Suchergebnisse

The Philippine Economic Update (PEU) provides an update on key economic and social developments, as well as policies over the past six months. It also presents findings from recent World Bank studies on the Philippines. It places them in a longer term and global context, and assesses the implications of these developments and policies on the outlook for the Philippines. Its coverage ranges from the macro-economy and financial markets to indicators of human welfare and development. It is intended for a wide audience, including policymakers, business leaders, financial market participants, and the community of analysts and professionals engaged in the Philippines. Poverty reduction is expected to continue if the country is able to maintain the relatively high economic growth and the more positive job trends in recent years, despite recent shocks to agriculture. Recent trends show an improvement in the country's growth-poverty elasticity, which means growth is becoming more inclusive. However, the recent increase in the underemployment rate and weak agricultural output in 2016 will need to be countered by sustained increase in per capita income growth and a continued focus on supporting the structurally poor through effective social protection programs. Under these assumptions, extreme poverty is projected to further decrease from nine percent in 2014 to 6.8 percent in 2018.

148 p. Cd ; Existe la evidencia empírica que muestra el pobre desarrollo del sector turístico en la ciudad de Valledupar, según la revista (Portafolio, 2017), la ciudad no es gran receptora de turistas nacionales y extranjeros. El grado de desarrollo turístico de Valledupar en relación con otras ciudades del país con igual población presenta niveles muy bajos. Por la falta de planeación desde sus gobiernos municipales, la ciudad no ha consolidado su sector turístico. A partir de la Carta Política de 1991 se ha buscado que sean las gobernaciones y las alcaldías las que tomen la iniciativa de establecer entidades o mecanismos que permitan al turismo hacer presencia regional, formular propuestas y coordinar acciones con las instancias nacionales e internacionales. Para poder desarrollar el turismo de una manera sostenible y competitiva es de vital importancia fortificar la presencia estatal local en todo el proceso, como lo sostiene la ley 300 de 1996 y las leyes y decretos que la estructuran, y como lo planifica la descentralización turística del Ministerio de Comercio, Industria y Turismo. Valledupar cumple con las características que definen un destino turístico musical; en primera medida, se identifica la ciudad con su música; segundo, el gran nivel de aceptación e importancia del vallenato en el ámbito nacional e internacional; tercero, hay un creciente auge de espectáculos musicales en la ciudad; cuarto, su entorno natural y cultural es la fuente de inspiración para los creadores de la música vallenata; quinto, porque se está desarrollando un ambiente de producción musical muy dinámico; sexto, por el desarrollo institucional de sus academias de música; séptimo, por el grado de asociatividad de los prestadores de servicios turísticos y los prestadores de servicios culturales; entre otros. ; There is empirical evidence that shows the poor development of the tourism sector in the city of Valledupar, according to the magazine (Portafolio, 2017), the city is not a great recipient of domestic and foreign tourists. The degree of touristic development of Valledupar, in relation to other cities of the country, with equal population presents very low levels. Due to the lack of planning from their municipal governments, the city has not consolidated is tourism sector. From the political letter of 1991 it has been sought that the governors and mayors take the initiative to establish entities or mechanisms that allow the turism to make regional presence, formulate proposals and coordinate actions with national and international bodies. In order to develop tourism in a sustainable and competitive way, it is vitally important to strengthen the local state presence throughout the process, as established by law 300 of 1996 and the laws and decrees that structure it, and as planned by the Ministry's tourism decentralization of Commerce, Industry an Tourism. Valledupar complies with the characteristics that define a musical tourism destination; in first measure, the city is identified with its music; second, the great level of acceptance and importance of the vallenato in the national and international scope; third, there is growing boom of musical shows in the city; fourth, is natural and cultural environnment is the source of inspiration for the creators of vallenato music; fifth, because it is developing, a very dynamic musical production environnment; sixth, for the institutional development of their music academies; seventh, by the degree of associativity of tourism service providers and cultural service providers among others. ; Contenido Introducción . 18 1. Descripción del Problema . 20 1.1 Análisis de la Situación . 20 1.2 Pregunta de Investigación . 24 1.3 Identificación del Problema . 24 1.3.1 Árbol de Causas . 24 1.3.2 Árbol de Efectos . 27 1.3.3 Árbol de Objetivos . 29 1.4 Justificación . 31 1.5 Alcance de la Investigación . 32 1.6 Visión . 33 1.7 Misión . 33 1.8 Acercamiento al Marco Metodológico . 33 1.8.1 Preguntas de Investigación . 33 1.8.2 Objetivos . 34 1.9 Técnicas de Recolección de la Información . 34 Elemento de Medición . 36 2. Marco Referencial……………………………………….38 2.2.1 Turismo y Desarrollo en Colombia. 54 2.2.2 El Turismo en la Economía de Colombia y del Caribe Colombiano . 56 2.2.3 El Turismo Como Estrategia Prioritaria de Desarrollo Regional en el Caribe Colombiano 59 2.2.4 Propuestas de Desarrollo Turístico para el Caribe Colombiano . 62 2.2.5 Desarrollo de Productos y Segmentos y Multi Destino con un Ámbito Regional. 64 2.2.6 Promoción y Comercialización Turística. 66 2.2.7 Capacitacion y formacion del recurso humano ………………………………………….67 2.3 Marco Metodológico . 68 2.3.1 Intención de Diagnostico . 68 2.3.2 La Importancia del Diagnóstico para el Diseño de la Política Pública . 68 2.4 Marco Legal . 74 2.5 Marco Contextual……………………………………………………….…………….77 2.5.1 Creacion de un Centro de Innovacion y Desarrollo Turistico……………………….77 2.5.2 Sistema de información Turística……-……………………………………………….78 2.5.3 Identificación de Actores Directos e Indirectos . 78 2.5.4 Actores Directos del Fomento del Turismo Sostenible en la Ciudad de Valledupar . 78 2.5.5 Actores Indirectos en el Fomento del Turismo Sostenible en la Ciudad de Valledupar . 79 2.5.6 Conformación de Redes . 80 3. Acercamiento al Desarrollo de la Política Pública . 81 3.1 Acercamiento al Cumplimiento de Objetivos Específicos . 81 3.2 Acercamiento a Introducción . 82 3.3 Acercamiento a las Conclusiones . 83 4. Metodología . 84 4.1 Elemento de Medición Dirigido a Turistas . 86 4.2 Elemento de Medición Dirigido a Residentes . 88 5. Resultados…………………………………………………………………………………94 5.1 Resultados Encuestas de Percepción de Valledupar como Destino Sostenible . 94 5.1.1 Actividad Laboral Relacionada con el Turismo . 94 5.1.2 Proyección de Valledupar como Destino Turístico de Calidad y Diversificado . 95 5.1.3 Las Actividades de las Administraciones Públicas Entorno al Desarrollo del Turismo en Valledupar . 96 5.1.4 Los Ingresos que Genera el Turismo en Valledupar son Representativos . 97 5.1.5 El Número de Visitantes en la Región . 98 5.1.6 La Actividad Turística ha Provocado Cambios en la Cultura de los Residentes y/o Pérdida de Tradiciones y Costumbres . 99 5.1.7 Los Habitantes de la Zona son Hospitalarios y Acogen a los Turistas con Calidez …. 100 5.1.8 Los Residentes están Involucrados en el Desarrollo Turístico de la Zona y Participan en la Misma . 101 6. Estrategias de Implementación y Política Pública . 102 6.1 Entorno Situacional . 102 6.2 Análisis del Sector del Turismo . 105 6.3 Proyección Estratégica . 119 6.3.1 Estructura Institucional . 120 6.3.2 Producto Turístico . 122 6.3.3 Estrategia de Competitividad y Calidad . 125 6.3.4 Mejoramiento de la Atractividad . 128 7. Línea Base y Metas de la Política Pública . 134 7.1 Cronograma de Actividades . 136 7.2 Seguimiento y Evaluación . 139 8. Fuentes de financiación política pública de turismo en la ciudad de Valledupar……….140 Conclusiones . 140 Recomendaciones . 144 Referencias Bibliográficas . 146 ; Ej. 1 ; Maestría ; Magister en Gestión Pública y Gobierno

