Leogrande, 2016) I wish you a pleasant journey throughout my pages, at the discovery of neo-rural dynamics in southern Italy, a special place for meeting contradictions, traces of ancient and futuristic art, holy and desacralized behaviours, traditional and innovative practices.

Die Würzburger Stadtgemeinde wurde in den Jahren von 1921-1933 sowie von 1946-1948 von Oberbürgermeister Dr. Hans Löffler geleitet. Wenngleich Löffler auch von zentraler Bedeutung für die Geschichte Würzburgs im 20. Jahrhundert war, wurde er dennoch von der geschichtlichen Wissenschaft bislang nicht vertieft berücksichtigt, weil das öffentliche Archivmaterial viel zu knapp ist und seine "Tagebücher" als verschollen galten. Dem Verfasser der vorliegenden Studie gelang es, den Verbleib dieser Tagebücher zu eruieren. Die Politik Hans Löfflers fundierte wie sich alsbald ergab unter anderem auf drei durchgängigen Persönlichkeitsstrukturen und Verhaltensmustern: Der Bürgerlichkeit, dem Liberalismus und der Religiosität. Keines dieser drei Merkmale lässt sich aus den öffentlichen Archivbeständen charakterisieren. Deswegen kam der Auswertung von Hans Löfflers Chronik eine besondere Bedeutung zu. Die spezifischen Schwierigkeiten der "(auto-)biografischen Illusion" (Pierre Bourdieu) waren gleichwohl zu berücksichtigen. Deshalb wurde vom Verfasser als Arbeitshypothese der "Biographisch-Kritische Methodenpluralismus" eingeführt. Aus Löfflers Egodokumenten ergaben sich zugleich auch aussagekräftige Datenquellen, nämlich die Entwicklung seines Einkommens in funktionaler Abhängigkeit zum Preisindex, des weiteren der quantitative Quellenverlauf, der einerseits interessante Hinweise darauf liefert, wann Löffler schreibt und in welchem Umfang - und wann die Arbeit an seiner Chronik ruht. Zugleich liefert der quantitative Quellenverlauf auch überaus interessante Erkenntnisse zur Relation von Erzählzeitpunkt und erzählter Zeit. Hans Löffler, dessen Familie aus dem Würzburgischen Amtsstädtchen Karlsstadt stammte, vollzog mit dem für die untere Mittelschicht typischen Ehrgeiz eine Juristenkarriere, die als solche typisch für das späte 19. Jahrhundert war. Der Umzug seiner Familie nach Würzburg, der Beitritt zum traditions- und einflussreichen Corps Bavaria und schließlich auch die Eheschließung mit einer Tochter aus der ebenso alten und wie wohlhabenden Würzburger Kaufmannsfamilie Held förderten den sozialen Aufstieg. Die politische Gesinnung Hans Löfflers lässt sich erst im Verlauf des Ersten Weltkriegs sowie während der anschließenden Doppelrevolution anhand des Quellenmaterials schärfer zeichnen. Dessen ungeachtet zeigte sich schon in frühen Jahren, hart an der Grenze zum 20. Jahrhundert, die Verehrung Löfflers für den Reichsgründer Otto von Bismarck und die Verachtung für Kaiser Wilhelm II. Schlussendlich vollzog Hans Löffler einen nahezu mühelosen Übergang von der Monarchie zur parlamentarischen Demokratie. Löffler schloss sich der Deutschen Demokratischen Partei (DDP), der Partei Max Webers, Thomas Manns und Albert Einsteins an. Nachdem sein Vorgänger Andreas Grieser in die Berliner Ministerialbürokratie gerufen worden war, wurde Hans Löffler 1921 ohne Gegenstimme vom Stadtrat zu dessen Nachfolger bestimmt. Während im Vergleichszeitraum insgesamt 11 Reichskanzler regierten, blieb Hans Löffler bis zu seiner Entlassung durch die Nationalsozialisten Oberbürgermeister von Würzburg. Seine restriktive Finanzpolitik, die als seine bedeutendste Leistung in Zeiten weltweiter wirtschaftlicher Rezession gelten muss, ermöglichte zugleich stadtpolitische Projekte, die Würzburg bis heute prägen. Dazu zählen neben der Fertigstellung der Universitätsklinik Luitpoldkrankenhaus die Etablierung des Mozartfests, die Eingemeindung der Stadt Heidingsfeld oder auch der Beginn der Besiedelung der heutigen Sieboldshöhe. Nachdem auch in Würzburg die Nationalsozialisten im Verlauf der 1920er Jahre begonnen hatten gegen den jüdischen Teil der Bevölkerung zu hetzen, stellt sich Hans Löffler unerschrocken vor seine Mitbürger und wurde von den Nationalsozialisten deshalb pejorativ als "Judenbürgermeister" bezeichnet. Bei der Reichspräsidentenwahl 1932 kam es auch in Würzburg zu einem letzten Aufbäumen bürgerlicher Kräfte im Rahmen einer sogenannten "Hindenburgfront". Die Existenz dieser Hindenburgfront in Würzburg wurde in der vorliegenden Studie erstmals aufgezeigt. Als 1933 auch im katholischen Würzburg die Nationalsozialisten die Macht übernahmen, musste Dr. Hans Löffler auf sein Oberbürgermeisteramt verzichten, kaufte sich ein kleines Anwesen am Chiemsee und ging in die Innere Emigration. Unmittelbarer Auslöser dieses Umzugs war der Umstand, dass Löffler wiederholt hinterbracht wurde, Würzburger Bürger, die bei der Stadtverwaltung mit ihrem Anliegen nicht durchdringen konnten, hätten sich mit Bemerkungen beschwert, zu Löfflers Zeiten sei alles besser gewesen. Diese Konfliktlage wurde Löffler zu gefährlich. Während der gesamten nationalsozialistischen Zeit war Löffler in Chieming und besuchte nur ab und an Würzburg. Löffler pflegte in Chieming den Gartenbau und las unter anderem Dissidenten-Literatur. Nach dem Einmarsch der US Army bekannte Löffler in schonungsloser Offenheit, dass er die in den Konzentrationslagern verübten Verbrechen all die Jahre geahnt habe. Zugleich verspürte Dr. Hans Löffler den Wunsch, wieder Oberbürger-meister des zu 90 % zerstörten Würzburgs zu werden, scheute sich aber, sich selbst ins Gespräch zu bringen. Nachdem sich in Bayern ein erheblicher Teil der Liberalen aus der Zeit vor 1933 der neu gegründeten CSU angeschlossen hatten, wurde Löffler für diese neue Partei von 1946-1948 nochmals Oberbürgermeister von Würzburg. Über seine Rolle bei der Gründung der CSU und innerhalb der CSU gibt es nicht den geringsten Hinweis. 1948 schied Löffler aus Altersgründen aus dem Amt und verbrachte die verbleibenden Jahre bis zu seinem Tod 1955 in seinem Haus an der Keesburgstraße. Am Ende stand die Erkenntnis, dass nur allzu wenige die Ehre für sich in Anspruch nehmen konnten, sich während des schwärzesten Kapitels der deutschen Geschichte wie Hans Löffler verhalten zu haben. Und in der Tat: Matthias Matussek hat nach dem Tod von Joachim Fest über diesen geschrieben, was auch bei Hans Löffler festzustellen ist: "… das Gerade enthält immer einen stillen Vorwurf." Insofern ist Löfflers Lebensgang Anklage und Aufforderung gleichermaßen. Dass Löffler entschieden bürgerlich und zugleich ein linksliberaler Corpsstudent war, entspricht nicht jedermanns Geschichtsbild – aber der Lebenswirklichkeit. Hans Löffler dekliniert auf seine Weise einen jener Lebenswege, denen zufolge Leistung (nicht Abstammung) den sozialen Aufstieg innerhalb der "open society" ermöglicht. Löffler selbst sprach von der "Ethik des Bürgertums". Thomas Nipperdey hatte für das ausgehende lange 19. Jahrhundert festgestellt, die Zukunft sei belastet und umschattet, wie immer verhängt, letztlich aber offen gewesen. Die Person Hans Löfflers zeigt gerade für diese Epoche, dass verbreitete nationalistische oder antisemitische Anfechtungen nicht notwendigerweise und unausweichlich im Wahnsinn des Nationalsozialismus hätten enden müssen. Und schließlich: Karl Popper hatte postuliert, dass es dem kritischen Ra-tionalismus entsprechend zwingendes Merkmal einer wissenschaftlichen Aussage ist, dass diese sich dem Grunde nach falsifizieren lässt. Dementsprechend wäre es das ungünstigste, was Hans Löffler zuteilwerden könnte, wenn sein Wirken weiterhin im Schatten wissenschaftlicher Aus-einandersetzung bliebe. Eine Verifizierung, aber auch eine Falsifikation der vorliegenden Studie freilich wäre genau das, was Dr. Hans Löffler - einer Zentralfigur der Würzburger Zeitgeschichte - zweifellos zustünde. Aus den nun erstmals erschlossenen Quellenbeständen wurde diagnostiziert, dass Löffler für sein eigenes Leben verlässliche Konstanten hatte und gerade dadurch selbst zu einer verlässlichen Konstanten für die Stadtgemeinde Würzburg wurde. In diesem Sinne will die vorliegende Untersuchung die so dringend angezeigte Löffler-Forschung weder abschließen noch determinieren, sondern den notwendigen Anfang einer vertieften kommunalgeschichtlichen Auseinandersetzung mit einem bedeutenden deutschen Oberbürgermeister bilden - auf dass sich besser noch erhellt wie es denn eigentlich gewesen. ; The borough of Wuerzburg was run by the Mayor Dr. Hans Löffler during the years from 1921-1933 as well as from 1946-1948. Although he was also of central importance for the history of Wuerzburg in the 20th century he has nevertheless not been considered by history yet as the public archive material is far too scarce and his "diaries" were thought to have been lost. The author of the present study succeeded in finding the whereabout of these diaries. It soon became evident that Hans Löffler's policy, inter alia, was based on three general personality structures and behaviour patterns: the bourgeois way of life, liberalism and religiousity. None of these three features can be profoundly characterised through the public archive holdings. The analysis of Hans Löffler's chronicle was therefore of particular importance. The particular difficulties of the "(au-to-)biographical illusion" (Pierre Bourdieu) had to be taken into conside-ration conscientiously. Hence, the "biographical critical pluralism of methods" was introduced by the author as a working hypothesis. At the same time, significant data sources arose from Löffler's ego documents, namely the development of his income in functional dependence on the price index, furthermore the quantitative course of sources as well as finally the relationship between the time of the narration and the narrated time being very meaningful for the historical-critical hermeneutics of sources. Hans Löffler, whose family came from the small district town of Karlstadt near Wuerzburg, pursued a legal career with middle-class cha-racteristic ambition which was as such typical for the late 19th century. The relocation of his family to Wuerzburg, the accession to the influential Corps Bavaria and eventually also the marriage with a daughter from the equally old as well as wealthy merchant family Held were conducive to his social advancement. Hans Löffler's political conviction cannot be submitted to a more profound observation until in the course of the First World War as well as the subsequent double revolution. Nevertheless, Löffler's admiration for the founder of the German Reich Otto von Bismarck and his contempt for Emperor Wilhelm II already appeared in his early years, very close to the turn of the 20th century. At the end, Hans Löffler made a virtually effortless transition from monarchy to par-liamentary democracy. Löffler joined the German Democratic Party (DDP), the party of Max Weber, Thomas Mann and Albert Einstein. In 1921, after his predecessor Andreas Grieser had been assigned to the Berlin ministerial bureaucracy, Hans Löffler was appointed his successor by the city council without a dissenting vote. While a total of 11 Reich Chancellors governed the country during the reference period, Hans Löffler remained Mayor of Wuerzburg until his dismissal by the National Socialists. His restrictive financial policy, which has to be considered his major achievement in times of worldwide economic recession, at the same time paved the way for municipal projects which shape the character of Wuerzburg to this day. These include among the completion of the University Hospital Luitpoldkrankenhaus the establishment of the Mozart festivals, the incorporation of the town of Heidingsfeld or also the beginning of the settlement of the present day Sieboldshöhe. When the National Socialists also began to stir up hatred against the Jewish part of the population in Wuerzburg in the course of the 1920s Hans Löffler boldly defended his fellow citizens and was therefore called "Mayor of the Jews" by the National Socialists. At the Reich presidential election in 1932 there was also a last rise up of bourgeois forces in Wuerzburg within the framework of a socalled "Hindenburgfront". The existence of this Hindenburgfront in Wuerz-burg has been proven for the first time in the present study. When the National Socialists also took over Catholic Wuerzburg in 1933, Dr. Hans Löffler had to resign as a Mayor, bought a small estate at the Chiemsee and went into inward emigration. The immediate cause of his relocation was that Löffler was informed several times that Wuerzburg citizens who were not able to succeed with their concern at the municipal administration were said to have complained with the remark that everything had been better in Löffler's days. This conflict situation became too dangerous to Löffler. During the whole National Socialist area Löffler was in Chieming and only visited Wuerzburg now and then. Löffler focused on horticulture and among others read dissident literature. After the march-in of the US Army Löffler confessed in relentless openness that he had anticipated the crimes committed in the concentra-tion camps all those years. At the same time, Dr. Hans Löffler had the desire to become mayor of Wuerzburg, which was destroyed up to 90 % , but was reluctant to become a topic of conversation. After a considerable part of the liberals in Bavaria had joined the newly founded CSU, Löffler became Mayor of Wuerzburg for this new party again from 1946 to 1948. There is not the slightest reference to his role in the foundation of the CSU and within the CSU. In 1948, Löffler retired for reasons of age and spent his remaining days until his death in 1955 at his residence at Keesburgstraße. At the end, there was the painful truth that just a few could claim the honor of having been an Hans Löffler during the darkest chapter of German history. And indeed: Matthias Matussek has written about Joachim Fest after his death what must also be stated about Hans Löffler: "… the straight always contains a silent reproach." Löffler's path of life is thus an accusation and a request at the same time. That Löffler was a decidedly bourgeois, left-wing liberal Corps student may not be in accordance with everyone's historical perception, but with life's reality. Hans Löffler points out those paths of life according to which achievement (not descent) allow social advancement within the "open society" in his own way. This is in Löffler´s own words the "ethics of bourgeoisie". With regard to the long late 19th century, Thomas Nipperdey has pointed out that the future had been strained and shadowed, overcast as always, but ultimately open. Concerning this epoch, the person of Hans Löffler particularly shows that nationalist or anti-Semitic animosities needn't have led to the madness of National Socialism necessarily and inevitably. And ultimately: Karl Popper had postulated that, in accordance with critical rationalism, it is a mandatory attribute of a scientific statement, that it can basically be falsified. Consequently, it would be the worst that could happen to Hans Löffler if his work remained in the shadow of scientific consideration. A verification, but all the same a falsification of this study would of course be just what Dr. Hans Löffler – a central figure of Wuerzburg's contemporary history – should be entitled to without doubt. From the source material which was revealed for the first time it was diagnosed that Löffler had reliable constants for his own life and that this is exactly what made him a reliable constant for the borough of Wuerzburg. With this in mind, the present study neither wants to conclude nor determine the urgently needed Löffler research but instead be the beginning of a profound communal historical debate on a great German Mayor – so that more light is shed on what actually happened.

