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This dissertation explores representations of nonhuman agency across the diverse literary tradition of speculative fiction. I identify speculative fiction as a site where cultural discourses of personhood, species, and power might be challenged and reworked; a loosely defined genre, SF insists on an openness to disruption, exploiting the creative and politically radical possibilities of imagining the world otherwise. The project draws upon an archive of nineteenth- and twentieth-century French, English, and U.S. American texts that adopt a speculative mode in order to literalize long-standing associations of the feminine, animal, and object in the Western patriarchal imagination, populating their pages with figures of feminized cyborgs, animalized women, and mechanized animals. By worlding a range of beings defined by their difference from the human norm, the texts intervene in longstanding anthropocentric discourses of "who" versus "what," proposing a more inclusive notion of personhood that recognizes collective, interdependent, and passive forms of agency. I draw upon feminist theory, gender and queer theory, animal studies, and posthumanist scholarship to articulate an intersectional approach to multispecies ethics.The four chapters separate into two parts, each concerned with one vector of the infinitely multiple field of the nonhuman. The first two focus on artificial, machinic life as one alternative to human species-being; Rachilde's Monsieur Vénus in Chapter 1 and Villiers's L'Eve future and Carter's The Passion of New Eve in Chapter 2 employ cyborg figures to challenge dominant discourses of gender propriety and authorial agency. The second two chapters focus on animals and animality as a second alternative to humanity; Carter's Nights at the Circus and Darrieussecq's Truismes in Chapter 3 and Stapledon's Sirius and Bakis's Lives of the Monster Dogs in Chapter 4 attend to the perils and pleasures of bestial life on the margins of human-dominated society. Together, the chapters build toward a notion of worlding as collaboration—between humans, animals, and machines; between genders; between storytellers and stories, authors and texts.

This essay articulates a queer feminist ethics of eros by rereading Luce Irigaray through a Foucauldian lens. After an inquiry into Irigaray's absence from queer theory, the essay makes a case for Irigaray as a resource for queer thinking by exploring the philosophical antifoundationalism she and queer theorists share. Focusing specifically on the antisocial thesis of queer theory, especially in the work of Leo Bersani and Janet Halley, the essay first examines the contentious relation between feminist and queer conceptions of sexual ethics before addressing new possibilities for a queer feminist ethics. Reading Irigaray's ethics of eros through an ethical Foucauldian lens, the essay accomplishes three objectives: (1) it analyzes the virtually unexplored relation between Irigaray and Foucault to make the case for a queer Irigaray; (2) it unravels the aporetic knot of sexual ethics at the heart of queer feminist splits; and (3) it deepens our philosophical understanding of sexual difference and erotic desubjectivation in modernity by elaborating a queer feminist ethics.

Promoting gender equality and women empowerment is a long standing item on the development agenda nationally and internationally. It is also item number five of the 2030 millennium development goals; gender equality, ending all discrimination against women and girls is not only a basic right but a human right. Research has proven that empowering women and girls helps economic growth and development. Empowering women is necessary for women's enhancement in society and the workplace, the military is no exception. This paper argues on the gender mainstreaming policies in the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) and whether they are adequately implemented to ensure equal representation of women in all military ranks including combat. The researchers used Liberal Feminist Theory (LFT), which advocates for women's right to be seen and acknowledged as human rights. The researchers employed a feminist qualitative research methodology and exploratory design. Snowballing sampling technique was used to select participants in the SANDF military air-force base in Hoedspruit, Limpopo and saturation was reached after the fifteenth participant for in-depth interviews. Data was analysed using Thematic Analysis (TA). Findings in the study revealed that women in the military are of the view that the military is making strides in ensuring an equal representation between men and women, however women view themselves as less represented than their male counterparts, regardless of the policies put in place. Results also revealed that that the lack of representation of women in the military is due to the SANDF not being meant for women. The paper therefore concludes that women are not equally represented to their male counterparts in the military and that there is need for improvement towards this in senior and management positions within the SANDF. The study recommends that the SANDF as a government institution could also create a sense of urgency to all the units in the quest to ensure equal representation of women. Creating a sense of urgency not only will ensure that more women can be part of the military, but will also create an awareness of the necessity for women to join the army.