This article introduces a special issue of EPAA/AAPE devoted to recent higher education reforms in Latin America. The last two decades have seen much policy development in higher education in the region, examined and discussed by scholars in each country, but dialog with the international literature on higher education reform, or an explicit comparative focus, have been mostly absent from these works. By way of presentation of the papers included in this issue, we first provide an overview of major policy changes in higher education in the Latin American region since the 1990s. We then turn to the six works in this special issue to describe the theories and methods supporting them. Next, we illustrate how general analytic categories can be derived from single or multi country case studies to illuminate themes capable of cutting across the particulars of national contexts, with their unique traditions, policy paths, and politics. Our three common threads are, first, the types of drivers for reform, that is, how policy change originates, either bottom-up from the institutions, or top-down from the government, and various possibilities in between. Second, understanding challenges to institutional autonomy in a continuum of intensity of state intended intervention in higher education. Third, explaining different levels of strain between public and private sectors in higher education based on conditions of competition for economic resources. While the papers in this special issue do not cover all countries, nor all issues on which policy has been crafted in the last two decades across the region, the collection of articles herein account for topics of enduring importance: faculty work in Ecuador, financial aid in Colombia, public policy decentralization in Argentina, quality assurance models in Colombia and Uruguay, the emerge of new institutions and universities in Argentina and Uruguay, and social justice, access, and inclusion in higher education, in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Ecuador. The articles presented in this special issue provide much insight onto higher education policy in Latin America and, additionally, offer ample opportunity to develop social science knowledge on the basis of strong comparative work. ; Este artículo presenta un número especial de EPAA/AAPE dedicado a reformas recientes de la educación superior en América Latina. Las últimas dos décadas han visto mucho desarrollo de políticas en educación superior en la región, que han sido examinadas y discutidas por académicos en cada país, pero el diálogo con la literatura internacional sobre reformas en educación superior, o una intención explícitamente comparada, han estado más bien ausentes de estos trabajos. A modo de introducción de los trabajos incluidos en este número especial, en primer lugar ofrecemos un panorama de los principales de los principales cambios en educación superior en la región latinoamericana desde los años 90 del siglo pasado. A continuación, tornamos nuestra atención a los seis artículos en este número especial, para describir las teorías y métodos en que se basan. Luego, ilustramos cómo es posible extraer categorías analíticas de alcance general a partir de estudios de caso de uno o más países, para iluminar temas transversales que trascienden las particularidades de los contextos nacionales y sus únicas tradiciones, trayectorias de política pública, y configuraciones políticas. Nuestras tres líneas comunes son, en primer lugar, los tipos de impulsos para la reforma, es decir, cómo se origina el cambio de la política, si es de abajo hacia arriba, desde las instituciones, o de arriba hacia abajo, desde el gobierno, con las variadas posibilidades que existen en medio. Segundo, entender los desafíos a la autonomía institucional en un continuo de intensidad de la intervención que el Estado propone implantar en la educación superior. Tercero, explicar los variados grados de tensión entre el sector público y el privado de la educación superior en función de las condiciones de competencia por recursos económicos. Si bien los artículos en este número especial no cubren a todos los países, ni todos los problemas para los cuales se han diseñado e implementado políticas en las últimas dos décadas a lo largo de la región, la colección de trabajos aquí reunida da cuenta de asuntos de continua importancia: trabajo de los académicos en Ecuador, ayudas financieras en Colombia, descentralización de las políticas públicas en Argentina, modelos de aseguramiento de la calidad en Colombia y Uruguay, la aparición de nuevas instituciones y universidades en Argentina y Uruguay, y la justicia social, el acceso y la inclusión en educación superior en Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, y Ecuador. Los artículos reunidos en este número especial ofrecen considerable profundidad en el análisis de la política de educación superior en América Latina y, adicionalmente, presentan amplias oportunidades para desarrollar conocimiento en las ciencias sociales sobre la base de un sólido trabajo comparativo. ; Este artigo apresenta uma edição especial da EPAA / AAPE dedicada a reformas recentes no ensino superior na América Latina. As duas últimas décadas têm visto muito desenvolvimento de políticas de ensino superior da região, que foram examinados e discutidos por académicos em cada país, mas o diálogo com a literatura internacional sobre as reformas no ensino superior, ou uma intenção explícita comparação, foram em vez ausentes dessas obras. Como uma introdução para as obras incluídas nesta edição especial, primeiro nós fornecemos uma visão geral das principais mudanças no ensino superior na América Latina desde os anos 90 do século passado. Em seguida, voltamos nossa atenção para os seis artigos desta edição especial, para descrever as teorias e métodos se baseiam. Então, nós ilustrar como é possível extrair categorias analíticas de aplicação geral a partir de estudos de caso de um ou mais países, para iluminar temas transversais que transcendem as particularidades dos contextos nacionais e das suas tradições únicas, trajetórias de política pública e configurações políticas. Nossos três linhas comuns são, em primeiro lugar, os tipos de impulsos para a reforma, isto é, como a mudança de política origina-se, se baixo para cima, das instituições, ou para cima e para baixo, do governo, com as várias possibilidades que existem no meio. Em segundo lugar, compreender os desafios da autonomia institucional em um continuum de intensidade da intervenção que o Estado se propõe a implementar no ensino superior. Em terceiro lugar, explicar os diferentes graus de tensão entre os setores público e privado de ensino superior, dependendo das condições de competição por recursos econômicos. Enquanto os artigos desta edição especial não cobrem todos os países, nem todos os problemas para os quais são concebidas e aplicadas políticas nas últimas duas décadas em toda a região, a coleção de obras aqui reunidas percebe assuntos importância contínua: o trabalho de acadêmicos no Equador, a ajuda financeira na Colômbia, a descentralização das políticas públicas na Argentina, modelos de garantia de qualidade na Colômbia e no Uruguai, o surgimento de novas instituições e universidades na Argentina e no Uruguai, e justiça social, o acesso e inclusão no ensino superior na Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Colômbia e Equador. Os artigos reunidos nesta edição especial fornecem profundidade considerável na análise da política de ensino superior na América Latina e, adicionalmente, têm amplas oportunidades para desenvolver o conhecimento nas ciências sociais, com base em sólido trabalho comparativo.