Authors' introductionContemporary religion is at its core an organizational phenomenon. Religious behaviour is channelled and religious communities are structured through congregations, denominations, religious nonprofits, seminaries, and other organizational forms. To understand religion, then, one must understand the organizational aspects of religion. This includes those aspects common to all organizations and those unique to religious organizations.Authors recommendNancy Tatom Ammerman, Congregation and Community (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1997) and Nancy Tatom Ammerman, Pillars of Faith: American Congregations and Their Partners (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2005).No organization, religious or otherwise, is an island. Each is surrounded by a unique environment, and each is embedded in a network of social and organizational ties. These two works by Ammerman explore the ecologies and networks that shape the identity and behaviour of religious congregations.Ross P. Scherer, American Denominational Organization: A Sociological View (Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1980).This edited volume serves as an introduction to the structure and operations of different religious organizational forms, including denominations, Catholic religious orders, theological schools, and 'parachurch' mission societies. It also has three chapters addressing issues of change and conflict in religious organizations.Mark Chaves, Ordaining Women: Culture and Conflict in Religious Organizations (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997).Why did some denominations adopt policies allowing the ordination of women earlier than others? What explains the lag between adoption of the policy and actual implementation? Chaves applies ideas in organizational studies and social movements to understand these issues.Roger Finke and Rodney Stark, The Churching of America, 1776–2005: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2005).Finke and Stark explore the dynamics underlying historical patterns of denominational growth and decline in the United States. Drawing upon ideas in economics, organizational studies, and other related disciplines they argue that American religious history can be understood as marketplace in which religious groups and organizations compete for resources.N. J. Demerath III, Peter Dobkin Hall, Terry Schmitt, and Rhys H. Williams (eds.), Sacred Companies: Organizational Aspects of Religion and Religious Aspects of Organizations (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1998).An interdisciplinary collection of authors examines the intersection of research on religion, organizations, and social movements. Chapters include essays and empirical studies, mostly pertaining to religious organizations. They cover prominent organizational forms (denominations, congregations, and religious non‐profits) and incorporate theories drawn from organizational sociology, social movements, economics, and the sociology of religion.Online materials1. The Association of Religion Data Archives http://www.thearda.com/ The Association of Religion Data Archives (ARDA) contains over 400 freely downloadable data files focusing on religion in the United States and around the world. The site also features many interactive online tools, including QuickStats on religious beliefs and behaviors, denominational profiles and statistics, and maps of religious, social and demographic information. Instructors and students will be particularly interested in the ARDA's Learning Center, which features downloadable 'Learning Modules' and other classroom resources.2. The Pluralism Project http://www.pluralism.org/ The Pluralism Project at Harvard University aims to 'help Americans engage with the realities of religious diversity through research, outreach, and the active dissemination of resources'. The website contains a variety of tools for students and instructors, including online slideshows of religious communities around the United States. Check out the site's Teacher Resources page for syllabi, maps, weblinks, and many other valuable resources.3. Hartford Institute for Religion Research http://hirr.hartsem.edu/ The Hartford Institute's website is a virtual clearing house of information on religion research. It has content devoted to congregations, theology, denominations, religious leadership, and the sociology of religion as a field. Under these areas, you can find helpful summaries, bibliographies, and links. A special section on megachurches is especially popular.4. Faith Communities Today http://fact.hartsem.edu/ This is the homepage for a major collection of data on religious congregations. The Faith Communities Today (FACT) survey was first conducted in 2000 and has been repeated in 2005 and 2008. You can access summaries of findings and other resources related to the study on this site.5. The U.S. Congregational Life Survey http://www.uscongregations.org/ Another valuable source of information on congregations comes from the U.S. Congregational Life Survey (USCLS), administered in 2001 and again in 2008. The USCLS is a nationally representative study of congregations and their worshippers. A novel feature of the USCLS is that it gathered information from both a leader and participants in each congregation. The website gives an overview of the survey, reports on key findings, and links to publications.6. Religion & Ethics Newsweekly http://www.pbs.org/wnet/religionandethics/ This is the website of a long‐running PBS series focusing on contemporary religion in the United States and abroad. Episodes are available online and often have relevance to the study of religious organizations. In addition, teachers can find other resources in the 'For Educators' section.Focus questions

How are religious organizations unique from other types of organizations, if at all?
What are common forms of religious organizations?
What research methods do sociologists use to study religious organizations?
What are the major forces that influence the success or failure of a religious organization?

Sample syllabus DESCRIPTION A sociological approach to religion emphasizes the collective, social nature of religion. Consequently, religious organizations are an important area of investigation for sociologists. The quantity and quality of research in this area have improved dramatically in recent decades. This course is an introduction to this burgeoning area of research. It explores organizational aspects of religion, including organizational forms, common methodologies, and prominent theories. OBJECTIVES At the completion of this course, students should be able to:

Describe common forms of religious organizations.
Identify methodological strategies for studying religious organizations.
Explain the relevance of prominent organizational theories to religious organizations.

SCHEDULE 1. Defining Religious Organizations Ross P. Scherer, American Denominational Organization: A Sociological View (Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1980).Thomas H. Jeavons, 'Identifying Characteristics of "Religious" Organizations: An Exploratory Proposal.' 79–95 in Sacred Companies: Organizational Aspects of Religion and Religious Aspects of Organizations, eds. N.J. Demerath III, Peter Dobkin Hall, Terry Schmitt, and Rhys H. Williams (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1998).Margaret Harris, 'Religious Congregations as Nonprofit Organizations: Four English Case Studies.' 307–320 in Sacred Companies: Organizational Aspects of Religion and Religious Aspects of Organizations, eds. N.J. Demerath III, Peter Dobkin Hall, Terry Schmitt, and Rhys H. Williams (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1998).Mark Chaves, 'Religious Organizations: Data Resources and Research Opportunities', American Behavioral Scientist 45 (2002): 1523–1549. 2. Religious Economies Theory Laurence R. Iannaccone, 'Why Strict Churches are Strong', American Journal of Sociology 99 (1988): 1180–1211. (Reprinted in Demerath et al.'s Sacred Companies, pp. 269–291.)R. Stephen Warner, 'Work in Progress toward a New Paradigm for the Sociological Study of Religion in the United States', American Journal of Sociology 98 (1993): 1044–1093.Rodney Stark and Roger Finke, 'A Theoretical Model of Religious Economies.' 193–217 in Acts of Faith: Explaining the Human Side of Religion (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000).Roger Finke and Rodney Stark, The Churching of America, 1776–2005: Winners and Loses in Our Religious Economy (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2005). 3. New Institutionalism Theory John W. Meyer and Brian Rowan, 'Institutional Organizations: Formal Structure as Myth and Ceremony', American Journal of Sociology 83 (1977): 340–363.Paul DiMaggio and Walter W. Powell, 'The Iron Cage Revisited: Institutional Isomorphism and the Collective Rationality in Organizational Fields', American Sociological Review 48 (1983): 147–160.Philip Selznick, 'Institutionalism "Old" and "New'' ', Administrative Science Quarterly 41 (1996): 270–277.Mark Chaves, Ordaining Women: Culture and Conflict in Religious Organizations (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997). 4. Organizational Ecology Theory Michael T. Hannan and John Freeman, 'The Population Ecology of Organizations', American Journal of Sociology 83 (1977): 929–984.J. Miller McPherson, 'An Ecology of Affiliation', American Sociological Review 48 (1983): 519–532.Pamela A. Popielarz and J. Miller McPherson, 'On the Edge or In Between: Niche Position, Niche Overlap, and the Duration of Voluntary Association Memberships', American Journal of Sociology 101 (1995): 698–721.Nancy Tatom Ammerman, Congregation and Community (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1997). 5. Resource Dependence Theory Richard Emerson, 'Power‐Dependence Relations', American Sociological Review 27 (1962): 31–41.Howard E. Aldrich and Jeffrey Pfeffer, 'Environments of Organizations', Annual Review of Sociology 2 (1976): 79–105.John P. Kotter, 'Managing External Dependence', The Academy of Management Review 4 (1979): 87–92.Roger Finke and Christopher P. Scheitle, 'Understanding Schisms: Theoretical Explanations for their Origins', 11–33 in Sacred Schisms: How Religions Divide, eds. James R. Lewis and Sarah M. Lewis (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2009).Seminar/project ideaAn Organizational Study of a CongregationMany religious studies courses have students visit a local congregation with the intent of learning about the theology or culture of a group. Such observational learning is valuable for students and likewise can be directed toward the organizational aspects of a congregation. Groups of students (either self‐selected or assembled by the professor) will study a local congregation for the semester. The study has two parts:

Congregational profile. Each group must describe the purpose, participants, and performance of their congregation. Purpose, participants, and performance represent core features of all organizations. In congregations, purpose/goals/mission often is shaped by denominational heritage. What is the purpose or mission of the congregation? Is it widely understood and agreed upon? Participants include leaders and laity. Who are they? Where did they come from? Why are they there? What do they do for the congregation? Performance involves what the congregation does and the outcome of such activity. What happens at worship services? What other programs does the congregation operate? And, most notably, is the congregation growing or declining?
Theoretical evaluation of current performance. Growth and decline in religious organizations are important outcomes for investigation. The final step of the group project is for students to apply one of the theories discussed in class to explain the growth or decline experienced in the congregation.

Answering these questions will require intensive investigative work. Group members should plan to attend the congregation's services and meetings, review relevant on‐line or print media from the congregation, and interview members and leaders.The semester‐long project will culminate with an oral presentation made in class and a written report submitted to the professor.(Final note to faculty: If possible, allow a day or two after all presentations have been made to discuss what groups' research overall says about the religious ecology of the local community. What types of religious groups are most prevalent in the area (Evangelical Protestant, Mainline Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, Mormon, other)? Which are growing? Which are declining? How does this compare to national trends? And, of course, return to the question of why.)Note
* Correspondence address: Pennsylvania State University. Email: cps153@psu.edu and Kevin_Dougherty@baylor.edu.

El objeto de esta tesis doctoral es el análisis de los instrumentos de gestión de calidad aplicables en Organizaciones No Gubernamentales de cooperación al Desarrollo (ONGD), su proceso de adopción y su incidencia potencial sobre el sector. Dentro del marco del objetivo último de impulsar el desarrollo sostenible, se ha definido un conjunto de objetivos, orientados a mejorar la eficacia y eficiencia de la cooperación al desarrollo. Estos objetivos se han estructurado en categorías, comprendiendo: · Objetivos de enfoque teórico y planteamiento general. · Objetivos relacionados con el proceso de elaboración de instrumentos de gestión de calidad (IGC). · Objetivos relacionados con el proceso de adopción/ implantación de IGC. Dentro de éste, pueden distinguirse tres subcategorías: o Relacionados con la implantación de IGC por ONGD individuales. o Relacionados con el conjunto de ONGD pertenecientes a la Coordinadora española de ONGD – CONGDE. o Relacionados con otras ONGD europeas. La tesis se enmarca en una línea de investigación sobre desarrollo sostenible que ha llevado a la defensa de otra tesis doctoral, en el mismo período, sobre Responsabilidad Social Corporativa. Tras una revisión inicial del estado del arte, se realizó un análisis detallado de los instrumentos de gestión de calidad existentes y su aplicabilidad potencial. La labor de campo se desarrolló en tres proyectos en paralelo: a) Proyecto de intervención en desarrollo de instrumentos de gestión de calidad (IGC) Este proyecto implicó la involucración directa de la candidata en el diseño y desarrollo de IGC particularizados para las necesidades del Tercer Sector (no lucrativo), y, en algunos casos, específicamente orientados a las ONGD. El proyecto abarcó varios IGC, con grados diferentes de implicación. El caso más significativo requirió la adscripción de la candidata tanto al comité técnico de normalización AENOR CTN165 (Ética) como al grupo de trabajo GT#4, que coordinadamente crearon la norma oficial UNE 165011 EX sobre sistemas de gestión en ONG. b) Proyecto de intervención en ONGD Este proyecto también se basaba en el enfoque de "Investigación desde dentro de la acción" (Action research) y requirió el análisis de la implantación de distintos IGC desde la perspectiva de la ONGD adoptante. La candidata se incorporó a la Junta Directiva de una ONGD española para dirigir un proyecto multianual de implantación de IGC a lo largo de sus sucesivas fases: adopción, integración en el sistema de gestión, y, finalmente, plena internalización. c) Análisis de la implantación El grado de adopción de los distintos IGC por parte de las ONGD españolas se evaluó cuantitativamente mediante una encuesta desarrollada en cooperación con la Coordinadora de ONGD españolas, CONGDE. Además del nivel de adopción, se analizaron las razones que habían llevado a la adopción de cada instrumento, el grado en que se habían alcanzado los objetivos iniciales, los problemas encontrados y el soporte que se consideraba deberían prestar organismos como la CONGDE. Las ONGD que participaron en este estudio fueron posteriormente convocadas a sesiones de trabajo y jornadas en las que se presentaron y discutieron los resultados, y se realizó un análisis cualitativo de las experiencias de implantación. El análisis de los resultados de estos proyectos también incluyó una comparación internacional y un posicionamiento respecto a la situación en otros países. Este proceso fue facilitado por una estancia de investigación de tres meses en el CRG de la École Polytechnique de París y la interacción directa con miembros de las asociaciones de ONGD de Francia y Reino Unido. El consiguiente análisis y discusión llevó a un conjunto de conclusiones, que se han presentado en distintos foros académicos y congresos de cooperación, algunas de las cuales se destacan brevemente a continuación: · La adopción de IGC por parte de las ONGD españolas ha alcanzado un punto de inflexión. Tras encontrar una marcada resistencia durante un largo período de tiempo, el ritmo de adopción se está acelerando significativamente. · Estrechamente relacionado con la conclusión anterior, los principales financiadores de las ONGD, así como otros grupos de interés, están gradualmente tomando en consideración, como un factor relevante, si las ONGD consideradas han adoptado con éxito IGC. Es particularmente relevante la evolución seguida por la AECI (Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional) hacia un enfoque, basado en parte en la aplicación de IGC, orientado al establecimiento de alianzas estables con las ONGD. · Se ha propuesto un modelo causal sobre la influencia en la gestión de las ONGD de la progresiva adopción por parte de los financiadores de los IGC. Este modelo supone un marco integrado de análisis de esta influencia y de las premisas sobre las que descansa. · Desde la perspectiva de la adopción de IGC, las ONGD pueden estratificarse en distintos niveles de madurez, correspondientes a las sucesivas etapas del ciclo de vida propuesto. Las organizaciones más avanzadas están completando la etapa de internalización, donde la gestión de calidad ya no es percibida como una actividad o unidad organizativa separada, sino que está íntimamente integrada en el propio tejido de la ONGD, formando parte natural de sus procesos de negocio, desde la planificación estratégica al control de gestión. En el extremo opuesto del espectro, muchas ONGD todavía tratan los IGC desde una perspectiva meramente táctica, como un prerrequisito para conseguir acceso a ciertos donantes o fuentes de financiación. · El déficit previamente existente en IGC aplicables en el entorno no lucrativo se está solventando gradualmente. No obstante, los instrumentos actuales aún tienen dificultades encontrando el equilibrio adecuado entre operatividad y legitimidad. · Si bien hace una década las ONGD de otros países europeos (Francia, Reino Unido.) estaban significativamente más avanzadas que las españolas en este ámbito, el rápido desarrollo que ha tenido lugar ha eliminado, si no invertido, esta diferencia. De estas conclusiones se destilan las aportaciones originales más relevantes, y se identifican posibles desarrollos futuros._________________________________________ ; The topic of this dissertation is the analysis of Quality Management Instruments (QMIs) applicable in Development oriented Non Governmental Organisations, their adoption process and their potential contribution. Within the ultimate goal of contributing to sustainable development, a set of objectives was defined, aiming at contributing to a more effective and efficient development cooperation. These objectives have been grouped into categories, encompassing those related to: · Overall theoretical framework and integrative approach. · The QMIs' development process. · The QMIs' adoption/implementation process. This can be further broken down into: o PMIs' adoption by individual DNGOs. o Spanish DNGOs (analyzed as a group). o DNGOs in other European countries. This dissertation has been developed between 2002 and 2008 by the candidate, while working full time as assistant professor in the Engineering Management Area at the Carlos III de Madrid University. It belongs to a line of research on sustainable development that led to another doctoral dissertation being completed in the same period on Corporate Social Responsibility. After an initial state of the art review, a detailed analysis of existing Quality Management instruments and their potential applicability was conducted. The field work then took place in three parallel projects:a) QMI development action research project project This project required direct involvement by the doctoral candidate in the actual design and development of Quality Management instruments tailored for the needs of the third (voluntary) sector, and, in some cases, specifically aimed at DNGOs. Several instruments were included, with various degrees of direct involvement. The most significant case entailed the candidate's membership in both the AENOR (Spanish official normalization agency) technical normalization committee CTN165 (Ethics) and the GT#4 work group, that jointly created the official UNE 165011 EX norm on NGO management systems. b) DNGO QM action research project This project was also based on an action research approach; it involved analysing the implementation of several QM instruments from the perspective of the adopting DNGO. The candidate joined the management committee of a Spanish DNGO to lead a multiyear project of QM instruments implementation through its various phases: adoption, integration within the management system and eventually full internalization. c) Implementation Analysis The degree of adoption of the various QM instruments by Spanish DNGOs was quantitatively evaluated through a survey carried out in cooperation with the DNGO council. Besides adoption level, the analysis encompassed reasons for adopting specific instruments, degree to which initial objectives had been fulfilled, major stumbling blocks and support required from organizations such as the DNGO council. DNGOs participating in this survey were then convened for seminars/workshops in which results were presented and discussed, and qualitative analysis of the experiences was carried out. The analysis of the results of these projects included an international comparison and positioning with respect to the situation in other countries. A three month research stay at Paris' École Polytechnique CRG and the direct interaction with members of the French and British DNGO platforms facilitated this process. The ensuing analysis and discussion led to a set of conclusions, which have been presented in various academic and development conferences, out of which a few are briefly highlighted here: · Adoption of QM instruments by Spanish NGOs has reached an inflexion point. After facing significant internal resistance for a lengthy period, adoption rate has recently increased sharply. · Intimately interrelated with the previous point, funding institutions and other relevant stakeholders are starting to make strategic use of QM instruments in their interaction with NGOs. Particularly telling is the evolution followed by the AECI (the Spanish International Cooperation Agency) towards a QMS based partnership approach with DNGOs. · A causal model of the influence on DNGO management of the gradual adoption by funding agents of QMIs is proposed, providing an integrated framework for the analysis of this influence and its underlying assumptions. · DNGOs can be classified in different maturity groups from the QMS perspective. A group of leading organizations are completing the QM internalization cycle, whereby QM is no longer perceived as a separate activity or organizational unit, but rather it is woven into the NGO's fabric, being a natural part of its management processes, from strategic planning to operational control. At the opposite end of the spectrum, many DNGOs still treat QM instruments from a strictly tactical perspective, as a mere prerequisite for gaining access to donors or funding sources. · The previous scarcity of QM instruments applicable in the voluntary sector is gradually being solved. However, existing instruments still find it difficult to strike a proper balance between effectiveness/specificity and legitimacy. · Even though one decade ago DNGOs from other european countries (France, UK .) were significantly more advanced than their Spanish counterparts in this field, the accelerated development that has taken place has eliminated, if not inverted, this difference. The conclusions are then distilled into the most relevant original contributions, and potential avenues for follow-up research are identified.

