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In 2009, the Global Language Monitor frequently encountered 'transparency' in worldwide print and electronic media and therefore ranked it 'tenth top word' of that year (TGLM, 2010). According to their observation, transparency is an "elusive goal for which many 21st c. governments are striving" (ibid.) and will hence accompany us in the years to come. But what motivates governments to strive for transparency? This chapter suggests that transparency is omnipresent because of its potential to function as an instrument for higher political goals, the most important of which is the establishment of political trust. On a similar note, scholars have stressed the importance of transparency in establishing trust in processes of risk governance (e.g. Lofstedt, 2005; Peters, Covello, & McCallum, 1997). My main argument is that politicians throughout Western democracies are increasingly confronted with cynical citizens and hence in search for more public confidence (cf. also Dalton, 2005; Pharr & Putnam, 2000). The underlying logic is straightforward. If someone is more open to the public, s/he is considered more trustworthy.

A review essay on books by: Peter Rutland, The Myth of the Plan: Lessons of Soviet Planning Experience (LaSalle, Ill: Open Court, 1985); & A. J. Polan, Lenin and the End of Politics (Berkeley: U of California Press, 1984 [see listings in IRPS No. 51]). Rutland's work presents a history of economic planning in the USSR, treating it as a political system for maintenance of power rather than an economic system. He argues that there is little likelihood of reform of the system since current political stability is based on it. Polan's work is strongest in its appreciation of V. I. Lenin's theoretical vision of socialism. In Polan's view, Lenin had a naive conception of postrevolutionary society & of bureaucracy, expecting central planning to make coercion unnecessary & to render the state a mere administrative apparatus. Lenin's neglect of politics led the way to Stalinism. It is argued that the type of politics best suited to modern society are being developed by the libertarian movement. A. Waters

The author discusses three models of political development: a liberal modernizing, a radical nationalist, and a revolutionary socialist. In the first part of the article, the liberal model as he understands it, is criticized, among other things, for its narrow conception of politics and its wrong conception of conflict. The latter consists in assuming identity of interest in society and is fundamental to the other points of criticism. In the second section the three models are compared on a selected number of salient dimensions taking the criticism into account. The basic assumption in this section is that it is time order between the dimensions which matters. Seemingly the models have several identical points. Seen in a diachronic perspective, however, the results are hypothesized to be very different and much more so than a cross-sectional analysis would reveal. The argument leads finally to the political conclusion that it is mobilization which is the most important part of any process of change.

John Thelwall was London Corresponding Society's most prominent orators and was tried for high treason along with Thomas Hardy and John Horne Tooke in 1794. This edition brings together Thelwall's most important political writing ranging from scientific pamphlets and writings on the art of elocution, to political philosophy and journalism

This collection of cutting-edge scholarship examines the law and policy of financial regulation using a combination of conceptual analysis and strong empirical research. The book's authors range from global leaders to rising stars in the field, all of whom shed light on complex questions of financial sector regulation theory and practice in key economies ranging from the EU to China. Key topics include the role of law in constituting financial markets, the efficiency of markets, the role of interest groups in shaping financial regulation, the interdependence and interactions of international financial regulation with international trade and monetary regimes, and problems of regulation in state capitalism economies. This exciting volume opens the road for further enrichment of the academic and policy-making dialogue on financial regulation and regulatory practice, and reflects new trends in legal and social-science scholarship

To respond to Andrew Linklater's The Transformation of Political Community is to walk a very fine line between admiration and perplexity. I have admiration especially for his willingness to confront some of the most important and difficult questions of contemporary political theory. To pursue the claim that we need to rethink the accounts of political community that anyone with credibility as a political analyst would much prefer to leave as a constitutive assumption of almost everything they want to say, takes some courage. And this is certainly a bold book, both in its sweep and its ambitions. It is one of the very few books in the contemporary theory of international relations that provokes more than passive surrender to the tediously familiar and the three-fold typology. Even so, I remain perplexed at the way Linklater manages to keep retying himself up in all the knots he tries so vigorously to disentangle.

Ethnic Politcs in Pakistan have xisted since 1947.Ethnic Politics has threatened Pakistan's security and Pakistn was divded in 1971 becuase ethnci politics dominated in east and west Pakistan.Today, ethnic poltics has eroded Pakistan's soverignity.Mohajir in Sindh ans Balochi in Balochistan are not accepting other ethnci groups in their localities.Internaland external factors are supporting ethno-political parties to destablise Pakistan

The market does not always work well but, argues Rosalind Levačić of the Open University, neither does its alternative – jostling for advantage by interest groups. She draws on a case study to demonstrate that the bluff and blackmail of political bargaining leads to results that should be examined as closely as market failure.