Since the fall of the Duvalier regime in 1986, Haiti has intended to be a democratic State in which the practices of territorial development put the emphasis on the involvement of the local actors. The principles of decentralization are therefore proclaimed, thus implying a will from the Haitian government to devolve powers and means to local authorities as part of community public services. Two phenomena have characterized the Haitian society from that date onward. The first phenomenon is the opening of the country to commercial trade – at international level – and the second one refers to the proliferation of NGOs and small local projects defined as development projects. These two phenomena reflect, by and large, the project-planning mentality at work on the Haitian territory on the basis of what is called "the international aid-project system." This thesis aims at two main objectives leading to two different yet interconnected models. The first objective is to investigate on the foundations of Haiti's political and economic dependence – and, to a larger extent, that of all the LDCs – in the context of the Official Development Assistance. It means taking into account the internal dynamics of its production system – based on the aid-project – on the ground of implemented choices made in terms of public policies for development. The second objective focuses on both geographic and socio-economic disparities which characterize the aid-project system itself. In order to study them, the approach is to investigate on the externalities generated by the system while highlighting the (geographic and organized) ties between projects and local actors. The geographic questions come from the assumption that actors or territories are affected by what goes on in their environment and even more so in their neighborhood. In this case, their proximity requires behaviors which are proportional to the variability of the factors. In other words, each (communal) territory that hosts a number of local projects reduces the opportunities for another territory to host them if the principle of assigning in the aid-project system is kept. It implies that projects have a tendency to concentrate in a small number of communal territories whereas their volume of activity is low elsewhere. Hence, local populations tend to migrate toward privileged territories or places, which aggravates territorial disparities and causes slums to grow. In a similar way, local actors specialize and become more efficient for attracting projects – or NGOs – by offering a pitiful image: misery replaces poverty. Though NGOs' proliferation has steadily increased in a country like Haiti since 1986, economic "take-off" has not really ensued. The geographic approach to the aid-project system brings about new thinking and new assumptions on the effects of aid distribution with respect to the reinforcement of – geographic and organized – ties between actors and their territories. It indicates that NGOs are mobile on the national territory and local projects will come together whenever a communal territory displays its condition of misery and provides the NGOs with good publicity in terms of image. In other cases, projects will be scattered. This constitutes a considerable contribution to the analysis of – direct or indirect – effects of the distribution of local projects regarding the issue of underdevelopment in Haiti. It is, then, possible to reason in terms of performance of the aid-project system in relation to this issue of territorialized development. ; Depuis la chute du régime des Duvalier en 1986, Haïti se veut un État démocratique dans lequel les pratiques du développement territorial insistent sur l'implication et la participation des acteurs locaux. Les principes de la décentralisation sont alors proclamés impliquant une volonté de l'État haïtien de transférer des compétences et des moyens aux collectivités territoriales, dans le cadre de services publics de proximité. Deux phénomènes allaient marquer la société haïtienne à partir de cette date. Le premier est l'ouverture du pays aux échanges commerciaux (à l'échelle internationale) et le second revoie à la prolifération des ONG et de petits projets locaux dits de développement. Ces deux phénomènes traduisent, dans un sens large, la mise en projet du territoire haïtien à partir de ce que l'on appelle « le système aide-projet international ». Cette thèse poursuit deux grands objectifs conduisant à deux modèles différents, mais interreliés. Le premier objectif est de s'interroger sur les fondements de la dépendance politico-économique d'Haïti (dans une large mesure tous les PMA) dans le contexte d'aide publique au développement. Il s'agit de prendre en compte les dynamiques internes de son système de production (basé sur l'aide-projet) à partir des choix de politiques publiques de développement appliqués. Le second objectif s'intéresse aux disparités, à la fois spatiales et socioéconomiques, qui caractérisent le système aide-projet lui-même. Pour les étudier, la démarche s'interroge sur les externalités générées par le système tout en mettant l'accent sur les liens de proximités (géographique et organisée) des projets par rapport aux acteurs territoriaux. Les questions spatiales partent du postulat que les acteurs ou les territoires sont affectés par ce qui se passe dans son environnement et davantage dans son voisinage. Dans ce cas, leur proximité impose des comportements qui sont proportionnels avec la variabilité des facteurs. Autrement dit, chaque territoire (communal), accueillant un nombre de projets locaux, diminue les chances d'un autre territoire de les accueillir si l'on maintient le principe d'affectation dans le système aide-projet. Cela implique que les projets ont tendance à se concentrer en un petit nombre de territoires communaux alors que leur volume d'activité est très faible ailleurs. De ce fait, les populations locales ont tendance à immigrer vers les territoires ou lieux privilégiés, ce qui accentue les disparités territoriales et entraîne l'élargissement des bidonvilles. De la même manière, les acteurs locaux se spécialisent et deviennent plus efficaces pour attirer des projets (ou des ONG) en offrant une image pitoyable : la misère remplace la pauvreté. Si la prolifération des ONG, dans un pays comme Haïti, a progressé de manière régulière depuis 1986, le décollage économique n'a pas véritablement suivi. L'approche spatiale du système aide-projet apporte de nouvelles réflexions et de nouvelles hypothèses, sur les effets de distribution de l'aide par rapport au renforcement des liens de proximités (géographique et organisée) entre les acteurs locaux et leurs territoires. Elle montre que les ONG sont mobiles sur le territoire national et les projets locaux vont se regrouper lorsqu'un territoire communal expose son état de misère et offre aux ONG une bonne publicité sur le plan d'image. Dans les cas contraires, les projets seront dispersés. Il s'agit là d'un apport considérable dans l'analyse des effets (directs ou indirects) de distribution des projets locaux par rapport à la problématique du sous-développement en Haïti. Alors, on peut raisonner en matière de rendements du système aide-projet par rapport à cette problématique de développement territorialisé.