�쓽�븰怨�/諛뺤궗 ; [�븳湲�] [�쁺臾�] In 1962 the Korean economic growth rate was 2.6%, as compared to an estimated 3% population increase. In recognition of this fact that gains in improving our standard of living were being offset by concrrent gains in population growth, the national government included family planning in its Five Year Plan, and set the goals of reducing the rate of population growth to 2.5% by 1966 and to 2.0% by 1971. Along with such a national family planning program, the Department of Preventive Medicine, Yonsei University, College of Medicine initiated a pilot study of family planning in rural Korea, Koyang in order to demonstrate the possibilities of reducing the community birth rate by introducing simple and feasible contraceptive methods into a predominantly rural population The experiences and findings gained in this Koyang study, which were reported elsewhere by Yang, Bang and Kim, provideda guideline to help determine the basic factors on which to develop the national family planning program. However, in spite of the rapid and far reaching spread of the national family planning program and the considerable amount of budget and personnel resources used in 1962-1964, there had been no baseline data to assess the efficiency and effectiveness of the program. In order to obtain such essential data, a nationwide sample survey was conducted as a joint and cooperative effort of the Yonsei University, Planned Parenthood Federation of Korea, Ministry of Health and Social Affairs and Economic Planning Board in April 1964 by which to assess the current status of family planning and to provide some basic data to measure its effectiveness for the on-going program in family planning. Purpose of the Study In the present paper, utilizing the survey data from the national sample, the author has undertaken a study to measure what extent the family planning program has spread in Korea in terms of know-ledge, attitude, and practice of the family planning and to analyze how such family planning variables are related to socio-cultural backgrounds of Korean couples. The Data and Method of Analysis All our data are from interviews with Korean married women in the child bearing years (15-50) and interviewed in 1964. In sampling design, multiple stratified random sampling with l/l,000 sampling fraction was applied, and 4,867 households (equivalent to 1% of inhabitants in Korea in 1964) were sampled. From among those sampled households, 4,008 wives and 3,966 husbands were interviewed. Only 3,805 households were considered to be eligible for the purpose of our study as we limited the study to the households in which one or more married women under 50 years of age are currently living with their husbands. Thus, in this survey 4,708 wives and 3,966 husbands were interviewed from April 15 to 23, 1964,by 180 enumerators of Economic Planning Board to whom a two-day training was given by the Yonsei University. The questionnaires designed by the Department includes 19 questions relevant to knowledge, attitude and practice in family planning, fertility and socio-cultural background of the respondents as shown in the attached. In analysis, we deal with two groups of variables-one related to family planning, and the other to the socio-cultural background of the respondents. Family planning variables (as dependent variables)include; knowledge of contraceptive methods, attitude toward family planning and number of children, and practice of contraception, Socio-cultural variables (as independent variables)are limited to age, education and occupation, residence, and number of living children. In the tabulation, both dependent and independent variables were first tabulated, then, we cross tabulated both variables in order to see how the dependent variables are affected by each class of the independent variables. Findings A. Knowledge of family planning 1. 71% of wives and 97% of husbands had heard of the word "family planning" and the rate were higher among young couples aged under 39 than that aged over 40. 2. 51% of wives and 62% of husbands knew of contraceptive methods such as condom, sterilization, foam tablet, rhythm method and coitus interruptus. This contraceptive knowledge was known t?67% of city and 46% of women in the rural county. 3. The media through which they had heard of contraceptive method were acquaintances, magazines, health centers, lecture meetings, National Reconstruction Movement workers, physicians and drug-stores in that order But there were remarkable differences between urban and rural areas. In the counties, the order of media from which they had heard of contraceptive method was health center, radio, acquaintances, magazines, lectures, National Reconstruction Movement workers, physicians and drugstores while in cities this knowledge was through acquaintances, radio, magazines, newspapers, physicians, health centers, lectures, National Reconstruction Movement workers and drug-stores. B. Attitude toward family Planning 1. Ideal number of children Their ideal number of children (I.N.C.) averaged 4.1 (2.5 sons and 1.6 daughters) and there was little difference between husband and wife, excluding those who had never thought of such an ideal number of children. But the number differed largely by the age of respondents. Wives under 34 and husbands under39 wished 2 sons and 1 daughter as their ideal number of children while those over 35 in wive sand in husbands over 40 were 3.2 as their I.N.C. The ideal number of children varied noticeably by the occupation of the respondent. The rural respondents wanted 4.2 children (2.6 sons and 1.6 daughters) while in the city respondents wanted 3.7 (2.3 sons and 1.4 daughters). 2. Attitude toward contraception 44.4% of wives and 45.1% of husbands wanted to practice contraception. Among those who disagreed to practice contraception, 60% of them wanted more children,24% disagreed due to their old age, 2% had had sterilizing operations. Less than 1% of the respondents were' against contraception due to religious and ethical reasons. Wives in the age group 30-39 wanted to practice contraception in the highest percentage(61%). Only 42% of wives residing in rural areas wanted to practice contraception while in cities 53% wanted to. The women who had 4 or 5 children wanted most to practice contraception. It was found that approval of contraception for spacing of children was considered good by 11% of women who had no children, 23% of women who had 1 child, 35% of women who had 2 children and 45% of women who had 3 children. C. Practice of contraception 1. Rate of practicing contraception Among 4,008 respondents (wife), 9% or 364 women were practicing contraception, 3% or 115 women had ever practiced contraception and 39% or 1,951 women had never practiced even though they knew of one or more contraceptive methods. The responses of husbands were about the same as those of the wives. The percentage of current users by age was highest in the 30-35 (13.5%) and next in the 20-29 age group (8%). In urban areas 19% of the interviewed women were practicing contraception while in rural area only 6% were practicing. 2. Kind of method practicing The common contraceptive methods used were foam tablet (2i%), rhythm method (23%), condom (22%). Other methods were jelly (9%), douche (6%), coitus interruptus (5%),sterilization operation (2%), diaphragm (2%), and others (3%). There was small difference by age and by residence. D. Fertility 1. Number of live-births The average number of live-births of the Questioned women so far delivered was 4.15 (4.06 in urban, 4.18 in rural). The average number of live-births by age was 4.24 in the 30-34 age group and 6.46 in the 45-49 age group. And those by duration of marriage were 3.8 children in the 10-14years group, 5.0 in 15-19 years group, 6.1 in 20-24, 6.8 in 25-29, 7.0 in the group of 30 years or older respectively. 2. Current pregnancy The number of women who were definitely pregnant at the time of the survey was 354 or8.8% and those who were doubtful of pregnancy was 151 or 3.8%. 3. Induced abortion 93% of women had never had an induced abortion. The average number of induced abortions in those who had had an induced abortion was 1.6 per woman. Among those who were 30-39age group, 9.7% had had an induced abortion as the highest percentage. Of those who had had 15-19 years of marital life, 10.6% had had one or more induced abortion, indicating the highest percentage. 15.5% of the women residing in urban areas have ever had an abortion, and the rate was higher than that of the rural woman which was 4.1%. 4. Sterility 7.2% of total number of respondents (wife) were sterile. Among those 1.3% had primary sterility and 5.9% had secondary sterility. Summary In order to evaluate the national family planning program in Korea, 4,008 wives and 3,956 husbands were interviewed from April 15 to 23, 1964. In the present paper, the author has analyzed such a survey data to measure what extent the family planning program has spread in Korea in terms of knowledge, attitude and practice of the family planning and to analyze how such family planning variables are related to socio-cultural backgrounds7f Korean couples. A brief summary of findings are follows: 1. This survey proved that a large number of people has been exposed to the information and education services of the family planning program, and high proportion of couples has been informed about the word of family planning as well as the methods of contraception. 2. A strong consensus existed in all strata of the society that a moderate number of children is desirable. The husbands and wives wanted three, four, or five children-preferably with at least two sons. There was little indication of desire for the very large family 3. Under current mortality conditions, however, most couples were having the children they wanted by the time they were in their thirties. 4. An overwhelming majority approved the idea of family planning and favored some type of family limitation. The major objection to family planning lies in the age old affection for large families, and not necessarily due to religion or a cede of ethics 5. Therefore, to control the excess births, same were having induced abortion but a sizable minority had tried some form of family planning. 6. As might be expected, this analysis proved that the modern strata with lowest ideal number of children and most practice of family planning were identified as the most literate and educated, those with the least farm background, those employed in the modern economic sector. 7. It was also clear that the demand for and interest in family planning were not limited to an elite modern group. The farmers and the illiterates, for example, wanted about the same thing with respect to family size, but they seemed to need information and services to move them to action. Thus, these findings helped to shape the form and scope of the national family planning program in giving the first priority to help those who wanted to limit family size and to reach the less advanced strata. Finally, this analysis of the survey data should help not only in evaluating the ongoing national family planning program but also in making plans for target populations in the next stages of the program in family planning. ; restriction

Siba Grovogui on IR as Theology, Reading Kant Badly, and the
Incapacity of Western Political Theory to Travel very far in Non-Western
Contexts




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The study of International Relations is founded on a
series of assumptions that originate in the monotheistic traditions of the West.
For Siba Grovogui, this realization provoked him to question not only IR but to
broaden his enquiries into a multidisciplinary endeavor that encompasses law
and anthropology, journalism and linguistics, and is informed by stories and
lessons from Guinea. In this Talk, he
discusses the importance of human encounters and the problem with the Hegelian
logic which distorts our understanding of our own intellectual development and
the trajectory of the discipline of IR.




Print version of this Talk (pdf)




What is, according to you, the biggest challenge / principal
debate in current IR? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in
this debate?



I don't want to be evasive, but I
actually don't think that International Relations as a field has an object
today. And that is the problem with International Relations since Martin Wight and Stanley Hoffmann and all of
those people debated what International Relations was, whether it was an
American discipline, etc. I believe you can look at International Relations in
multiple ways: if you think of à
la Hoffmann, as a tool of dominant power, International Relations is to this
empire what anthropology was to the last. This not only has to do with the
predicates upon which it was founded initially but with its aspirations, for International
Relations shares with Anthropology the ambition to know Man—and I am using here
a very antiquated language, but that is what it was then—to know Man in certain
capacities. In the last empire, anthropology focused on the cultural dimension
and, correspondingly separated culture from civilization in a manner that
placed other regions of the world in subsidiarity vis-à-vis Europe and European
empires. In the reigning empire, IR has focused on the management and administration
of an empire that never spoke its name, reason, or subject.



Now you can believe all the stories
about liberalism and all of that stuff, but although it was predicated upon
different assumptions, the ambition is still the same: it is actually to know
Man, the way in which society is organized, to know how the entities function,
etc. If you look at it that way, then International Relations cannot be the
extension of any country's foreign policy, however significant. This is not to
say that the foreign policies of the big countries do not matter: it would be
foolish not to study them and take them into account, because they have greater
impact than smaller countries obviously. But International Relations is not—or
should not be—the extension of any country's foreign policy, nor should it be
seen as the agglomeration of a certain restricted number of foreign policies.
International Relations suggests, again, interest in the configurations of
material, moral, and symbolic spaces as well as dynamics resulting from the
relations of moral and social entities presumed to be of equal moral standings
and capacities.