Siyaset, toplumsal yaşamdaki kaynakların dağılımına ilişkin süreçleri kontrol etme ve bu süreçleri yönetme olarak düşünüldüğünde, bu kaynakların kime, hangi cinsiyete, hangi sınıfa, gruba dağıtılacağına dair karar verme yetkisine sahip olmayı beraberinde getirmektedir. Dolayısıyla, siyasi partilerin ve parti söylemlerinin, cinsiyetlerin taleplerine ne kadar eşit yaklaştığı ve hangi cinsiyetin ihtiyaçlarını önceleyip politik söylem haline ve bu söylemin medya ürünlerinde nasıl yer bulduğu sorusu, ataerkil zihniyetin dolayısıyla kadın- erkek eşitsizliğinin dönüştürülmesi için önemli görünmektedir. Bu önemden hareketle; bu çalışmada; partilerin kadın politikalarının farklı farklı gazetelerin ideolojileriyle nasıl ilişkiye girdiği ve partilerin cinsiyet politikalarının gazetelerde nasıl temsil edildiği dolayısıyla eril ideolojinin hem yazılı basınla hem de parti politikalarıyla nasıl iç içe geçtiğini deşifre etmek amaçlanmaktadır. Bu çerçevede; feminist teorinin önemli bir argümanı olan toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği bakış açısıyla, 2011 genel seçimleri öncesi, Cumhuriyet, Zaman, Birgün ve Hürriyet gazeteleri örneğinde, Parlamentoda yer alan partilerin, yazılı basında yer alan kadın politikaları incelenmiştir ; Politics, while considered as, the distribution of resources related to control and manage processes in social life, it also brings along to have decision-making authority to whom, which gender, which class, which group will be distributed of these sources. Whereat, it seems to be significant for the conversion of patriarchal mentality hence the inequality between men and women that political parties and discourses of parties, how equally approach to gender demands and giving priority to which gender needs into political discourse and the question of how to find a place this discourse in media products. Moving from this importance, it is aimed that female policies of parties how relate to different newspaper ideologies and how the gender policies of parties are represented by the newspapers; so, how to decode that masculine ideology intertwine both in written press and party policies. Considering this importance and the perspective of gender mainstreaming, which is a very important argument of feminist theory; woman policies of political parties' in parliament which took place in written pres is analysed in the example of the following newspapers: Cumhuriyet, Zaman, Birgün,Hürriyet

Las teorías feministas han sido fundamentales en la conformación de los estudios contemporáneos sobre hombres y masculinidades como tentativas intelectuales y asuntos académicos y como problemas sociales. Este trabajo analiza el impacto que ha tenido la teoría feminista en sus distintas vertientes en los estudios sobre los varones y las masculinidades, así como los presupuestos de estas teorías y sus principales vacíos. Por último, se cuestiona cierto optimismo compartido en relación con los cambios que se han producido en las relaciones de género. Uno de los retos más importantes que tiene el feminismo actualmente es mostrar que los logros adquiridos por las mujeres en la democratización de las relaciones de género no deben darse por un hecho incontestable y que las relaciones de género, como relaciones de fuerza dependen de la acción y reacción de las fuerzas presentes en ellas. Para abordar este tema se hará referencia a una serie de trabajos que evidencian las resistencias masculinas al cambio social y las luchas que libran actualmente los varones por mantener y consolidar su dominación sobre las mujeres. ; Abstract: Feminist theories have been fundamental in giving shape to contemporary studies of men and masculinities as intellectual and academic projects as well as social problems. This paper analyzes the impact feminist theory in its different currents has had on these studies, as well as the presuppositions on which these theories are based and their major gaps. Finally, a certain optimism about changes in gender relations is questioned. One of the major challenges feminism faces at present is to show that women's achievements in democratizing gender relations cannot be taken for granted, and that their continuation depends on actions and reactions of forces that are at play in them. To tackle this subject, reference is made to a series of studies that show masculine resistances to social change and the struggles that males wage at present to maintain and consolidate their domination of women.

In this article, two female academics confront their role in producing their own invisibility and ir-relevance in the practice of higher education. Drawing on feminist standpoint theory, the authors interrogate their participation in articulation work that helped male colleagues to assume roles of higher status. Based on an analysis of personal narratives and the text of an international e-mail exchange that resulted in a successful grant proposal, the authors argue that the hierarchical and patriarchal cultural history of the academy as well as the intrusion of gendered relations from contexts beyond the institution of higher education undermine the democratic intentions of aca-demics, both male and female, who espouse horizontal collaborative relations between academics. This case study illustrates the contradiction between egalitarian institutional rhetoric and value systems of individuals and the hierarchical and gendered power relations that play out in everyday life in the academy. The authors conclude that while both male and female academics must work to change the gendered text of higher education, women in the academy must build both critical mass and mentoring networks in consciously acting to change the institution's cultural history.