La progresiva toma de conciencia ambiental de los últimos años ha marcado no sólo la modificación de las normativas reguladoras del agua, sino la propia evolución del Derecho de aguas, gradualmente transformado de acuerdo con los intereses sociales. Mientras que un enfoque tradicional situaba la preocupación principal sobre el agua en la necesidad de asegurar su disponibilidad, en el momento actual y una vez constatado el daño ambiental existente, la calidad de las aguas y su preservación, que antaño carecieron de importancia, pasan a ocupar un primer plano en las agendas gubernamentales. La presente Tesis tiene por objeto el análisis de los efectos que la incorporación de la variable ambiental ha tenido en los conflictos competenciales entre el Estado y las Comunidades Autónomas en España, y entre las provincias y la Nación en Argentina. Se parte de la siguiente premisa: las posibles invasiones competenciales derivadas de la vis expansiva del medio ambiente. Ésta, llevada al extremo, puede absorber el resto de competencias que inciden sobre el territorio, el entorno y los recursos naturales y, concretamente en este caso, puede vaciar de contenido las competencias bien estatales/nacionales bien autonómicas/provinciales en materia de aguas. Ahora bien, del mismo modo, el ejercicio de la competencia exclusiva sobre aguas continentales no puede originar un vacío de las competencias en materia de medio ambiente que dificulte la protección del recurso natural agua. La comparación de ordenamientos jurídicos facilita identificar diferencias y similitudes entre sistemas, aproximando la necesaria armonización y unificación del Derecho en un ámbito tan fundamental como es el agua. Superar los horizontes de un ordenamiento jurídico individual permite percibir la globalidad que subyace en las dificultades jurídicas asociadas a las aguas y al medio ambiente. Se busca la transferencia de experiencia y conocimiento en sistemas jurídicos lo que justifica la comparación que se lleva a cabo. Entre los objetivos de esta Tesis se encuentra: i) el análisis de la transformación de los ordenamientos jurídicos español y argentino desde la época de la sistematización del Derecho de aguas hasta su conformación actual a través de la "medioambientalización" del tratamiento jurídico del recurso; ii) el análisis y comparación del sistema de distribución competencial en materia de aguas y medio ambiente en dos modelos Estado como el de Autonomías y el federal argentino, que parten de criterios de distribución dispares. Se logra con ello una visión panorámica de las principales diferencias y similitudes en las decisiones adoptadas y en los problemas competenciales derivados de éstas; iii) análisis práctico de los conflictos competenciales e identificación de los criterios seguidos para su resolución. Para alcanzar los objetivos, la tesis se estructura en cinco capítulos: Capítulo I sintetiza las etapas en la evolución del derecho de aguas en España y en Argentina; el Capítulo II se destina al análisis de la distribución competencial en materia de aguas en ambos ordenamientos jurídicos; el Capítulo III, se centra en la distribución competencial en materia de medio ambiente en España y Argentina; el Capítulo IV, analiza los conflictos competenciales agua–medio ambiente en el derecho español y los criterios para su resolución; el Capítulo V, se centra en los conflictos competenciales agua-medio ambiente en el ordenamiento jurídico argentino. De acuerdo con los objetivos y la estructura expuesta, el trabajo de investigación desarrollado no queda incardinado única y exclusivamente en el Derecho ambiental de aguas, sino que aborda cuestiones esenciales de Derecho administrativo y del Derecho constitucional, en especial el modelo de Estado y el sistema de distribución de competencias constitucionales. Entre las conclusiones destaca la constatación de problemas similares ante la descentralización competencial de poderes aun partiendo de criterios de distribución dispares. Abstract Growing environmental awareness over recent years has had an impact not only on water related regulations, but also on how the actual Spanish water law has evolved over the years, gradually contemplating social interests. Traditionally the prime concern with regards to water was the need to assure its availability, but at present, having seen the existing environmental damage, the actual quality of the water and its preservation, issues that previously lacked importance, have now become of prime importance to governments. The purpose of this doctoral thesis is to analyse the effects that the incorporation of the environmental variable has had on conflicts related to jurisdiction between the State and the Autonomous Communities in Spain, and between the Provinces and the Nation in Argentina. This paper is based on the following premise: possible conflicts related to jurisdiction owing to increased environmental awareness. This growing awareness, if pursued in an extreme, could affect other jurisdictions such as territorial, environmental and those regarding natural resources and, in this case in particular, could invalidate autonomous/provincial or even state/national jurisdictions with regards to water. However, in the same way, the exercise of exclusive jurisdiction on continental waters cannot create a vacuum in the jurisdiction regarding the environment, as this would then impede the protection of this natural resource - water. By comparing various legal systems this highlights differences and similarities in the systems and the necessity to unify the Law, in an area as fundamental as water. By surpassing the frontiers of individual legal systems, the problem which underlies the legal difficulties associated with water and the environment as a whole becomes visible. The comparison is carried out in the search for the transfer of experience and knowledge regarding the different legal systems. The aims of this thesis are: (i) analysis of the changes to the legal systems in Spain and Argentina from when the Water Law became systematised, the environmental shaping of the legislation, up to its present-day form; (ii) analysis and comparison of jurisdictional distribution in the areas of water and environment of two models: The Spanish Autonomous Community model and the Argentinian Federal State model, both with different criteria with regards to distribution of power. These analyses offer a global perspective of the main variations in the decisions made and the jurisdictional problems arising from these decisions; (iii) practical analysis of the conflict of power and identification of the criteria established to resolve these conflicts. For this purpose, the paper is divided into five chapters: Chapter I summarizes the various phases regarding changes to the Water Law in Spain and Argentina; Chapter II includes the analysis of the distribution of power in the area of water in both legal systems; Chapter III focuses on the distribution of power in the field of environment in Spain and Argentina; Chapter IV analyses the jurisdictional conflicts related to water-environment in the Spanish legal system and the criteria for their resolution; Chapter V focuses on jurisdictional conflicts related to water-environment in the Argentinian legal system. With these objectives and this structure in mind, the research not only encompasses Environmental Water Law, but addresses key issues of Administrative and Constitutional Law, in particular with regards to the State model and the system of distribution of constitutional powers. The conclusions highlight the existence of similar problems due to the decentralization of powers even when the criteria for the distribution of power were totally dissimilar.

My former colleague Howard Wall asked me to join Lawrence White yesterday evening to discuss the role and future of cryptocurrencies at an event hosted by the Hammond Institute for Free Enterprise. It was a great honor to share the stage with Larry. I've been thinking about cryptocurrencies for a long time; many of my writings and talks on the subject can be found here. My thoughts on the subject are evolving as I learn more about the phenomenon. For what it's worth, I thought I'd share my opening remarks with interested readers below. As usual, any feedback is welcome. The Role and Future of CryptocurrenciesA money and
payments system is about managing databases containing the money accounts of
individuals and organizations. Any database management system must necessarily
define read and write protocols. Read privileges specify who can view what on
the database. Write privileges specify who gets to write what to the database.