If one sees it that way then we must
reimagine what International Relations should be. Foreign policy would be an
important dimension of it, but the field of foreign policy must be understood primarily
in terms of its explanations and justifications—regardless of whether these are
bundled up as realism, liberalism, or other. Today, these fields provide different
ways of explaining to the West, for itself, as a rational decision, or a
justification to the rest, that what it has done over the past five centuries,
from conquest to colonization and slavery and colonialism, is 'natural' and
that any political entities similarly situated would have done it in that same
manner. It follows therefore that this is how things should be. Those justifications,
explanations, and rationalizations of foreign policy decisions and events are
important to understand as windows into the manners in which certain regions
and political entities have construed value, interest, and ethics. But they still
belong, in some significant way, to a different domain than what is implied by
the concept of IR.



I am therefore curious about the
so-called debates about the nature of politics and the proper applicable
science or approach to historical foreign policy realms and domains, particularly
those of the West: I don't consider those debates to be 'big debates' in
International Relations, because they are really about how the West sees itself
and justifies itself and how it wants to be seen, and thus as rational. For the
West (as assumed by so-called Western scholars), these debates extend the
tradition of exculpating the West and seeing the West as the regenerative,
redemptive, and progressive force in the world. All of that language is about
that. So when you say to me, what are the debates, I don't know what they are,
so far, really, in International Relations. The constitution of the
'international', the contours and effects of the imaginaries of its
constituents, and the actualized and attainable material and symbolic spaces
within it to realize justice, peace, and a sustainable order have thus far
eluded the authoritative disciplinary traditions.



Consider the question of China today, as
it is posed in the West. The China question, too, emerges from a particular
foreign policy rationale, which may be important and particular ways to some
people or constituencies in the West but not in the same way to others, for
instance in Africa. The narrowness of the framing of the China question is why in
the West many are baffled about how Africa has been receiving China, and
China's entry into Latin America, etc. In relation to aid, for instance, if you
are an African of a certain age, or you know some history, you will know that
China formulated its foreign aid policy in 1964 and that nothing has changed.
And there are other elements, such as foreign intervention and responsibility
to self and others where China has had a distinct trajectory in Africa.



In
some regard, China may even be closer in outlook to postcolonial African states
than the former colonial powers. For instance, neither China nor African states
consider the responsibility to protect, to be essentially Western. In this
regard, it is worth bearing in mind for instance that Tanzania intervened in Uganda to depose Idi Amin in
1979; Vietnam ended the Khmer Rouge tyranny in Cambodia in 1979; India
intervened in Bangladesh in 1971—it wasn't the West. So those kinds of
understandings of responsibility, in the way they are framed today in the post-Cold
War period, superimposes ideas of responsibility that were already there and
were formulated in Bandung in 1955: differences between intervention and
interference, the latter of which today comes coded as regime change, were
actually hardly debated. So our imaginaries of the world and how it works, of responsibility,
of ethics, etc., have always had to compete with those that were formulated
since the seventeenth century in Europe, as "international ethics",
"international law", "international theory". And in fact that long history full
of sliding concepts and similar meanings may be one of the problems for
understanding how the world came into being as we know it today. And this is
why actually my classes here always begin with a semester-long discussion of
hermeneutics, of historiography, and of ethnography in IR and how they have
been incorporated.





How
did you arrive at where you currently are in IR?



I came to where I am now essentially
because of a sense of frustration, that we have a discipline that calls itself
"international" and yet seemed to be speaking either univocally or
unidirectionally: univocally in imagining the world and unidirectionally in the
way it addresses the rest of the world, and a lot of problems result from that.




I had trained as a lawyer in Guinea, and
when I came to the US I imagined that International Relations would be taught
at law school, which is the case in France, most of the time, and also in some
places in Germany in the past, because it is considered a normative science
there. But when I came here I was shocked to discover that it was going to be
in a field called Political Science, but I went along with it anyway. In the
end I did a double major: in law, at the law school in Madison, Wisconsin, and
in political science. When I came to America and went the University of
Wisconsin, I first took a class called "Nuclear Weapons and World Politics" or
something of the sort, it was more theology and less science. It was basically
articulated around chosen people and non-chosen people, those who deserve to
have weapons and those who don't. There was no rationale, no discussion of
which countries respected the Non-Proliferation Treaty, no reasoning in terms of which
countries had been wiser than others in using weapons of mass destruction,
etc.: there was nothing to it except the underlying, intuitive belief that if
something has to be done, we do it and other people don't. I'm being crass
here, but let's face it: this was a course I took in the 1980s and it is still
the same today! So I began to feel that this is really more theology and less
science. Yes, it was all neatly wrapped in rationalism, in game theory, all of
these things. So I began to ask myself deeper questions, outside of the ones
they were asking, so my Nuclear Weapons and World Politics class was really
what bothered me, or you could say it was some kind of trigger.



This way of seeing IR is related to the
fact that I don't share the implicit monotheist underpinnings of the
discipline. That translates into my perhaps unorthodox teaching style,
unorthodox within American academia anyway. Teaching all too often tends to be
less about understanding the world and more about proselytizing. In order to
try to explore this understanding I like to bring my students to consider the
world that has existed, to imagine that sovereignty and politics can be
structured differently, especially outside of monotheism with its likening of
the sovereign to god, the hierarchy modeled on the church, Saint Peter, Jesus,
God, uniformity and the power of life (to kill or let live), and to understand
that there have always been places where the sovereign was not in fact that
revered. Think of India, for example, where people have multiple gods, and some
are mischievous, some are promiscuous, some are happy and some are mean, so
there are lots of conceptions and some of these don't translate well into
different cultural contexts. The same, incidentally, goes for the Greek gods.
Of course, we had to make the Greeks Christians first, before we drew our
lineage to them. You see what I mean? Christianity left a very deep impact on
Western traditions. Whether you think of political parties and a parallel to
the Catholic orders: if you are a Jesuit, the Jesuits are always right; if you
are a Franciscan, the Franciscans are always right. The Franciscans for instance
think they have the monopoly on Christian social teaching. In a similar way, it
doesn't matter what your political party does, you follow whatever your party
says. The same thing happens when you study: are you a realist, are you
liberalist, etc. You are replicating the Jesuits, the Franciscans, those monks
and their orders. But we are all caught within that logic, of tying ourselves
into one school of thought and going along with one "truth" over another,
instead of permitting multiple takes on reality..



For me, as a non-monotheist myself,
everything revolves around this question of truth: whether truth is given or
has to be found and how we find it. Truth has to be found, discovered, revealed—we
have to continuously search. The significant point is that we never find it
absolutely. Truth is always provisional, circumstantial, and pertinent to a
context or situation. We all want truth and it is always evading us, but we
must look for it. But I don't think that truth is given. It is in the Bible,
the Quran, and the Torah. And I am
comfortable with that but I am not in the realm of theology. I dwell on human
truths and humans are imperfect and not omniscient, at least not so
individually. 



If I had the truth, then I might be one
of those dictators governing in Africa today. I was raised a Catholic by the
way, I almost went to the seminary. If you just think through the story of the
Revelation in profane terms, you come to the realization that ours are multiple
revelations. Again in theology, one truth is given at a time—the Temple Mount,
the Tablets, and all that stuff—but that is not in our province. I leave that
to a different province and that is unattainable to me. The kind of revelation
I want is the one that goes through observing, through looking, through
deliberating, through inquiry—that I am comfortable with. There can be a
revelation in terms of meeting the unexpected, for example: when I went to the
New World, to Latin America for the first time, I said, 'wow, this is
interesting'. That was through my own senses, but it had a lot to do with the
way I prepared myself in order to receive the world and to interact with the
world. That kind of revelation I believe in. The other one is beyond me and I'm
not interested in that. When I want to be very blasphemous, even though I was
raised a Catholic, I tell my students: the problem with the Temple Mount is
that God did not have a Twitter account, so the rest of us didn't hear it—we
were not informed. I don't have the truth, and I don't really don't want to
have it.





What
would a student need to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a
global way?



I am not sure I want to make a canonical
recommendation, if that's what you are asking me for. Let me tell you this: I
have trained about eleven PhD students, and none of them has ever done what I
do. I am not interested in having clones, I don't want to recreate theology,
and in fact I feel this question to betray a very Western disposition, by
implying the need to create canons and theology. I don't want that. What I want
is to understand the world, and understanding can be done in multiple ways:
people do it through music, through art, through multiple things. The problem
for me, however, is actually the elements, assumptions, predicates of studies
and languages that we use in IR, the question to whom they make sense—I am
talking about the types of ethnographies, the ways in which we talk about
diplomatic history, and all of those things. The graduate courses that I was
talking about have multiple dimensions, but there are times in my seminars here
where I just take a look at events like what happened in the New World from
1492 to 1600. This allows me to talk about human encounters. The ones we have
recorded, of people who are mutually unintelligible, are the ones that took
place on this continent, the so-called New World. And what this does is that it
allows me to talk about encounters, to talk about all of the possibilities—you
know the ones most people talk about in cultural studies like creolization,
hybridization, and all those things—and all of the others things that happened
also which are not so helpful, such as violence, usurpation, and so forth.



What that allows me to do is to cut
through all this nonsense—yes I am going to call it nonsense—that projects the
image that what we do today goes back to Thucydides and has been handed down to
us through history to today. There are many strands of thought like that. If
you think about thought, and Western thought in general, all of those
historically rooted and contingent strands of thought have something to do with
how we construct social scientific fields of analysis today—realism,
liberalism, etc.—so I'm not dispensing with that. What I'm saying is that
history itself has very little to do with those strands of thought, and that
people who came here—obviously you had scientists who came to the New World—but
the policies on the ground had nothing to do with Thucydides, nothing to do
with Machiavelli, etc. Their practices actually had more to do with the
violence that propelled those Europeans from their own countries in seeking
refuge, and how that violence shaped them, the kind of attachments they had.
But it also had to do with the kind of cultural disposition here, and the
manner in which people were able to cope, or not. Because that's where we are
today in the post-Cold War era, the age of globalization, we must provide
analyses that are germane to how the constituents (or constitutive elements) of
the historically constituted 'international' are coping with our collective
inheritance. For me, this approach is actually much more instructive. This has
nothing to do with the Melian Dialogue and the like.



All of the stuff projected today as
canonical is interesting to me but only in limited ways. I actually read the
classics and have had my students read them, but try to get my students to read
them as a resource for understanding where we are today and how we were led
there, rather than as a resource for justifying or legitimating the manner in
which European conducted their 'foreign' policies or their actions in the New
World. No. I know enough to know that no action in the New World or elsewhere
was pre-ordained, unavoidable, or inevitable. The resulting political entities
in the West must assume the manners in which they acted. It is history,
literally. And of course we know through Voltaire, we know through Montaigne, we know even through Roger Bacon, that even in those times people realized that in
fact the world had not been made and hence had not been before as it would
become later; that other ways were (and still) are possible; and that the
pathologies of the violence of religious and civil wars in Europe conditioned
some the behaviours displayed in the New World and Africa during conquest and
enslavement.



For the same reason I recommend students
to read Kant: I tell them to read Kant as a resource for understanding how we might
think about the world today, but I am compelled to say often to my students
that before Kant, hospitality, and such cultural intermediaries as theDragomans in the Ottoman Empire, the Wangara in West Africa, the Chinese Diaspora in East and
Southeast Asia, and so forth, enabled commerce across continents for centuries
before Europe was included into the existing trading networks. This is not to
dismiss Kant, it is simply to force students to put Kant in conversation with a
different trajectory of the development of commercial societies, cross-regional
networks, and the movements to envisage laws, rules, and ethics to enable
communications among populations and individual groups.



This approach causes many people to ask
whether the IR programme at Johns Hopkins really concerns IR theory or something
else. I actually often get those kinds of questions, and they are wedded to
particular conceptions of IR. I am never able to give a fixed and quick answer
but I often illustrate points that I wish to make. Consider how scholars and
policymakers relate the question of sovereignty to Africa. Many see African
sovereignty as problem, either because they think it is abused or stands in the
way of humanitarian or development actions by supposed well-meaning Westerners.
I attempt to have my students think twice when sovereignty is evoked in that
way: 'sovereignty is a problem; the extents to which sovereignty is a problem
in Africa; and why sovereignty is unproblematic in Europe or America'. This
questioning and bracketing is not simply a 'postmodernist' evasion of the
question.



Rather, I invite my students to
reconsider the issue: if sovereignty is your problem, how do you think about the
problem? For me, this is a much more interesting question; not what the problem
is. For instance, if you start basing everything around a certain mythology of
the Westphalia model, particularly when you begin to see everything as either
conforming to it (the good) or deviating from it (the bad), then you have lost
me. Because before Westphalia there were actually many ways in which sovereigns
understood themselves, and therefore organized their realms, and how
sovereignty was experienced and appreciated by its subjects. Westphalia is a crucial
moment in Europe in these regards—I grant you that. If you want to say what is
wrong with Westphalia, that's fine too. But if Westphalia is your starting
point, the discussion is unlikely to be productive to me. Seriously!





In
your work on political identity in Africa, such as your contribution to the
2012 volume edited by Arlene Tickner and David Blaney, the terms periphery,
margin, lack of historicity recur frequently. What regional or perhaps even
global representational protagonism can you envisage for IR studies emerging
from Africa and its spokespeople?



The subjects of 'periphery' and 'marginalization'
come into my own thinking from multiple directions. One of them has to do with
the African state and the kind of subsidiarity it has assumed from the
colonization onward. That's a critique of the state of affairs and a commentary
on how Africa is organized and is governed. But I do also use it sometimes as a
direct challenge to people who think they know the world. And my second book, Beyond Eurocentrism and Anarchy (2006), was actually about that, and that book
was triggered by an account of an event in Africa, that everybody in African
Studies has repeated and still continues to repeat, which is this: in June
1960, Africans went to defend France, because
France asked them to. This is to say that nobody could imagine that
Africans—and I am being careful here in terms of how people describe Africans—understood
that they had a stake in the 'world' under assault during World War II. And so
the book actually begins with a simple question: in 1940, which France would
have asked Africans to defend it: Vichy France which was under German control,
or the Germans who occupied half of France? But the decision to defend France
actually came partly from a discussion between French colonial officers in Chad
and African veterans of World War I, who decided that the world had to be
restructured for Africa to find its place in it. They didn't do it for France,
because it's a colonial power, they did it for the world. That's the thing. And
Pétain, to his credit, is the only French
official who asked the pertinent question about that, in a letter to his
minister of justice (which is an irony, because justice under Pétain was a
different question) he said: 'I am puzzled, that in 1918 when we were
victorious, Africans rebelled; in 1940, we are defeated, and they come to our
aid. Could you explain that to me?' The titular head of Vichy had the decency
to ask that. By contrast, every scholar of Africa just repeated, 'Oh, the
French asked Africans to go fight, and the Africans showed up'.