One of the Best Nonfiction Books of 2022,Kirkus Reviews "A righteous indictment of racism and misogyny."-Publishers WeeklyA powerful account of violence against Black women and girls in the United States and their fight for liberation. Echoing the energy of Nina Simone's searing protest song that inspired the title,this bookis a call to action in our collective journey toward just futures.America, Goddamexplores the combined forceof anti-Blackness, misogyny, patriarchy, and capitalism in the lives of Black women and girls in the United States today. Through personal accounts and hard-hitting analysis, Black feminist historian Treva B. Lindsey starkly assesses the forms and legacies of violence against Black women and girls, as well as their demands for justice for themselves and their communities. Combining history, theory, and memoir,America, Goddamrenders visible the gender dynamics of anti-Black violence. Black women and girls occupy a unique status of vulnerability to harm and death, while the circumstances and traumas of this violence go underreported and understudied. America, Goddam allows readers to understand How Black women-who have been both victims of anti-Black violence as well as frontline participants-are rarely the focus of Black freedom movements. How Black women have led movements demanding justice for Breonna Taylor, Sandra Bland, Toyin Salau, Riah Milton, Aiyana Stanley-Jones, and countless other Black women and girls whose lives have been curtailed by numerous forms of violence. How across generations and centuries, their refusal to remain silent about violence against them led to Black liberation through organizing and radical politics. America, Goddampowerfully demonstrates that the struggle for justice begins with reckoning with the pervasiveness of violence against Black women and girls in the United States

What is a crip politics of bodymind? Drawing upon Rosemarie Garland‐Thomson's theory of the misfit, I explain my understanding of crip and bodymind within a feminist materialist framework, and argue that careful investigation of a crip politics of bodymind must involve accounting for two key, but under‐explored, disability studies (DS) concepts: desire and pain. I trace the turn toward desire that has characterized DS theory for the last decade, and argue that while acknowledging disability desire, we must also attend to the aspects of disability, including pain, that are sometimes bad. Although I don't argue that pain is always and only bad, I call for recognition of the ways pain complicates disability desire, as well as the possibilities it opens for specifically located, collective forms of care.

Some feminists have criticized Judith Butler's theory of performativity for providing an insufficient account of agency. In this article I first defend her against such charges by appealing to two themes central to Hans‐Georg Gadamer's hermeneutics. I compare her emphasis on the sociohistorical nature of agency with Gadamer's insistence on the historical nature of knowledge, and I examine the significance Butler assigns to repetition and note its affinities with Gadamer's conception of play. In the final part of the article I argue that in spite of providing an adequate account of agency, Butler's theory of performativity provides no way to allow us to evaluate performances. I show how Gadamer's account of festival, which builds on his concept of play, is useful in helping us make sense of how we might delineate true from false performances, and thus identities.

Is civil society's influence favorable to the evolvement of democratic structures and democratic gender relations? While traditional approaches would answer in the affirmative, the authors highlight the ambivalences. Focusing on women's organizations in authoritarian and hybrid regimes, they cover the full spectrum of civil society's possible performance: from its important role in the overcoming of power relations to its reinforcement as backers of government structures or the distribution of antifeminist ideas. The revival of authoritarianism in comparative politics has currently been reflected within gender studies, encouraged by the idea that women tend to be the first and most vulnerable to suffer in authoritarian societies. However, traditional approaches focusing on institutions and quotas still dominate in spite of proving insufficient to explain persisting inequities. In an attempt to fill existing research gaps this publication takes a bottom-up perspective analyzing gender relations as societal power structures in nondemocratic regimes - from the perspective that this pledges multitudinous links and theoretical potential for feminist theory as well as democratization studies. The specific focus is on civil society as a societal sphere, traditionally seen as antagonistic to undemocratic and patriarchal state structures and important for societal modernization and democratization. Countering this, this text argues that the role of civil society is an ambivalent one, evolving between two different theoretical conceptualizations; the "Gramscian" and the "Tocquevillian" perspective on civic organization. The central argument is that civil society can play both: an important role in the overcoming of power relations as well as in their reinforcement - in the form of conservative and unprogressive (antifeminist) movements, dubious entanglements with government structures or simply as depoliticized service providers.