So, for
example, we can read what's in our bank account. So can the bank and its
regulators. But other people cannot see how much money is held in any account
apart from their own. While we cannot write directly to our account, we can
send our bank instructions to so on our behalf. The bank can also write directly
to our account. It may, for example, credit our account with interest, or debit
it for service fees.

Note that bank
accounts are digital. Moreover, the messages we send to our bank over the
Internet are secured with the aid of cryptography. In this sense, one could say
that bank deposits are a form of cryptocurrency.

Bank
deposits, however, are not typically viewed as cryptocurrencies. Well then, what
are the distinguishing characteristics of a cryptocurrency? It's not so
clear-cut, but two things come to my mind. First, the database for a
cryptocurrency is typically associated with an open-read privilege. This
implies that the database can, in principle, at least, be subject to audits
from any person, or any agency, at any time, all the time.  This property offers a degree of financial
transparency that is unheard of in conventional money services businesses. Second,
the task of managing the database is typically decentralized in some manner to
"validator nodes;" or, what one might label more mundanely as "accountants" in
the non-crypto world. What is interesting here is how these validators are
potentially recruited and compensated. For Bitcoin, anyone can potentially
become a validator and compensation arrives in the form of a stochastic reward.

When it
comes to keeping track of money balances, an open-write privilege is problematic.
This is known as the double-spend problem. In conventional payment systems, the
double-spend problem is solved by delegating database management to a trusted
third party. A cryptocurrency like Bitcoin or Ethereum must instead rely on a
consensus mechanism that somehow ensures that a dispersed write-privilege does
not result in garbage being written to the database. To date, the most popular
mechanisms are based on PoW (Proof of Work) and PoS (Proof of Stake). But there
are others as well, and one should expect innovation along this dimension
since, as far as I know, no existing consensus mechanism has yet proven to be entirely
satisfactory.

Of course,
the same can be said of conventional database management systems. To young
eyes, the current system seems a hopelessly tangled mess of databases that have
trouble communicating with each other. Moreover, they appear not to be very
secure at times. But despite the problems we all encounter with the modern
banking system, one should, in fairness, acknowledge the tremendous
achievements that have taken place over the last fifty years. For example, we
are now able to travel to foreign countries with just a credit card. This is
not the way things worked until relatively recently. Anyone who has had the
experience of needing traveler's checks can fill you in on what it was like to
travel in the old days.

Well, if
there's been so much progress in money and payments, what accounts for the emergence
and proliferation of cryptocurrencies?

As is so
often the case, I think the fundamental cause of this development is rapid
technological change moving against a relatively slow-moving incumbency that
includes banks, money services businesses, and especially their regulators. In
saying this, I do not mean to assign blame; the inertial properties of existing
institutional arrangements likely has some merit. Institutional inertia can stabilizing,
for example. But to benefit the communities they serve, institutions also have to evolve to meet the
challenges of new technologies. And I think this is happening today in the
sphere of money and payments.

What new
technologies are we talking about? Innovations in communications, like the
Internet, have been transformational. As well, there have been advances in data
storage and cryptography that have played a critical role. All these
innovations are, however, within the grasp of incumbent banks and money service
businesses. And indeed, incumbents have made use of these technologies. Internet
banking and PayPal are real things, after all. I think the important innovation as
far as cryptocurrencies are concerned isthe development of database
management protocols that permits a degree of decentralization for managing large
databases. I say "large" databases because we already have decentralized
database management systems for small communities, like gift exchange or the
exchange of favors among friends (see: Why the Blockchain Should be Familiar to You). Advances in data storage and communications
have, in effect, permitted this ancient form of communal record-keeping to
scale.

The
decentralized or communal aspect of managing a database is, of course, very
much at odds with the notion of delegating the responsibility to a privileged
set of institutions. Some people believe that these developments will lead to a
revolution—an overthrow of existing institutions—a triumph in democracy over a
privileged class. What is much more likely is an evolution of existing
institutions to accommodate the threat posed by the potential usurpers in a
manner that serves the broader community. In short, what we are likely to
witness is the usual pattern of economic development in relatively well-functioning
societies.

What do
cryptocurrencies offer individuals and society? What are the concerns of
regulators and policymakers?

To answer
these questions, we need to recognize that there are different classes of
cryptocurrencies, each of which cater to a specific constituency. Broadly, they
can be categorized as belonging to one of two groups distinguished by their
respective exchange rate regimes and governance structures.

In one
group, we have the decentralized autonomous organizations, like Bitcoin. From
the perspective of domestic policymakers, Bitcoin can be viewed as foreign
currency operating under a floating exchange rate regime. Except that there's
no negotiating with Bitcoin (there's no negotiating with some countries either). The intermediaries that deal or broker BTC
transactions can, however, be regulated.

In the other
group, we have the so-called stablecoins, like USD Coin (sponsored by Circle
and Coinbase) and Diem (sponsored by Facebook). To domestic policymakers,
stablecoins can be viewed as checkable mutual funds operating under a unilateral
fixed exchange rate regime utilizing various forms of collateral. The major
innovation here has less to do with technological innovation and more to do
with the willingness and ability to process USD payments outside the commercial
banking sector.

Viewed in
this light, cryptocurrencies do not look so unfamiliar. As a foreign
currency operating under a floating exchange rate, they'll likely never displace the domestic unit of account. They may,
however, serve as store-of-value or portfolio hedge. And they may facilitate
certain kinds of payments, typically on-chain and large-value. As a stablecoin
offering a par exchange rate, they suffer from all the usual problems of
uninsured fractional reserve banking—unless they promise to back their
currencies fully with USD cash.

The question
here is whether these products are offering something fundamentally more
cost-effective when it comes to making payments, or whether they owe their
existence primarily to regulatory arbitrage. I do not know the answer to this
question, but I suspect that much of what they have to offer comes from the
latter. Diem, for example, can bypass banking regulations by not becoming a
bank. It can leverage Facebook's huge social network as a payment system
connecting 2B+ users around the world. It can potentially offer
money-transmitting services for "free" or, rather, in exchange for personal
data. My guess is that banks (or even PayPal) are not permitted operate in this manner. Regulatory advantage: Diem. 

Regulators
need to keep a close eye on these structures since it is politically impossible
to commit to the doctrine of caveat emptor when it comes to money and banking.
The temptation, as always, will be to replace "cash" for higher-yielding "cash
equivalents" on the balance sheet. The structure slowly evolves into an
uninsured fractional reserve bank, but in the shadow bank sector. If something
goes wrong, depositors will seek compensation, first from the firm and then from the government. After all, how could a
government knowingly permit such an unstable structure to exist in the first
place?