Our inability to understand that Africa
actually sees itself as a part of the world, as a manager of the world, has so
escaped us today that in the case of Libya for instance, when people were
debating, you saw in every single newspaper in the world, including my beloved Guardian, that the African Union decided
this, but the International Community decided that, as if Africans had
surrendered their position in the international society to somebody: to the
International Community. People actually said that! The AU, for all its 'wretchedness',
after all represents about a quarter of the member states of the UN. And yet it
was said the AU decided this and the International Community decided that. The
implication is that the International Community is still the West plus Japan
and maybe somebody else, and in this case it was Qatar and Saudi Arabia: "good
citizens of the world", very "good democracies" etc. That's how deeply-set that
is, that people don't even check themselves. Every time they talk they chuck
Africa out of the World.  Nobody says,
America did this and the International Community decided that. All I am saying
is that our mindscapes are so deeply structured that nothing about Africa can
be studied on its own, can be studied as something that has universal
consequence, as something that has universal value, as something that might be
universalizing—that institutions in Africa might actually have some good use to
think about anything. Otherwise, people would have asked them how did colonial
populations—people who were colonized—overcome colonial attempts to strip them
of their humanity and extend an act of humanity, of human solidarity, to go
fight to defend them? And what was that about? Even many Africans fail to ask
that question today!



And it could be argued that this
thinking is, to some degree, down to widespread ignorance about Africa. We all
are guilty of this. And oddly, especially intellectuals are guilty of this, and
worse. Let me give you an example: recently I was in Tübingen in Germany, and I
went into a store to buy some shoes—a very fine store, wonderful people—and I
can tell you I ended up having a much more rewarding conversation with the
people working in the shoe shop than I had at Tübingen University. Because
there was a real curiosity. You would like to think that it is not so unusual
in this day and age that a person from Guinea teaches in America, but you
cannot blame them for being curious and asking many questions. At the
university, in contrast, they actually are making claims, and for me that is no
longer ignorance, that is hubris.





Your work presents an original take on the role of
language in International Relations. How is language tied up with IR theory?



The language problem has many, many
layers. The first of these is, simply, the issue of translation. If I were, for
instance, to talk to someone in my father's language about Great Power
Responsibility, they would look totally lost. Because in Guinea we have been what
white people call stateless or acephalous societies, the notion that one power
should have responsibility for another is a very difficult concept to
translate, because you are running up against imaginaries of power, of
authority, etc. that simply don't exist. So when you talk about such social scientific
categories to those people, you have to be aware of all the colonial era
enlightenment inheritances in them. When we talk about International Relations
in Africa, we thus bump into a whole set of problems: the primary problem of
translating ideas from here into those languages; another in capturing what
kind of institutions exist in those languages; and a third issue has to do with
how you translate across those languages. Consider for instance the difference
between Loma stateless societies in the rain forest
in Guinea, and Malinke who are very hierarchical, especially since SundiataKeita came to power in the 13th
century. But the one problem most people don't talk about is the very one that
is obsessing me now, is the question how I, as an African, am able to communicate
with you through Kant, without you assuming that I am a bad reader of Kant.



The difference that I am trying to make
here is actually what in linguistics is called vehicular language which is
distinct from vernacular language. Because a lot of you assume that vehicular language
is vernacular—that there is Latin and the rest is vernacular; that there is a
proper reading of Kant and everything else is vernacular; or you have
cosmopolitan and perhaps afropolitan and everything else is the vernacular of
it. But this is not in fact always the case. The most difficult thing for
linguists to understand, and for people in the social sciences to understand,
is that Kant, Hegel and other thinkers can avail themselves as resources that one
uses to try to convey imaginaries that are not always available to others—or to
Kant himself for that matter. And it is not analogical—it is not 'this is the
African Machiavelli'. It is easy to talk about power using Machiavelli, but to
smuggle into Machiavelli different kind of imaginaries is more difficult.
Nonetheless, I use Machiavelli because there is no other language available to
me to convey that to you, because you don't speak my father's language.



Moreover, there is a danger for instance
when I speak with my students that they may hear Machiavelli even when I am not
speaking of him, and I warn them to be very careful. Machiavelli is a way to
bring in a different stream of understanding of Realpolitik, but it's not entirely Machiavelli. If you spoke my
father's language, I would tell you in my father's language, but that is not
available to me here, so Machiavelli is a vehicle to talk about something else.
Sometimes people might say to me 'what you are saying sounds to me like Kant
but it's not really Kant' then I remind them that before Kant there were
actually a lot of people who talked about the sublime, the moral, the
categorical imperative, etc. in different languages; and if you are patient
with me then we will get to the point when Kant belongs to a genealogy of
people who talked about certain problems differently, and in that context Kant
is no longer a European: I place Kant in the context of people who talk about
politics, morality, etc. differently and I want to offer you a bunch of
resources and please, please don't package me, because you don't own the
interpretation of Kant, because even in your own context in Europe today Kant
is not your contemporary, so you are making a lot of translations and I am
making a lot of translations to get to something else: it is not that I am not
a bad reader.



At an ISA conference I once was attacked
by a senior colleague in IR for being a bad reader of Hegel, and I had to
explain to him that while my using Hegel might be an act of imposition, and a
result of having been colonized and given Hegel, but at this particular moment
he should consider my gesture as an act of generosity, in the sense that I was
reading Hegel generously to find resources that would allow him to understand
things that he had no idea exist out there, and Hegel is the only tool
available to me at this moment. But because all of you believe in one theology
or another, he insisted that if I spoke Hegelian then I was Hegelian, and I
retorted that I was not, but that deploying Hegel was merely an instance of
vehicular language, allowing me to explore certain predicates, certain precepts
and assumptions, and that is all. In this way, I can use Kant, or Hegel, or
Hobbes, or Locke, and my problem when I do this is not with those thinkers—I
can ignore the limitations of their thinking which was conditioned by the
realities of their time—my problem is with those people who think they own
traditions originating from long dead European thinkers. Thus, my problem today
is less with Kant than with Kantians.



Or take Hobbes: Hobbes talked about the
body in the way that it was understood in his time, and about human faculties
in the way that they were understood at that time. Anybody who quotes Hobbes
today about the faculties of human nature, I have to ask: when was the last
time you read biology? I am not saying that Hobbes wasn't a very smart man; he
was an erudite, and I am not joking. It is not his problem that people are
still trivializing human faculties and finding issue with his view of how the
body works—of course he was wrong on permeability, on cohabitation, on what
organs live in us, etc.—he was giving his account of politics through metaphors
and analogies that he understood at that time. When I think about it this way, my
problem is not that Hobbes didn't have a modern understanding of the body, the
distribution of the faculties and the extent of human capacities. Nor is my
problem that Hobbes is Western. My problem is not with Hobbes himself. My
problem is with all these realists who based their understanding of sovereignty
or borders strictly on Hobbes' illustrations but have not opened a current book
on the body that speaks of the faculties. If they did, even their own analogies
may begin to resonate differently. There is new research coming out all the
time on how we can understand the body, and this should have repercussions on
how we read Hobbes today.



The absence of contextualization and
historicization has proved a great liability for IR. Historicity allows one to
receive Hobbes and all those other writers without indulging in mindless
simplicities. It helps get away from simplistic divisions of the world—for
instance, the West here and Africa there—from the assumptions that when I speak
about postcolonialism in Africa I must be anti-Western. I am in fact growing very
tired of those kinds of categories. As a parenthesis, I must ask if some of those
guys in IR who speak so univocally and unidirectionally to others are even
capable of opening themselves up to hearing other voices. I must also reveal
that Adlai Stevenson, not some postcolonialist, alerted me
to the problem of univocality when he stated in 1954 during one UN forum that 'Everybody
needed aid, the West surely needs a hearing aid'. Hearing is indeed the one
faculty that the West is most in need of cultivating. The same, incidentally,
could be said of China nowadays.



One of the things I would like
to deny Western canonist is their inclination to think of the likes of Diderot as Westerners. In his Supplément au Voyage a Bougainville (1772), Diderot presents a
dialogue between himself and Orou, a native Tahitian. Voltaire wrote dialogues,
some real, some imaginary, about and with China. The authors' people were
reflecting on the world. It is hubris and an act of usurpation in the West
today to want to lay claim to everything that is perceived to be good for the
West. By the same token that which is bad must come from somewhere else. This
act of usurpation has led to the appropriation—or rather internal colonization—of
Diderot and Voltaire and like-minded philosophers and publicists who very much
engaged the world beyond their locales. I have quarrels with this act of
colonization, of the incipit parochialization of authors who ought not to be. I
have quarrels with Voltaire's characterization of non-Europeans at times; but I
have a greater quarrel with how he has been colonized today as distinctly European.
Voltaire rejected European orthodoxies of his day and opted explicitly to enter
into dialogue with Chinese and Africans as he understood them. Diderot, too, was
often in dialogue with Tahitians and other non-Europeans. In fact, the
relationship between Diderot and the Tahitian was exactly the same as the
relationship between Socrates and Plato, in that you have an older person
talking and a younger person and less wise person listening. A lot of Western
philosophy and political theory was actually generated—at least in the modern
period—after contact with the non-West. So how that is Western I don't know. I
encounter the same problem when I am in Africa where I am accused of being
Western just because I make the same literary references. It is a paradox today
that even literature is assigned an identity for the purpose of hegemony and/or
exclusion. Francis Galton (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francis_Galton) travelled widely and wrote dialogues from this
expedition in Africa, so how can we say to what extent the substance of such
dialogues was Western or British?





So in sum you are not trying to counter Western
thought, but do you feel that the African political experience and your own
perspective can bring something new to IR studies?



I am going to try and express
something very carefully here, because the theory of the state in Africa
brought about untold horrors—in Sierra Leone, in Liberia, and so on—so I am not
saying this lightly. But I have said to many people, Africans and non-Africans,
that I am glad that the postcolonial African state failed, and I wish many more
of them failed, and I'm sure a lot more will fail, because they correspond to
nothing on the ground. The idea of constitutions and constitutionalism came
with making arrangements with a lot of social elements that were generated by
certain entities that aspired to go in certain directions. What happened in
Africa is that somebody came and said: 'this worked there, it should work here'—and
it doesn't. I'll give you three short stories to illustrate this.



One of the presidents of postcolonial
Guinea, the one I despise the most, Lansana Conté (in office 1984-2008), also gave me one
of my inspirational moments. Students rebelled against him and destroyed
everything in town and so he went on national TV that day and said: 'You know
I'm very disheartened. I am disheartened about children who have become
Europeans.' Obviously the blame would be on Europe. He continued, 'They are
rude, they don't respect people or property. I understand that they may have
quarrels with me, but I also understand that we are Africans. And though we may
no longer live in the village', and it is important for me that he said that, 'though
we may no longer live in the village, when we move in the big city, the council
of elders is what parliament does for us now. We don't have the council of
elders, instead we have parliament. They, the students, can go to parliament
and complain about their father. I am their father, my children are older than
all of them. So in the village, they would have gone to the council of elders,
and they could have done this and I would have given them my explanation'. And
the next morning, the whole country turned against the students, because what
he had succeeded in doing was to touch and move people. They went to the head
of the student government, who said: 'The president was right. We had failed to
understand that our ways cannot be European ways, and we can think about our
modern institutions as iterations of what we had in the past, suited to our
circumstances, and so we should not do politics in the same way. I agree with
him, and in that spirit I want to say that among the Koranko ethnic group,
fathers let their children eat meat first, because they have growing needs, and
if the father doesn't take care of his children, then they take the children
away from the father and give them to the uncle. Our problem at the university
is that our stipends are not being paid, and father has all his mansions in
France, in Spain, and elsewhere, so we want the uncle.' He was in effect asking
for political transition: he was saying they were now going to the council of
elders, the parliament, and demand the uncle, for father no longer merits being
the father. He was able to articulate political transition and rotation in that
language. It was a very clever move.



The second one was my mother who was
completely unsympathetic to me when I came home one day and was upset that one
of my friends who was a journalist had been arrested. She said, 'if you wish
you can go back to your town but don't come here and bother me and be grumpy'. So
I started an exchange with her and explained to her why it is important that we
have journalists and why they should be free, until our discussion turned to
the subject of speaking truth to power. At that moment she said, 'now you are
talking sense' and she started to tell me how the griot functioned in West Africa for the past
eight hundred years, and why truth to power is part of our institutional
heritage. But that truth is not a personal truth, for there is an organic
connection between reporter and the community, there is a group in which they
collect information, communicate and criticize, and we began to talk about
that. And since then I have stopped teaching Jefferson in my constitutional
classes in Africa, as a way of talking about the free press, instead I talk
about speaking truth to power. But it allows me not only to talk about the
necessity of speaking truth to power, but also to criticize the organization of
the media, which is so individualised, so oriented toward the people who give
the money: think of the National Democratic Institute in
Washington, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Germany, they
have no organic connection to the people. And my mother told me, 'as long as
it's a battle between those who have the guns and those who have the pen, then
nobody is speaking to my problems, then I have no dog in that fight'. And
journalists really make a big mistake by not updating their trade and
redressing it. Because speaking truth to power is not absent in our tradition,
we have had it for eight hundred years, six centuries before Jefferson, but we
don't think about it that way. I have to remind my friends in Guinea: 'you are
vulnerable precisely because you have not understood what the profession of
journalism might look like in this community, to make your message more
relevant and effective'. You see the smart young guys tweeting away and how
they have been replaced by the Muslim Brotherhood, because we have not made the
message relevant to the community. We are communicating on media and in idioms
that have no real bearing on people's lives, so we are easily dismissed. That
is in fact the tragedy of what happened in Tunisia: the smart, young protesters
have so easily been brushed aside for this reason.



The third story is about how we had a
constitutional debate in Guinea before multipartism, and people were talking about
the separation of powers. And I went to the university to talk to a group of
people and I put it to them: why do you waste your time studying the American
Constitution and the separation of powers in America? I grant you, it is a
wonderful experiment and it has lasted two hundred years, but that would not
lead you anywhere with these people. The theocratic Futa Jallon in Guinea (in the 18th and
19th centuries) had one of the most advanced systems of separation
of powers: the king was in Labé, the constitution was in Dalaba, the people who
interpreted the constitution were in yet another city, the army was based in
Tougué. It was the most decentralised organization of government you can
imagine, and all predicated on the idea that none of the nine diwés, or provinces, should actually
have the monopoly of power. So those that kept the constitution were not
allowed to interpret it, because the readers were somewhere else. But to make
sure that what they were reading was the right document, they gave it to a
different province. So the separation of powers is not new to us.



In sum, the West is a wonderful
political experiment, and it has worked for them.
We can actualize some of what they have instituted, but we have sources here
that are more suited to the circumstances of the people in that region, without
undermining the modern ideas of democratic self-governance, without undermining
the idea of a republic. Without dispensing with all of those, we must not be
tempted to imagine constitution in the same way, to imagine separation of
powers in the same way, even to imagine and practice journalism in the same
way, in this very different environment. It is going to fail. That is my third
story.





Siba N. Grovogui has
been teaching at Johns Hopkins University after holding the DuBois-Mandela
postdoctoral fellowship of the University of Michigan-Ann Arbor in 1989-90 and
teaching at Eastern Michigan University from 1993 to 1995. He is currently
professor of international relations theory and law at The Johns Hopkins
University. He is the author of Sovereigns,
Quasi-Sovereigns, and Africans: Race and Self-determination in International
Law (University of Minnesota Press, 1996) and Beyond Eurocentrism and Anarchy: Memories of International Institutions
and Order (Palgrave, April 2006). He has recently completed a ten-year long
study partly funded by the National Science Foundation of the rule of law in
Chad as enacted under the Chad Oil and Pipeline Project.