This essay considers whether liberal political theory has tools with which to count gender, and so gender relations, as political. Can liberal political theory count sub-ordination among the harms of sex inequality that the state ought to correct? Watson defends a version of deliberative democracy—liberalism—as able to place issues of social inequality in the form of hierarchical social identities at the center of its normative commitments, and so at the center of securing justice.

annabel herzog is a lecturer at the School of Political Science at the University of Haifa, Israel. She specializes in political philosophy and focuses on the intersection between ethics and politics and between philosophy and literature in the work of Arendt, Levinas, Camus, and Derrida. She is the author of Penser autrement la politique (Editions Kimé, Paris, 1997) and of essays published in such journals asPolitical Theory, Inquiry, and The European Journal of Political Theory.

rey chow is Andrew W. Mellon Professor of the Humanities at Brown University, where she teaches in the Departments of Modern Culture and Media, and Comparative Literature. She is the author of a number of books, the most recent of which is Ethics after Idealism: Theory–Culture–Ethnicity–Reading (Indiana University Press, 1998). She is also editor of Modern Chinese Literary and Cultural Studies in the Age of Theory: Reimagining a Field (Duke University Press,forthcoming).

Rad se bavi političkim implikacijama feminističke revizije psihoanalize u radovima glavnih predstavnica francuskog feminističkog poststrukturalizma nastalog sedamdesetih godina prošlog veka i njihovom političkom aktuelnošću danas. Rad se bavi uticajem i modifikacijama Lacanovog tumačenja imaginarne strukture ega i jezičke strukture nesvesnog na objašnjenja odnosa pola i identiteta kod Julije Kristeve, Luce Irigaray i Héléne Cixous. Francuski poststrukturalistički feminizam, koji se razvija sedamdesetih godina XX veka, predstavljao je drugu osnovnu struju u francuskom feminizmu tog vremena, različitu i donekle suprotstavljenu pristupu Simone de Beauvoir. Dok se Simone de Beauvoir bavi 'ženskom situacijom' određenom društveno istorijskim okolnostima, francuske feministkinje poststrukturalističkog usmerenja bavile su se problemima nesvesnog psihološkog strukturisanja ženskog identiteta, ženskom psihoseksualnošću, teorijskim implikacijama rodnih vizura stvarnosti, posebno u sferi filozofije, semiologije i psihologije i otvaranjem novih diskurzivnih mogućnosti samoizražavanja žena i ženskosti, putem 'ženskog pisma'. Političke implikacije njihovog pristupa do danas se smatraju kontroverznim. Ove autorke su kritikovane zbog izmeštanja ženskog aktivizma u sferu jezika i teorije, kao i zbog ponovnog učvršćivanja i uvođenja pojma ženske prirode i njenog mitopoetizovanja. Polemika o tome da li nam je potreban pojam ženske prirode i ako da, kakav, te kakav je odnos između teorije i političkog aktivizma, vodila je razdvajanju tzv. 'esencijalističkih' i 'antiesencijalističkih' pristupa u feminističkoj teoriji i potonjoj podeli na američku (neesencijalističku) i francusku (delimimično etiketiranu kao esencijalističku) struju. U velikoj meri pojednostavljena, ova podela previđa i neke konkretne istorijske okolnosti koje su dovele do razdvajanja 'materijalističke' i 'lingvističke' feminističke struje u Francuskoj tog vremena. ; The paper discusses political implications of the feminist revision of psychoanalysis in the works of major representatives of 1970s French poststructuralism, and their current significance. The influence and modifications of Lacan's interpretation of imaginary structure of the Ego and linguistic structure of the unconscious on explanations of the relations between gender and identity developed by Julia Kristeva, Luce Irigaray and Héléne Cixous are examined. French poststructuralist feminism, developing in the 1970s, was the second major current in French feminism of the times, different from and in a way opposed to Simone de Beauvoir's approach. While de Beauvoir explores 'women's condition' determined by social and historical circumstances, French feminists of poststructuralist persuasion engage with problems of unconscious psychological structuring of feminine identity, women's psychosexuality, theoretical implications of gendered visions of reality, especially in philosophy, semiology and psychology, as well as opening up new discursive possibilities of women's and feminine self-expression through 'women's writing'. Political implications of their approach have remained controversial to this day. These authors have been criticized for dislocating women's activism into the sphere of language and theory, as well as for reasserting the concept of women's nature. Debates over whether we need the concept of women's nature - and if yes, what kind - and over the relation between theory and political activism, have resulted in the split between the so-called 'essentialist' and 'anti-essentialist' approaches in feminist theory, and the subsequent division into American (non-essentialist) and French (partly labeled as essentialist) strands. The division is an oversimplification and overlooks concrete historical circumstances that produced the divergence between 'materialist' and 'linguistic' currents in France.