To sum up, I
think the future of cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin is to serve as an alternative
asset class for investors. I doubt that it will ever become a dominant medium
of exchange in any large economy. Fractional reserve banks using BTC as
reserves are not likely to be tolerated.

The future
of stablecoins seems more interesting to me. In the first instance, they seem
capable of filling the gaps that remain apparent in modern day payment systems
(think correspondent banking here). But the main effect here is likely to spur
conventional banks and their regulators to fill these gaps at a faster pace. There
is a possibility that a project like Diem might one day abandon its peg to the
USD and offer itself as a stand-alone currency. Policymakers would in that case
be concerned about a country maintaining monetary policy sovereignty. One manifestation
of this concern could be a pre-emptive action on the part of the government,
for example, by offering its own universally-accessible CBDC.

 

Stvaranje Evropske unije bespovratno je narušilo tradicionalno ustrojstvo drţava, pa i samog meĊunarodnog poretka. Uspostavljanje strukture koja obuhvata više centara moći u okviru kojih se (ne)ravnopravno donose odluke od znaĉaja za ţivot graĊana, uticalo je na slabljenje nacionalnih, a nedovoljnu samostalnost nadnacionalnog nivoa unutar nje. Stalno pregovaranje i lobiranje na kojima poĉiva Unija pruţa mogućnost za ostvarivanje ciljeva pojedinih interesnih grupa i drţava. Koncept demokratije je ovakvim stanjem najviše izgubio. Pojаm demokrаtije je teško definisаti, isto koliko je komplikovаno pronаći kriterijume za njeno identifikovanje a koji su primjenljivi nа sve politiĉke sisteme. Situаcijа se dodаtno usloţnjаvа kаdа je ove kriterijume neophodno prepoznati u okviru nedovršenog politiĉkog sistema kаkаv je onаj u Evropskoj uniji. Problemi u demokrаtskoj legitimizаciji Unije, koji se jаvljаju uporedo sа uspjesimа u integrаciji, otvаrаju pitаnje primjenljivosti "stаndаrdnog" modelа demokrаtije nа ovu tvorevinu. Prirodа funkcionisаnjа Evropske unije, u kojoj je na snazi uprаvljаnje nа više nivoа, zаhtijevа prilаgoĊаvаnje demokrаtskih principа njenom specifiĉnom politiĉkom sistemu. Mada ne postoji konsenzus meĊu teoretiĉаrima koji su dali doprinos objašnjavanju pojma demokratije u Evropskoj uniji dа li postoji demokratski deficit unutar nje, kаo ni koji su nаjbolji uslovi zа rаzvoj аutentiĉne demokrаtije u EU, moguće je identifikovati brojne strukturne probleme demokratije u politiĉkom sistemu Evropske unije. U okviru postojećeg institucionаlnog mehаnizmа Evropske unije problemi nastaju usljed isprepletenih nаdleţnosti izmeĊu institucijа i osjetnog jаĉаnjа izvršne u odnosu nа zаkonodаvnu grаnu vlаsti. Centrаlnu ulogu od institucija imа Sаvjet koji funkcioniše po principu meĊuvlаdine sаrаdnje. Prаktiĉno nijednа evropskа politikа ne moţe se usvojiti bez djelovаnjа ove institucije i uplitаnjа drţаvа ĉlаnicа, što Savjet ĉini glavnim zakonodavnim tijelom Unije. Evropski parlament, sa druge strane, iako neposredno izabran, zbog svojih još uvijek ogrаniĉenih nаdleţnosti, i dаlje je glаvni uzroĉnik demokrаtskog deficitа u Uniji. Stoga bi talas demokratizacije institucija Unije trebalo da obuhvati "prelivаnje" moći sа Sаvjetа nа Evropski pаrlаment i jаĉаnje meĊuinstitucionаlne sаrаdnje izmeĊu Evropskog pаrlаmentа i Evropske komisije. Evropskа unijа nemа ureĊenje poput trаdicionаlne nаcionаlne drţаve. Ne postoji ni demos nа evropskom nivou, te, stoga, nemа ko dа obezbijedi neophodni legitimitet evropskim politikama. Iako je nesumnjivo da politike Evropske unije proizvode velike koristi zа njene grаĊаne, ovа reаlnost, zаjedno sа rаzvijenim mehаnizmimа konsultovаnjа sа grаĊаnimа, ipаk ne umаnjuje kljuĉni problem u komunikаciji Unija – graĎani: mаnjаk аdekvаtnog predstаvljаnjа grаĊаnа, što je zа zаjednicu kojа se u svojim osnivаĉkim dokumentimа deklаriše kаo predstavniĉka ipak nedostаtаk. Ni sаmi grаĊаni ne pokreću politiĉku debаtu o specifiĉnim evropskim pitаnjimа nа nivou koji bi bio izаzov zа nаcionаlne vlаde. Demokrаtskа legitimizаcijа evropskih institucijа zаhtijevа i veću ulogu politiĉkih pаrtijа i njihovu revitаlizаciju nа evropskom nivou, kao i otvoreno politiĉko takmiĉenje koje ukljuĉuje grаĊаne. Proces integrisаnjа zemаljа Evropske unije prouzrokovаo je ozbiljne demokrаtske probleme ne sаmo nа nivou Unije, već i u drţаvаmа ĉlаnicаmа. "Problemi demokratije" u drţavama ĉlanicama koji proizilaze iz funkcionisanja Unije drugаĉije se reflektuju u rаzliĉitim nаcionаlnim politiĉkim sistemimа. Pritisku koji dolаzi od integrisаnjа unutar Evropske unije bolje se prilagoĊavaju drţаve koje imаju federаlno od onih koje imаju unitаrno ureĊenje. Federаlni kаrаkter ureĊenjа u drţаvi već podrаzumijevа više nivoа odluĉivаnjа i decentrаlizаciju vlasti, pа se ovаj sistem lаkše prilаgoĊаvа uprаvljаnju nа više nivoа unutаr Evropske unije. To ne moţe biti sluĉаj sа zemljаmа koje su trаdicionаlno centrаlizovаne. Dalji razvoj Evropske unije moţe ići u pravcu zadrţavanja trenutnih principa integrisanja uz obrazloţenje da su demokratske drţave ĉlanice garant legitimiteta Unije. Na taj naĉin bi i dalje meĊuvladin princip imao primat u odnosu na nadnacionalni. Model koji bi trаnsformisаo Evropsku uniju u zаjednicu demokrаtskog kаrаkterа jeste federаlni. Evropskа unijа posjeduje elemente federalizma, a toj konstrukciji nedostaje kаpаcitet zа oporezivаnje i mogućnost predlaganja izmjena osnivаĉkih, konstitutivnih, ugovora. Trenutno postojanje federalnih elemenata u funkcionisanju Unije ukazuje da njihovo dodatno osnaţivanje neće neminovno dovesti do njene trаnsformаcije u zajednicu federalnog karaktera, ali će svakako uticati na smanjivanje postojećeg demokratskog deficita.Nauĉno-istraţivaĉki pristup korišćen u ovom radu odreĊen je predmetom i ciljevima istraţivanja. Znaĉajnu primjenu imale su metodologija svojstvena politiĉkim naukama, komparativna metoda, analiza sadrţaja dokumenata, kao i specijalizacija. U dokazivanju postavljenih hipoteza primjenu su našle i sinteza, generalizacija, indukcija i dedukcija. ; The creation of the European Union has irreversibly undermined the traditional establishment of states, including the international order thereof. The establishment of a structure encompassing multiple power centers entailing (un)equal decision making relevant to the lives of citizens, has triggered the downturn in national, subsequently weakening the supranational level of autonomy within it. Constant negotiations and lobbying representing the cornerstones of the Union, provides for an opportunity for achieving the objectives of individual groups and states. In the light of the above, the democracy concept has suffered the most. The democracy concept is difficult to define, being leveraged by the complication in finding criteria for its identification which are applicable to all political systems. The situation is further complicated in case of a need to identify these criteria within an unfinished political system like the one in the European Union. The problems behind democratic legitimization of the Union, arising along with the integration success, are opening up the question of the applicability of "standard" democracy model to this creation. The nature of the European Union functioning governed by the multiple levels management, requires adjustment of the democratic principles to its specific political system. Although there is no consensus among theorists who have contributed to clarifying the democracy concept in the European Union on neither whether there is a democratic deficit within it, nor what are the best conditions for the development of a genuine democracy in the EU, nevertheless it is possible to identify a number of structural problems of democracy in the political system of the European Union. In the framework of existing institutional mechanism of the European Union, the problems arise because of overlapping responsibilities between the institutions and the appreciable strengthening of the executive over the legislative branch of government. The Council plays the central role, operating on the principle of intergovernmental cooperation. Practically not a single European policy may be adopted without the operation of this institution and the interference of the member states, making the Council the leading legislative authority of the Union. The European Parliament, on the other hand, although directly elected, due to its still limited competences, being the main trigger of the democratic deficit in the Union. Thus, the wave of democratization of the EU institutions should include the "spillover" of power from the Council to the European Parliament and strengthening the inter-institutional cooperation between the European Parliament and European Commission. The European Union has not been grounded as the traditional national state. Demos don"t exist at the European level and, therefore, there is no one to provide the necessary legitimacy of the European policies. Although undoubtedly, the European Union policies are generating great benefits for its citizens, this reality, along with developed mechanisms of consultation with citizens, however, does not reduce the key problem in communication between the Union - citizens: lack of adequate representation of citizens, representing a deficiency having in mind that its founding documents are declaring it as a representative Community. Even the citizens themselves are failing to launch political debate on specific issues at the European level that would be a challenge for the national governments. Democratic legitimization of European institutions requires a greater role of political parties and their revitalization at the European level, as well as open political competition involving the citizens The integration process of the European Union counties has caused serious democratic problems not only at the level of the Union, but also in the member states. "Democracy problems" in the member states deriving from the functioning of the Union are reflected differently in different national political systems. Unlike unitary governments, federal ones are better adapting to the pressure deriving form the integration within the European Union. Federal feature of organization in the state already implies the multiple levels of decision making and decentralization of powers, thus the system is easily adapting to the multiple levels of management within the European Union. This is not the case with countries that are traditionally centralized. The further EU development may be directed in retaining the current integration principles with the rationale that the democratic member states represent legitimacy guarantor of the Union. In the light of the above, the intergovernmental principle should supersede the supranational. However, a model that would transform the EU into a democratic community is federal. The European Union has elements of federalism and this structure lacks the capacity for taxation and possibility of proposing amendments to founding, constitutional contracts. Currently the existence of federal elements in the functioning of the Union is pinpointing that its further strengthening will not inevitably lead to the transformation of the Union into the community with federal character, but will most likely impact on reducing the existing democratic deficit However, the model that would transform the European Union into the Community with democratic feature is the federal one. The European Union has the federalism features, and this structure suffers the lack of taxation capacity and the option of proposing amendments to the founding and constitutional treaties. The current existence of federal elements within the functioning of the Union is implying that its additional strengthening will not inevitably generate the transformation of the Union into the Community of federal feature, yet it will affect the decline in the current democratic deficit. Scientific methods used in this thesis are based on specific topic and research objective. Therefore, the methodology inherent in political science, comparative method, content analysis of documents, as well as specialization are used to a large extent. In proving the hypotheses a great usage has found the synthesis, generalization, induction and deduction.