Related links




Faculty Profile at Johns Hopkins University
Read Grovogui's Postcolonial Criticism: International Reality and Modes of Inquiry (2002 book chapter) here (pdf)
Read Grovogui's The Secret Lives of Sovereignty (2009 book chapter) here (pdf)
Read Grovogui's Counterpoints and the Imaginaries Behind Them: Thinking Beyond
North American and European Traditions (2009 contribution to International Political Sociology) here (pdf)
Read Grovogui's Postcolonialism (2010 book chapter) here (pdf)
Read Grovogui's Sovereignty in Africa: Quasi-statehood and Other Myths (2001 book chapter in a volume edited by Tim Shaw and Kevin Dunn) here (pdf)




Print version of this Talk (pdf)

Il lavoro è volto a mettere in luce le problematiche connesse all'attività delle imprese multinazionali e alla sussistenza in capo alle stesse di una responsabilità sociale internazionale (RSI). Nell'attuale panorama economico e politico mondiale, caratterizzato dalla globalizzazione e dalla stretta interdipendenza dei mercati, dalla sempre più frequente internazionalizzazione dei processi produttivi e aziendali e dalla contestuale operatività delle società in più Paesi, dalla accresciuta consapevolezza del consumatore circa il rispetto, nei processi produttivi, di istanze ritenuti fondamentali dalla società civile, come i diritti fondamentali dell'uomo e dei lavoratori o la protezione dell'ambiente, l'impresa multinazionale assume un ruolo fondamentale sia nell'indirizzare i trends economici globali (si pensi al fatto che alcune società hanno profitti superiori al PIL di buona parte degli Stati della comunità internazionale); la configurazione di una responsabilità sociale in capo a tali società vuol dire mescolare la libertà di impresa e il libero mercato con l'etica. La necessità di inserire la questione dell'etica negli affari nasce, dunque, dalla convinzione - sempre più diffusa in ambito internazionale e nazionale - che l'attenzione dell'impresa verso le istanze sociali, ambientali ed etiche delle comunità umane costituisca una condizione imprescindibile per uno sviluppo durevole e sostenibile. In tale prospettiva, dunque, il concetto di responsabilità sociale d'impresa richiama le imprese a considerare attentamente - nella definizione della propria strategia, nell'articolazione delle politiche e nelle procedure gestionali quotidiane - gli interessi diffusi della collettività, nonché l'impatto delle proprie attività, non solo in termini economici, ma anche sociali, ambientali ed etici. La responsabilità sociale rappresenta, quindi, per l'impresa uno strumento utile ed efficace per rispondere alle istanze e alle esigenze della società civile. Con la RSI nasce quindi una teoria di impresa che vede la produzione di beni non solo come strumento di profitto ma anche come occasione di realizzazione del benessere sociale; lo stesso operato dell'impresa inizia ad essere valutato globalmente non solo in rapporto ai risultati economici della stessa ma anche in base alla qualità del prodotto, alla qualità dell'ambiente lavorativo e alle istanze ambientali, seconda i dettami di quella scuola di pensiero del cd. business ethics per cui le imprese sono chiamate a compiere azioni che contribuiscano ad eliminare e prevenire le iniquità sociali e a promuovere lo sviluppo della collettività. Tale necessità è stata anche consequenziale a comportamenti ed abusi messi in atto dalle società transnazionali che hanno arrecato gravi danni alle comunità umane degli Stati ospiti delle attività produttive. Gli abusi commessi dalle imprese, non sempre riconducibili a precise violazioni degli ordinamenti nazionali, sono stati progressivamente interpretati e costruiti come violazioni o mancanze nei confronti di un complesso di principi definiti come appartenenti ad una ampia sfera di responsabilità sociale internazionale dell'impresa, che implica la perdita di reputazione e, quindi, la possibile riduzione delle sue quote sul mercato qualora gli stakeholders più interessati riescano a mobilitare l'opinione pubblica su larga scala. Fin dagli anni '70, diverse organizzazioni internazionali hanno iniziato ad occuparsi della regolamentazione dell'attività delle imprese transnazionali, evidenziando il ruolo che le imprese multinazionali sono chiamate a rivestire nei processi di tutela dei diritti umani e dell'ambiente che emergono nello svolgimento delle loro attività economiche; appare evidente come sia basilare, nel piano dell'opera, definire l'impresa multinazionale, analizzando i diversi strumenti adottati dalle organizzazioni internazionali e i contributi dottrinali in materia, alla luce dei quali sembra potersi dire che il carattere di "multinazionalità" o "transnazionalità" è dato dalla presenza di diverse unità operative, dislocate in più Paesi, che si trovano sotto il controllo (azionario o di gestione) di un'unica società holding; tale distinzione tra unità operative si estende fino al profilo giuridico, in quanto le singole consociate sono autonomi soggetti di diritto sottoposti, relativamente ai profili della regolamentazione e della costituzione, all'ordinamento giuridico dello Stato di nazionalità. Ciò spesso comporta che le società scelgano come sede un Paese sulla base della convenienza che ciascuno di essi offre in relazione al trattamento fiscale, al costo della manodopera e delle materie prime, alla regolamentazione in materia di protezione dell'ambiente. Sembra quindi necessario un tentativo di regolamentazione da parte di organismi sovranazionali, a fronte del numero sempre maggiore di imprese operanti in più mercati (più di 80.000 società con circa 900.000 società sussidiarie), al loro peso economico e occupazionale (si stimano circa 80.000.000 di posti di lavoro) e a seguito di numerosi episodi che hanno coinvolto tali imprese dagli anni '70 ad oggi, come nei casi della Drummond o della Del Monte, accusate di gravi repressioni dei diritti sindacali e sociali dei lavoratori, o della Chevron/Texaco e della Union Carbride, responsabili di disastri ambientali tra cui quello di Bophal, in India, fino al caso, recentissimo, del disastro ambientale causato dalla piattaforma Deepwater Horizon al largo delle coste della Florida e della Louisiana tra il 2010 e il 2011, o i casi di violazioni dei diritti umani e commissione di crimini internazionali (arresti arbitrari, torture, violenze sessuali, trattamenti inumani e degradanti), commesse da società transnazionali operanti nel settore estrattivo e minerario in Africa e nel Sud Est Asiatico, commessi direttamente o a mezzo di milizie assoldate per la protezione degli impianti. L'attività delle Organizzazioni internazionali, a partire dagli anni '70, si è focalizzata sul tema; l'OCSE, l'Organizzazione internazionale del lavoro, la Camera di Commercio internazionale hanno adottato in quegli anni raccomandazioni e dichiarazioni rivolte agli Stati membri e alle imprese per l'adesione a certi principi e diritti già sanciti da altri strumenti convenzionali; le Nazioni Unite, prima attraverso l'attività della Commissione sulle imprese multinazionali e poi della Sottocommissione per la protezione e promozione dei diritti umani, si sono occupate della materia, giungendo alla elaborazione di un Codice di condotta per le imprese multinazionali (mai adottato) e di Norme sulla responsabilità delle imprese multinazionali e altre imprese in relazione ai diritti umani, che si affiancano alla partnership pubblico-privata del Global Compact. Ancora, anche altre organizzazioni internazionali, come l'Organizzazione mondiale della sanità, l'OMC, la Banca mondiale, l'International Standard Organisation, hanno adottato atti che invitano le imprese a svolgere la propria attività produttiva nel pieno rispetto dei diritti fondamentali della persona, delle comunità locali e dell'ambiente, e quindi prendendo in considerazione non solo interessi e diritti dei soci ma di tutti i soggetti a vario titolo coinvolti o toccati dall'attività aziendale. In ultimo, è il lavoro del Rappresentante Speciale del Segretario Generale ONU John Ruggie ad elaborare un quadro normativo (denominato Protect, Respect, Remedy) generale relativo al rapporto tra business e diritti umani. La caratteristica degli strumenti analizzati è la loro natura non vincolante, quindi meramente esortativa e ad applicazione volontaria. Tale situazione si ricollega sostanzialmente a due ragioni: la discussa soggettività internazionale delle imprese multinazionali e le opposte visioni dei Governi in materia (con evidenti difformità di vedute tra Paesi in via di sviluppo e Paesi industrializzati). Riguardo alla soggettività delle imprese multinazionali, ovvero lo status di essere titolari di diritti e obblighi nascenti dal diritto internazionale, la dottrina internazionalistica è fortemente divisa. Secondo un primo orientamento, le IMN non sarebbero soggetti di diritto internazionali in quanto sono solo destinatarie di norme, e quindi "oggetto" del diritto internazionale; sarebbero soggette solo alla giurisdizione dello Stato, e vincolate dal diritto internazionale solamente in virtù del richiamo da parte dell'ordinamento giuridico interno. Dagli anni '60, inizia a farsi largo un diverso filone dottrinale che, partendo dal noto parere della Corte internazionale di giustizia Reparations for Injuries, considera l'impresa quale soggetto di diritto internazionale, in virtù di una serie di diritti e obblighi che le vengono attribuiti dal diritto internazionale, soprattutto in materia di investimenti e di contratti internazionali (tra tutti, il diritto di adire un'istanza arbitrale o giurisdizionale a carattere arbitrale). Inoltre, la costante attenzione per l'attività delle IMN da parte delle Organizzazioni internazionali, potrebbe testimoniare la nascente opinio juris di conferire una, seppur limitata, soggettività internazionale alle imprese. Dall'analisi della prassi internazionale si sono tratte conclusioni provvisorie, in particolare che l'impresa, soprattutto nel settore del diritto economico e degli investimenti, possegga una personalità giuridica internazionale limitata e soprattutto derivata dalla volontà degli Stati, ma soprattutto funzionale, poiché contenuta nei limiti stabiliti dal trattato internazionale (BITs) o del contratto internazionale che stabilisce diritti e obblighi per la stessa. Negli ultimi anni anche l'Unione Europea ha iniziato a promuovere una adesione delle imprese ai valori fondamentali dei diritti dell'uomo, dei lavoratori e dello sviluppo sostenibile. A partire dal Libro Verde del 2001, l'UE ha elaborato progressivamente una strategia europea per la responsabilità sociale di impresa, qualificata come adozione spontanea di prassi volte a contribuire al miglioramento della società e alla qualità dell'ambiente. La strategia dell'UE si caratterizza per avere una dimensione sia interna all'impresa, stabilendo una serie di programmi d'azione e l'adozione di sistemi di gestione dei processi produttivi, sia esterna alla stessa, prevedendo il coinvolgimento di comunità locali, partner commerciali, clienti, fornitori, ONG, autorità statali. A tali fini, l'UE lanciò una serie di iniziative, quali i sistemi EMAS e ECOLABEL di certificazione ecologica e di audit ambientale, il Multistakeholders' forum, per formare un quadro giuridico regolamentare in materia di appalti pubblici e sostenibilità ambientale, di tutela del consumatore, di pubblicità ingannevole, nonché l'adozione di codici di condotta settoriali, ispirato ai principi della RSI. L'attività di regolamentazione della RSI ha ricevuto un contributo dalle stesse imprese multinazionali, nel senso di una autoregolamentazione delle proprie attività, attraverso dei codici di condotta autonomamente adottati dalla singola impresa in funzione delle proprie strategie e valori. Tali codici si distinguono nettamente dalle linee guida adottate dalle Organizzazioni internazionali perché in essi l'impresa si fa creatrice e destinataria di norme, create non perché la necessità provenga dal diritto, ma dall'interesse dell'impresa (che, in molti casi, si caratterizza per essere meramente reputazionale). Tali codici, di chiara natura volontaristica, garantiscono il rispetto degli standard di tutela e di promozione dei principi in esso contenuti, stabilendo il più delle volte un meccanismo di monitoraggio e controllo del rispetto delle norme in esso contenute, meccanismo che può essere a carattere interno (gestito quindi da un ufficio interno all'impresa) o a carattere esterno (gestito, il più delle volte, da una ONG o da un sindacato). Infine, la ricerca si conclude con l'analisi dei principali temi che riguardano la RSI negli ultimi anni, ovvero quelli relativi ai profili di responsabilità delle imprese per violazione dei diritti fondamentali e per danni ambientali (con particolare riguardo alla disciplina statunitense contenuta nell'Alien Torts Statute), con particolare riferimento agli obblighi internazionali che incombono sugli Stati attraverso la ricostruzione della prassi internazionale. Inoltre, ulteriore profilo di studio è quello che si concentra sulla possibile estensione della giurisdizione dei tribunali internazionali per crimini internazionali alle persone giuridiche, con particolare riguardo ai lavori preparatori della Conferenza di Roma che ha portato all'istituzione della Corte Penale Internazionale. In conclusione, oggetto della ricerca è stato la ricostruzione del concetto di RSI, il quale è un prodotto degli ordinamenti nazionali ed in particolare degli ordinamenti giuridici degli Stati industrializzati, identificando un framework giuridico che include strumenti normativi di varia natura e in svariati settori, come quelli che disciplinano le società commerciali; le normative nazionali di prevenzione e repressione della corruzione; le normative del settore finanziario ed in particolare quelle sulle borse valori; le discipline a tutela del lavoro, dell'ambiente e del consumatore. Negli Stati più avanzati dal punto di vista economico e istituzionale la RSI, dunque, non è codificata in uno specifico settore regolamentare ma rappresenta un sistema complesso di normative che regolano i diversi aspetti di quelle attività di impresa; nei PVS, invece, tali normative sono spesso frammentarie o addirittura assenti: questa situazione ha permesso alle IMN di avvantaggiarsi dei vuoti legislativi o delle regole stringenti presenti in questi Paesi. Appare evidente come la comunità internazionale abbia constatato la necessità di regolare l'attività delle imprese multinazionali, per la promozione e la protezione dei propri valori fondamentali e di uno sviluppo in un'ottica di sostenibilità ambientale, nell'intenzione di creare un quadro giuridico internazionale che permetta alle imprese di perseguire le proprie finalità aziendali senza perdere di vista le esigenze collettive (in particolare dei Paesi in cui operano). Per raggiungere tale obiettivo, appare inevitabile un'evoluzione del diritto internazionale vigente, i cui processi di formazione, gestiti sostanzialmente dai Governi, non possono non tenere conto dell'accresciuto ruolo e peso delle IMN e della società civile. ; In today's economic and political world characterized by globalization and interdependence of markets, by an increasingly internationalization of production processes and by business operations of the company conducted simultaneously in several countries, by an increased consumer awareness regarding compliance of production processes to values that are considered essential by civil society, as fundamental human rights and labour and environmental protection, MNEs have a fundamental role in addressing the global economic trends. In this perspective, then, the concept of corporate social responsibility attracts companies to consider carefully - in the definition of its strategy and in the articulation of policies and procedures daily management - the various interests of the community, as well as the impact of its activities, not only in economic terms but also in social, environmental and ethical issues. Social responsibility is, therefore, a useful tool for the enterprise and effective way to respond to the needs and demands of civil society.With the CSR arises, therefore, a theory of business that sees the production of goods not only as a means of profit, but also as an opportunity for the realization of social welfare, as dictated bythe school of thought of thebusiness ethics, which invite companies to take action in orderto eliminate and prevent social inequities and promote community development. This need was also consequential to the abusescommitted by transnational corporations that have caused serious damage to human communities of their host countries. Abuses committed by companies, not always related to specific violations of national laws, have been gradually interpreted and constructed as a violation or misconduct against a set of principles defined as belonging to a broad spectrum of social responsibility international, which implies loss of reputation and, therefore, the possible reduction of its share on the market where the key stakeholders concerned can mobilize public opinion on a large scale. Since the 70s, several international organizations have begun to deal with the regulation of transnational corporations, highlighting the role that multinational corporations are called to play in the process of protection of human rights and of the environment that emerge in the course of their economic activity. Is fundamental for the work plan, define the multinational enterprise, by analysing the various instruments adopted by international organizations and doctrinal contributions on the subject, the light of which it seems possible to say that the character of "multinationality" or "transnationality" is the presence of various operating units, located in different countries, which are under the control (equity or management) of a single holding company; the distinction between operational units extends to the legal point of view, as the individual subsidiaries are independent legal entities subject, relatively to the profiles of the regulation and constitution, subjected to the legal system of the State of nationality. It often means that companies choose the host country on the basis of convenience that this country provides in relation to the tax treatment, labour costs and raw materials, to the rules on environmental protection. It therefore seems necessary to attempt to regulate multinational enterprises by supranational bodies, in relation to the increasing number of companies operating in multiple markets (more than 80,000 companies with about 900,000 subsidiaries), to their economic and employment (an estimated 80 million job opportunities) and following several incidents involving such companies from the '70s to today, as in the case of Drummond or Del Monte, accused of severe repression of trade union rights and social rights of workers, or Chevron/ Texaco and Union Carbide, responsible for environmental disasters including that of Bhopal, India, to the case of the environmental disaster caused by the Deepwater Horizon rig off the coast of Florida and Louisiana between 2010 and 2011, or cases of human rights violations and commission of international crimes (arbitrary detention, torture, rape, inhumane and degrading treatment) by transnational corporations operating in the mining industry in Africa and South East Asia, made directly or through the militias hired to the protection of plants. The activities of international organizations, from the 70s, focused on the theme, the OECD, the International Labour Organization, the International Chamber of Commerce adopted in those years, recommendations and declarations addressed to the Member States and the companies for adherence to certain principles and rights already provided by other conventional instruments; also the United Nations, first through the work of the Committee on Multinational Enterprises and then through the subcommittee for the protection and promotion of human rights, have dealt with the matter, coming to the elaboration of a Code of Conduct for Multinational Enterprises (never adopted) and rules on the responsibilities of transnational corporations and other business enterprises with regard to human rights, alongside to the public-private partnership of the Global Compact. Still, other international organizations such as the World Health Organization, the WTO, the World Bank, the International Standards Organization (which as a private nature), have taken actions that invite businesses to carry out its production activities in full respect of fundamental human rights, of local communities needs and of the environment, and then taking into account not only the interests and rights of the shareholders but to all those involved in various ways affected the activity or business. Finally, it is the work of the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General John Ruggie to develop a framework (called Protect, Respect, Remedy) concerning the relationship between business and human rights. The characteristic of the analysed tools is their non-binding nature, then merely hortatory and voluntary application. This situation is linked mainly to two reasons: the disputed international subjectivity of multinational enterprises and the opposing views of Governments on the subject (with obvious differences of views between developing countries and industrialized countries). Regard to the subjectivity of transnational corporations, or the status of being holders of rights and obligations arising from international law, international legal theory is strongly divided. According to one view, MNEs would not be subject to international law as they are only recipients of rules, and then the "object" of international law would be subject only to the jurisdiction of the state, and bound by international law only by virtue of the reference made by the domestic legal system. Since the '60s, a different doctrinal trend began to make his way starting from the known opinion Reparations for Injuries of the International Court of Justice, and then considering the company as a subject of international law, by virtue of a series of rights and duties which are assigned to it by international law, especially in the field of investment and international contracts (among them, the right to appeal an arbitration tribunal or judicial character arbitration). In addition, the constant attention to the activities of MNEs by international organizations, could witness the nascent opiniojuris to give ainternational subjectivity to businesses, albeit limited. An analysis of international practice have taken provisional findings, in particular that the company, especially in the field of economic law and investment, possesses an international limitedlegal personality and mainly derived from the will of the States, but above all functional, as contained in limits established by international treaty (BITs) or international agreement that establishes rights and obligations for the same. In recent years the European Union has begun to promote adhesion of the companies core values of human rights, labour standards and sustainable development. From the Green Paper of 2001, the EU has developed progressively a European strategy for corporate social responsibility, described as spontaneous adoption of practices to contribute to the improvement of society and the quality of the environment. The EU strategy is characterized by having an internal dimension to the company, establishing a series of action programs and the adoption of management systems, processes, and external to it, calling for the involvement of local communities, commercial partners, customers, suppliers, NGOs, state authorities. To this end, the EU launched a series of initiatives, such as EMAS and Ecolabel certification ecological and environmental audit, the multi-stakeholder forum, to form a legal framework to regulate public procurement and environmental sustainability, protection of consumer, misleading advertising, and the adoption of sectorial codes of conduct based on the principles of CSR. The regulatory activities of CSR has received a grant from the multinational enterprises themselves, in the sense of a self-regulation of their activities, through codes of conduct adopted by each company independently according to their own strategies and values. These codes can be clearly distinguished from the guidelines adopted by international organizations because in them the company is the creator and recipient of rules, created not because the need comes from the law, but by the company (which, in many cases, characterized by being merely reputational). These codes, clearly voluntary, ensure compliance with standards for the protection and promotion of the principles contained therein, setting most of the time a mechanism for monitoring and enforcement of the rules it contains, a mechanism that may be internal character (then managed by an office inside the company) or external character (managed, in most cases, an NGO, or a trade union). Finally, the research concludes with an analysis of the main issues concerning CSR in recent years, namely those related to the profiles of corporate responsibility for violation of fundamental rights and environmental damage (especially with regard to U.S. regulations contained in the Alien Tort Statute), with particular reference to international obligations on states through the reconstruction of the international practice. In addition, further study is to profile that focuses on the possible extension of the jurisdiction of international tribunals for crimes under international law to legal persons, with particular reference to the drafting history of the Rome Conference that led to the establishment of the International Criminal Court. In conclusion, the object of the research was the reconstruction of the concept of CSR, which is a product of national law and in particular the legal systems of the industrialized countries, identifying a legal framework that includes legal instruments of various types and in various sectors, such as those governing commercial companies, national regulations for the prevention and combating of corruption; regulations of the financial sector and in particular those on stock exchanges; disciplines to protect labour, the environment and the consumer. In the most advanced in terms of economic and institutional CSR, therefore, is not encoded in a specific sector regulation but it is a complex system of regulations governing various aspects of the business activities, in developing countries, however, these rules are often fragmentary or even absent: this situation has allowed MNCs to take advantage of loopholes in the law or stringent rules present in these countries. It is evident that the international community has identified the need to regulate the activities of multinational enterprises, for the promotion and protection of its fundamental values and development in a sustainable environment, with the intention to create an international legal framework that allows companies to pursue their own business purposes without losing sight of the collective needs (in particular in the countries in which they operate). To achieve this goal, it is inevitable evolution of international law, whose formation processes, managed largely by governments, cannot fail to take into account the increased role and weight of MNEs and civil society. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Persona, impresa e lavoro: dal diritto interno a quello internazionale (XXV ciclo)

Inhaltsangabe: To introduce this work the author refers to the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2011, which took place in Davos from the 26th - 30th of January 2011, its agendas and reports (The World Economic Forum, 2011). At first view this meeting looks like a get-together of several leaders from different backgrounds, meaning leaders from different industries as well as political and religious leaders. But the huge amount of attendees and their position in the world turns this get-together into a platform to discuss strategies and solutions for the world's future economy and how to overcome the latest issues regarding the financial crisis. The theme of this year's meeting was 'Shared norms for a new reality', indicating, that the world has reached a turning point where change is important to assure a sustainable future. Abhisit Vejjajiva, Prime Minister of Thailand, for example states 'Governments and businesses should start revising their social contracts with their stakeholders in the light of the new realities of the post-crisis world". Furthermore his concern is that today's leaders are mostly just focused on the short-term success, due to the high pressure from their shareholders and thus work in their own borders without caring about the common good outside the borders in order to generate sustainable success. This concern gets a higher emphasis by Indra Nooyi, Chairman and CEO of PepsiCo, who actually attacks today's businesspeople and want to send them back to university because they just aim for short-term profits, rather than worrying about a sustainable future. In addition it is about the future leadership role of China considering multi stakeholders to achieve win-win solutions (Victor Chu, First Eastern Investment Group), leadership for people (Christine Lagarde, French Minister of Finance) and finally an optimistic outlook for the future, especially Europe, and the request of change and more transparency by David Cameron, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. At the end buzzwords like stakeholders, sustainability, partnership, social responsibility, growth, balance and responsible leadership, just to name a few, can be found throughout all statements. As a matter of course all these statements are in a broader context meaning global issues, but can easily transferred to normal businesses. Reason for this project: Sustainability has become, as seen above, a huge topic paired with a more social behaviour for the common good and let the feeling arise that a new era has begun, that some of the main leaders have started to develop a new 'Zeitgeist". The question now is how this dissertation can contribute to the on-going change in order to achieve sustainable success. Sustainable success is depended on the competitive advantages, which is often tried to gain through reengineering, process improvement, etc. According to Huber, Scharioth, Pallas (2004) this is initially a good idea, but even if there are differences putting these into practice, the performance standard is often quite similar and the competitive advantage, which is won by these initiatives, is not as significant as desired. That is why they are putting the emphasis on stakeholder management with the purpose to not left the relationships with stakeholders on its own. Stakeholder management is actually an idea developed within the 80's by Freeman (1984) in order to strategically align the stakeholder's interest, using a rough framework, finally resulting in improved success (Stoney Winstanley, 2001). Success is nowadays often seen in form of financial benefits and at least in this point Berman, Wicks, Kotha, Jones (1999) see a positive impact on the part of stakeholder management. Nonetheless sustainable success is not just about finances and thus it is interesting to investigate what sustainable success is and how stakeholder management nurtures all its components. But why is each stakeholder so important? Giving some examples according to Huber, Scharioth, Pallas (2004), it points out that no matter if employees or suppliers they all have an essential impact on the business. Employees for instance have a high impact on the customer retention and company's profitability (improvement of 20% - 50%) and therefore put before customer by Nayar (2010). On the other hand suppliers need a lot of attention, due to 'Outsourcing', 'Lean' and scarcity of raw materials, to get required quality, quantity and delivery time. But also other external stakeholders are from high importance to avoid higher financial risks, as already pointed out in the 1990s by McGuire in Savage, Nix, Whitehead, Blair (1991), and thus must be managed well in order to not loose the support of a specific group and thus getting hindered on the journey to sustainable success (Reynolds, Schultz, Hekman, 2006). This is where 'managing", also understood as 'balancing" (Avery, 2005), the different interests comes into play, whereas it can become difficult, if the company is highly depending on one specific stakeholder. This could be an investor, who is holding a lot of shares, or a supplier, who is having a monopole, leading to generated bias and an exposure of sustainability (Savage, Nix, Whitehead, Blair, 1991). Furthermore a company or a company network respectively, is seen as an alliance of stakeholders (Freeman, Harrison, Wicks, 2007), and their sustainable success is ensured by sticking together and behaving like a moving target (De Wit Meyer, 2005), in order to withstand evolutions in the industry and the corresponding challenges. It also could be refereed to a company as organisation, an amalgamation of people or groups of people with the aim of accomplishing productive activities, which is seen as difficult on an individual basis (Chemers, 1997). However there are also arguments against stakeholder management as enabler for sustainable success (Stoney Winstanley, 2001), at which the only purpose of a company is seen by Friedman (1962) in Stoney Winstanley (2001) in making profit and thus stakeholder management is an attack on the individual wealth of shareholders (Sternberg, 1997). In addition stakeholder management has found one of its biggest critics in Stoney Winstanley (2001) who complain about the complexity of this approach and finally its misuse as just a new tool to control the participants. Nonetheless these concerns are generally based on traditional and old-fashioned views and the question arises if the time is ripe for change, meaning the move away from just sustainable shareholder success. Considering the criticism above it seems that one of the biggest drawbacks of stakeholder management is the actual realisation, meaning the consideration of everyone's interest. This is why De Wit Meyer (2005) see good leadership skills as crucial to balance the discrepancies mostly between shareholders and other stakeholders, and lead through an alliance with different partners, affected by mistrust, due to fear that others always want a bigger part of the cake. So one major pitfall of leaders regarding stakeholder management is that of avoiding bias. There are differences between the stakeholders, for instance regarding the flexibility. Employees are mostly depending on their workplace, whereas shareholders can always choose from a wide range or portfolio of possible investments and therefore the risk of favouring shareholders is quite high (De Wit Meyer, 2005), caused in their higher direct influence (Savage, Nix, Whitehead, Blair, 1991). Additionally it should be born in mind that CEO's and the board often hold a share of the own company or are even obligated to, according to several financial reports (e.g. Finsbury, Reckitt Benckiser). Thus the own opulence is affected by the profitability of the company. In this case a bias is self-evident. On the other hand advocates of stakeholder management see the necessity for shareholder value (Freeman, Harrison, Wicks, 2007), but state that it can be just sustainably realised if it is not seen as the main purpose, according to William George, chairman of Medtronic, in De Wit Meyer (2005). Instead of focusing on shareholder value, the actual focus should be concentrated on 'customer satisfaction" and 'integrity" as stated by Porras Collins (2005). In addition a motivated workforce can be seen as a crucial aspect of sustainable success, due to difficulties of competitors to copy it (De Wit Meyer, 2005). Buying in the workforce, but also other stakeholders, by creating a vision, maintaining it and finally make it live through the whole company is seen as one of the major and most difficult tasks of a leader (Ware, Michaels, Primer, 2004) and thus leaders often lacking clear direction during this task and therefore fail (Wheeler, Fabig, Boele, 2002). In order to make the organisation in a highly competitive market successful it is important to have a stable financial support, but also a highly trained and motivated workforce (Post, Preston, Sachs, 2002), often requiring a crucial change in the fundamental structure, like financial and/or ownership model (Avery, 2005). These changes are hindered by insufficient human resource models and techniques, the question how to get the employees aboard and finally the persuasion of the upper management, shareholders, etc. (Simmons, 2003). This can be eased the more the leader is convinced of the performance improvement using stakeholder management (Stoney Winstanley, 2001). The fact that people already having assets and power are not willed to share this (Gamble Kelly, 1996) and thus will defend it with all legal means or maybe also illegal, does not make it easier for the leader to put stakeholder management through. The globalisation and the expansion of companies throughout the world held another challenge for the leaders. Business policies must be kept flexible, as basis to deal with different countries, cultures and thus unusual competitive and social conditions and at the same time stick to the fundamental values and principles of the organisation (Post, Preston, Sachs, 2002). Talking about flexibility, it is important to see the flexibility of stakeholders in terms of changing from a supporting to a hampering position (Savage, Nix, Whitehead, Blair, 1991) and therefore the necessity to always reassess the importance and influence of stakeholders (Reynolds, Schultz, Hekman, 2006). In addition leaders need to focus on the right stakeholders in the right situations, different from the CEO of Eastern Airlines who was focusing during a strike just on the stakeholders with the loudest voice, and thus ran into serious trouble regarding the other parties of the strike (Savage, Nix, Whitehead, Blair, 1991). Additionally an issue arises that stakeholder may get the feeling that the decision-making regarding stakeholders is negatively influenced by divisibility of resources, saliency, incentives and sanctions (Ogden Watson, 1999) and let fade away the initial willingness to find a fair balance (Reynolds, Schultz, Hekman, 2006). This is why leaders must be prepared for the future challenges, which are a lot more complex, due to a wider range of expectations by the stakeholders, globalisation and more common pressing problems. So finally wrap the power of all stakeholders to a 'value network", considering the creation of social capital and a benefit for every participant (Maak, 2007) is the responsibility of the leader. Stakeholder Management provides a framework, a concept, which can be used by leaders, who are at the end the persons decide how stakeholder management is understood and what is the driving motivation behind its implementation (Stoney Winstanley, 2001). It was even thought about legislating SM and thus make it compulsory for companies, what is seen critical by Stoney Winstanley (2001), because in their opinion company's leaders should practice stakeholder management voluntary and chose their driver for motivation themselves. Today's environment and the resulting circumstances are continuously changing and require a leader who is always questioning the current status of a company and its direction in a constructive and meaningful way (Ware, Michaels, Primer, 2004). Therefore the leader is seen as a key catalyst in defining success of a company (Shinkle, Gooding, Smith, 2006) and also in order to make change happen to the benefit of sustainable success. Seeing sustainable success as a long-term goal leaders are confronted and hindered by external requirements, like the publication of financial reports (Avery, 2005) and thus it becomes a challenge for them to remain committed and thus have the required authentic 'tone at the top" (Freeman, Harrison, Wicks, 2007). They will decide about success or failure of changes while acting as a role model and therefore have the requirement of caring about ethics and social responsibility, rather than just on making quick money. Finally it is about the ensemble of stakeholders and leaders who need a practical guideline to make their contribution for the organisation's and common good, leading to the following research question and its supporting objectives. Research