This report is the output of the finalize toolkit phase (phase three) for the project sustainability toolkit for transport projects. The overall objective, as defined in the terms of reference, is 'to make development projects more sustainable by reducing the risk of failure of projects attaining their long-term development goals and enhance the prospects for their sustained impact on development ensuring that there is local commitment to longer-term buy-in'. The main deliverable of the project is a project sustainability toolkit, of which this report outlines the final version. This toolkit helps to gauge the potential for the project to be sustainable into the long-term and provide advice to help overcome common barriers to the successful development and implementation of projects. The guidance covers the expected opportunities and constraints related to sustainability. The toolkit is intended to reduce the risk of project failure in terms of sustainable development and enable recipient country clients to incorporate core sustainability principles into transport projects at every stage of project planning, design and delivery. This will improve the prospects for longer-term sustainability and will enhance the long-term impacts of development projects. Task Team Leaders (TTL's) will benefit from additional evidence that supports investments intended to consolidate long-term development, and borrowers will benefit from projects with improved and demonstrable longer-term beneficial impact. The toolkit provides general advice for transport sector investments and is not modally specific. Information on the sub-components of the key sustainability principles has not been included since it was considered that this did not add value or further understanding of the issues.

This working paper presents the findings and conclusions of a review of the resourcing approach and related actions to implement the World Bank's 2007 Governance and Anticorruption (GAC) strategy. The strategy paper noted that the World Bank Group (WBG) had been 'actively engaged' for at least the past decade in each of the areas of action at the country level as outlined in the strategy. The strategy paper and implementation plan listed a large number of implementation activities. But there was no attempt made, given the Bank's continuous GAC work, to clearly identify: a starting point or baseline of activities that pre-dated the strategy and which would continue to be funded by the existing large Bank budgetary spending on governance work; and a prioritized set of incremental activities that required funding through additional bank budget or trust funds. The strategy paper did not indicate any priority activities for financing; it also did not mention the Bank budget as a source of funding and emphasized non-traditional funding mechanisms (external sources of funding) in general terms for work at the country level.