content: Research question: 'What elements and characteristics of leadership would help organisations to achieve missing sustainable success through effective stakeholder management?' Supporting objectives: - Investigate and define sustainable success, stakeholder management and leadership with the purpose to identify what is understood by it and what are their characteristics. - Investigate the correlations and dependencies between sustainable success and stakeholder management to approve their complementarity. - Identify how leadership can overcome possible barriers of balancing stakeholders and creating sustainable success. - Investigate existing guidance and frameworks for the creation of sustainable success, in order to underpin their validity or propose modifications. Scope: The scope of this work is chosen very broadly, due to the nature of the project and its research areas. It is about management in general and is not aiming to be specialised on a specific industry or region. Reason therefore is the involvement of several parties, eventually coming from different industries and indeed the globalisation that does not allow investigating management tools with a narrowed regional view. However the scope is laid on business organisations. Therefore the outcome is neither focused on politics, an area worth investigating in the context of stakeholder management, nor religion. Purpose and contribution: The purpose of this work is to show companies and their leaders a way to manage their stakeholders in form of a proposed framework, to achieve sustainable success. As already mentioned in the introduction, an atmosphere of departure has arisen, due to the last happenings within the economy as well as in the politics. The outcome of this work will be an initiation to change by showing leaders how their characteristics can help to establish a win-win situation between stakeholders. Furthermore it shows the need for today's leaders to care about all stakeholders and that this is not just a matter of instruments, concepts and tools to achieve a balanced stakeholder environment, it is more about the mind-set, behaviour and confidence of the leader itself. It requires a lot of energy and stamina to achieve sustainable success and leaders will face a lot of problems and confrontations. Presenting these issues and discuss them in depth will hopefully support them to defend their view of organisational success.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: LIST OF FIGURESVI LIST OF TABLESVII LIST OF ABBREVIATIONSVIII 1INTRODUCTION1 1.1BACKGROUND OF THE TOPIC AN REASON FOR ITS CHOICE1 1.1.1INITIATION FOR THE PROJECT1 1.1.2REASON FOR THIS PROJECT2 1.2RESEARCH CONTENT8 1.2.1RESEARCH QUESTION8 1.2.2SUPPORTING OBJECTIVES8 1.2.3SCOPE8 1.2.4PURPOSE AND CONTRIBUTION9 1.2.5CHAPTER OVERVIEW10 2THE MANUAL - RESEARCH METHODOLOGY12 2.1FOREWORD12 2.2RESEARCH THEORY12 2.2.1RESEARCH PHILOSOPHY12 2.2.2RESEARCH APPROACH14 2.2.3RESEARCH STRATEGY14 2.2.4THE TIME HORIZON15 2.2.5THE ENQUIRY16 2.3RESEARCH IN PRACTICE17 2.3.1RESEARCH AREA17 2.3.2RESEARCH GUIDELINE18 2.3.3RESEARCH INFORMATION RESOURCES21 2.3.4RESEARCH KEYWORDS24 2.3.5USABILITY OF DATA27 2.3.6HANDLING OF FINDINGS30 2.4CONCLUDING REMARKS31 3THE AIM - SUSTAINABLE SUCCESS32 3.1SUBSTANCE32 3.1.1THE COMPONENT SUCCESS32 3.1.2THE COMPONENT SUSTAINABILITY34 3.1.3THE OUTCOME SUSTAINABLE SUCCESS40 3.2THE IMPORTANCE OF SUSTAINABLE SUCCESS42 3.2.1GENERAL42 3.2.2AFFECTING PEOPLE42 3.2.3AFFECTING FINANCES43 3.2.4AFFECTING REPUTATION44 3.2.5AFFECTING ETHICAL RESPONSIBILITY45 3.2.6AFFECTING RESPONSE TO REGULATIONS AND LEGISLATIONS46 3.4BARRIERS OF ACHIEVING SUSTAINABLE SUCCESS48 3.5CONCLUDING REMARKS51 4THE TOOL - STAKEHOLDER MANAGEMENT52 4.1THE BASICS52 4.1.1DEFINITION52 4.1.2DISTINCTION OF STAKEHOLDERS54 4.1.3PRINCIPLES OF STAKEHOLDER MANAGEMENT58 4.1.4STAKEHOLDER MANAGEMENT THEORIES60 4.1.5PUTTING STAKEHOLDER MANAGEMENT INTO PRACTICE64 4.2LINK TO SUSTAINABLE SUCCESS65 4.3CONCLUDING REMARKS71 5THE ENABLER – LEADERSHIP72 5.1DEFINING LEADERSHIP72 5.2THE LINK OF LEADERSHIP TO STAKEHOLDER MANAGEMENT73 5.3REQUIRED LEADERSHIP CHARACTERISTICS76 5.3.1REALISTIC76 5.3.2INTELLECTUAL / NOUS77 5.3.3DISCLOSING78 5.3.4GENEROUS78 5.3.5GOOD FAITH79 5.3.6SOLID80 5.3.7VISIONARY82 5.3.8RIGHTEOUS83 5.5CONCLUDING REMARKS85 6THE PROPOSAL - TOTAL STAKEHOLDING86 6.1CRITERIA FOR USEABLE FRAMEWORKS86 6.2EXISTING MODELS87 6.2.1FREEMAN'S MODEL REDEFINED87 6.2.2THE EFQM-MODEL90 6.3THE DEVELOPED FRAMEWORK95 6.3.1GENERAL DESCRIPTION95 6.3.2USER'S MANUAL97 6.3.3STAKEHOLDER98 6.3.4LEADERSHIP101 6.3.5SUSTAINABLE SUCCESS101 6.3.6PLAN-DO-STUDY-ACT (PDSA)104 6.4DISCUSSION OF FRAMEWORKS AND VALIDITY OF THE PROPOSED108 6.5CONCLUDING REMARKS113 7DISCUSSION114 7.1SCOPE114 7.2SUSTAINABLE SUCCESS115 7.3STAKEHOLDER MANAGEMENT116 7.4LEADERSHIP118 7.5SPECIFIC LITERATURE119 7.6METHODOLOGY DATA COLLECTION120 8CONCLUSION122 9LIMITATIONS RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER WORK124 9.1RESILIENCE124 9.2QUADRUPLE BOTTOM LINE124 9.3GROWTH125 9.4CONTRACT THEORY125 9.5ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE126 9.6SCORING SYSTEM126 10REFERENCES127 11BIBLIOGRAPHY157 12APPENDICES157 12.1WAYS OF DATA COLLECTION157 12.1.1SURVEYS157 12.1.2CASE STUDIES158 12.1.3SECONDARY DATA158 12.2SEARCH STRING TABLE160 12.3DETAILED STAKEHOLDER LIST161 12.4STAKEHOLDER ALLOCATION TO SUSTAINABILITY ASPECTS169 12.5IDENTIFIED STAKEHOLDER BY FASSIN (2009)170 12.6RADAR ASSESSMENT FOR RESULTS171 12.7RADAR ASSESSMENT FOR ENABLER172Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 5.3.6, Solid: The personality of a leader decides whether the leader is anxious of loosing control and power, so that especially wrong strategic decisions are made due to prescient from involving others in the decision-making process (Delbecq, 2008) and not considering their opinion (Avery, 2005:216). Furthermore a strong leader's personality may benefit from a good sense of humour, suggested by (Kets de Vries, Doyle, Loper, 1994) as well as hope, that does not let him give up (Thomas Thomas, 2011). Hope is a crucial point in stakeholder management, with the aim to motivate and therefore overcome the difficulties of making it successful. But finally bravery is a personal characteristic that let the leader stand up fight for the right thing, an important step on the way to stakeholder management (Avery, 2005:79). Collins (2001:21) has done comprehensive research on great leaders and even though he just find a few of them he points out one important characteristic of great leaders: putting the greatness of the company above all. This also means to put it above the own interests, obviously a giant task and thus often doomed to failure. But this does not undermines the importance of this characteristic with regard to stakeholder management. To make this clockwork of stakeholders work the leader must put back the own interest for the benefit of the whole system. Even though it was stated in 4.2 that people are always selfish Mitchell, Agle, Wood (1997) bring forward enough opponents regarding this view, so that it finally depends on the values of the leader (Greer Downey, 1982). Solid in this case indicates that a leader is strong and self-confident in way that he can cope with the previous mentioned. All this results in a characteristic indicated as solid whereas the personality is strong enough to resist external influences. In addition it is pointed to the phrase 'solid as a rock". The leader must be the one standing out of the crowd at least for the followers and keep them grounded. In this position he act as a role model (Oakland, Tanner, Gadd, 2005) an attribute that plays a major role within stakeholder management and sustainable success. The tone at the top is crucial to buy in stakeholders, whereas they must believe in what they are doing to fulfil these expectations (Freeman, Harrison, Wicks, 2007). Being solid in this context also means, as a leader, to recognise that the values are not supported and thus a further collaboration is not efficient. Nonetheless being solid also refers to the time span a leader is staying in its position. In Germany the period in higher management change after 6.1 years whereas it was 8 years in 2003 (Handelsblatt, 2011). Against the trend it is more desirable that leaders stay longer because the biggest problem with changing executives is to find a new one, an undertaking that can become very expensive as well as bear risks (Kennedy, 2000). Research in the 90s showed that the experience of managers has a great impact on their belief and their values, so that the experience of a manager in a company will have a positive impact on his decisions (Höpner, 2003:205) in this context with view to sustainable success. Additionally there is always the risk that new leaders turning the whole company upside-down and even if this is often wanted it is not if the new leader does not support the idea of stakeholder management and sustainable success. So all the hard work could turn out to be useless. Deming, 1986:121) sees an obstacle of long-term success in job-hopping due to the fact that leaders do not develop a sense of commitment and that new leaders unsettle the stakeholders. But long-term commitment also must be understood in the commitment to the approach of stakeholder management. So patience is necessary due to the fact that sustainable success and the necessary organisational behaviour is not achieved overnight (Potter, 1994). This requires an aim in the future that can be established as the one of the main motivator 5.3.7, Visionary: To avoid confusion and to respond to critics on stakeholder management a clear direction is vital for the success as discussed in 3.4. So it is about the leader to establish this direction by introducing a vision (Kets de Vries, Doyle, Loper, 1994), that helps to unify the stakeholders behind it, whilst providing clarity about what the vision is not about (Dubrin, 2007). In order to stimulate high performance and motivate followers a leader must lead passionately (Collins, 2001:20) and pragmatic (Frydman, Wilson, Wyer, Senge, 2000) towards a vision giving him/her the opportunity to have a major influence on the stakeholders. This refers back to the characteristic 'solid" (5.3.6) where a leader act as a role model towards the vision, so that stakeholder can follow (Cyert, 2005). It must be assured that the vision meets the requirements of stakeholder management, in particular balance and ethically correct, referred to as righteous. 5.3.8, Righteous: Righteous refers mainly to ethical and moral, including several 'components'. Morality is a key aspect of stakeholder management, resulting in trust and cooperation of the stakeholders. Indeed leaders should be compensated as every other stakeholder but it must be appropriate and not too high, like the stated 326:1 ratio between average CEOs and workers pay (Tang, Kim, Tang, 2000) in order to sustain trust and goodwill of stakeholders. Against the traditional way of high pay equals high performance (Jones, 1995) the survey of (Kennedy, 2000) reveals that challenging work and open communication are far more important than the pay, supported by Freeman (1984) the father of strategic stakeholder management seeing open communication as one enabler of stakeholder management. So this mind-set actually supports to lead stakeholder management, but nonetheless the salary of managers has increased dramatically. This is mainly caused in more freedom and missing internal monitoring of salary (Höpner, 2003:207), leading to a necessary moral respect of this freedom and do not exploit it. But it is not just about the monetary frugality it is also about recognition and awards, where heroism is not appropriate, acting in silence is what turned out to characterise great leaders (Collins J. , 2001:28). This includes the dispense of awards if things go good and blaming oneself if they go bad, this helps to not become arrogant (Kets de Vries, Doyle, Loper, 1994). This is also true for stakeholder management where the collaboration of the whole clockwork should be recognised and the leader act just as the element holding everything together and is not the centre of everything. Ethics is a fundamental characteristics for stakeholder management leaders, whereas Freeman, Harrison, Wicks (2007) see ethical leadership as the one most suitable, backed by McManus (2006:137) advocating ethical behaviour in order to decide to do the right thing, or ethical judgement respectively (Clarkson, 1995). This is why it is also about humanity (Kets de Vries, Doyle, Loper, 1994) and not seeing the environmental and societal responsibility as nonessential (Avery, 2005:216). Leaders also should be aware that they have fiduciary to all stakeholders and thus this fact should become the basis of the ethical mind-set (Kaufman, 2002). This fiduciary towards all stakeholders lead then towards the need of leaders to use this tool in an appropriate manner and to not justify bad decision with this model (Collins, Kearins, Roper, 2005). In addition this brings with it the desired balance of wealth distribution required by Sachs Maurer(2009).