In 2011 the Ghanaian government issued a policy establishing Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) for the purpose of implementing infrastructure projects and improving the capacity of services provision. A World Bank Mission visited Ghana early in 2012 to assess the legal and practical feasibility of participation in PPPs at the sub-national level of the Government and the possibility that private commercial banks can provide non-sovereign financing to such PPPs. This report will present a summary of the available information on local governments and financial markets in Ghana, and identify potential infrastructure investments that could later be supported directly or indirectly by the International Finance Corporation (IFC) sub-national window, such as with bank guarantees, non sovereign loans, equity or other means. This report also discusses the legal framework for financial operations of SOEs.

This report seeks to inform the development of a framework for addressing governance reform in fragile and conflict affected environments through are view of international experiences. The report analyzes the experience both of countries that sustained a transition to peace and those that fell back into conflict. Pertinent lessons will be drawn selectively from a range of fragile and conflict affected countries, including Haiti, Cambodia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Mozambique, Liberia, Timor-Leste, Afghanistan, Rwanda, Indonesia, Sierra Leone, and Angola. No specific typologies have been adopted or formed in order to assess these lessons, because typologies can be limiting and experiences can be better assessed based on the specificity of each country's context. The first section of the report sets out broadly accepted definitions of key terms such as governance, state building, and fragility. The second section reviews experiences with diverse governance dimensions and explores the objectives, opportunities, and constraints associated with each.

Infrastructure plays a key role in promoting economic growth and opportunities.In particular, the efficient provision of basic infrastructure services, like water and sanitation, is a key ingredient in fostering a country's social and economic development. Previous studies have found that infrastructure has a positive impact on output, and can improve economic opportunity, including health and education for the poor, particularly in developing countries. In Argentina, a 2005 study, found that child mortality fell by 8 percent in areas that had experienced improved coverage and quality of basic water and sanitation through utility reform, with most of the reduction occurring in low-income areas where the water network expanded the most. More generally, Fay and Morrison found that allowing the poorest quintile in developing countries the same access to basic services as the richest quintile would reduce child mortality by 8 percent and child under development by 14 percent. Calderon and Serven also found a significant positive impact of infrastructure access and quality on overall inequality. Furthermore, the book sheds some light on how to address the main challenge for the future which may be to attract specialized operators to the smaller municipalities which do not currently have them. For that purpose in Colombia, for example, over the last two years, the policy framework has been focused on promoting the sector's development, by using the departments as the intermediate institutional level between the National Government and the municipalities, to formulate programs with regional impact and promote comprehensive investment plans.

Bangladesh is one of the world's poorest and most densely populated countries, and subject to annual cyclones and flooding. Despite these challenges, it benefits from strong economic growth, good performance on health and education, and poverty reduction, alongside weak governance and pervasive corruption. The reasons include strong macroeconomic policy, pro-poor spending, credible elections, export growth and remittances, improved capacity for managing natural disasters, and a stronger civil society than comparable countries. After over a decade of intense engagement with the Bank on governance, Bangladesh adopted in 2006 a governance-oriented Country Assistance Strategy (CAS) with four main objectives: to improve implementation capacity; to 'tackle corruption' by fully operationalizing the Anti-Corruption Commission; to lay the foundation for comprehensive legal and judicial reform; and to strengthen 'voice, empowerment and participation.' The choice of a wide range of instruments and areas of intervention was appropriate, given the political instability at the time of 2006 CAS preparation. The Bank signaled it was ready to engage in all areas, and could scale up or pull back depending on emerging political and bureaucratic commitment. The 2006 CAS yielded mixed results, and the subsequent Country Partnership Strategy (CPS) has been more selective on GAC issues. At the project level, governance has been a key priority, in line with the South Asia region's heavy emphasis on GAC-in-Projects. Investments in GAC-in-primary education, a local government project, anti-corruption efforts in the power sector, and projects strengthening the investment climate have yielded positive results. Investments in GAC-in-roads projects have had mixed results in terms of effectiveness. GAC activities were mainly adopted prior to the 2007 GAC strategy. Although Bangladesh was a Country Governance and Anticorruption (CGAC) country, the country team chose not to use CGAC funds because the country had already been intensively using GAC approaches well before the GAC strategy was adopted.

Cambodia is one of the world's most open economies, sustaining high levels of growth in an environment of relatively weak governance. Emerging from a legacy of genocide and civil conflict, the country has sought to address human and social capital deficits across sectors, weaknesses in public finance, and corruption. Despite improvements in access to basic services, governance constraints persist and may threaten gains from economic integration. Over the 2004-10 period, the Bank's engagement on Governance and Anticorruption (GAC) issues in Cambodia was not defined by a single, overarching priority or entry point (such as core public sector management, natural resource management, or service delivery). Rather, the Bank was opportunistic, opting to support the government's GAC efforts across multiple sectors and institutions. The relevance of this opportunistic approach is judged to be moderately relevant. The Bank's objectives on public financial management (PFM) were highly relevant given Cambodia's nontransparent and weak public expenditure management and limited capacity. The Bank's response to sectoral governance weaknesses such as red tape, inefficiencies, and other forms of rent-seeking in customs is rated modest given the need for the government to implement its World Trade Organization commitments. The Bank's project level engagement is rated as moderately relevant. As a basis for reinstating suspended projects, portfolio-wide measures included the use of an Independent Procurement Agency (IPA) for the International Development Association (IDA) procurements, and the implementation of Good Governance Frameworks (GGF) for all IDA projects.

This note synthesizes the experience of three political economy case studies: the water sector in West Bank and Gaza, the bus sector in Dhaka, Bangladesh, and the port sector in Chittagong, Bangladesh. The objective is to describe: the process of conducting these types of studies, and how recommendations which have a higher chance of feeding into reforms or operations can be developed. It is hoped that these insights will be useful for development practitioners and operational teams who are considering conducting political economy studies. It is increasingly accepted that better understanding and management of the political economy of policy reforms can help development agencies, including the World Bank, refine policy advice and operational support in partner countries. Support of reforms which are technically feasible and politically acceptable, while simultaneously promoting a poverty reduction agenda, remain a core challenge for the World Bank. It is anticipated that the additional time and effort put into political economy work will often translate into improved design and implementation of sector reforms and operations, and thus increase their effectiveness. It illustrates lessons for operational teams and development practitioners on conducting political economy work. Finally, it shows that certain obstacles need to be anticipated when translating political economy recommendations into design of operations and illustrates, through the case studies, how they can be addressed.