Suchergebnisse

This is a full and authoritative history of the European Payments Union, a regional payments organization set up in 1950 by the member countries of the Organization for European Economic Cooperation (the forerunner of the OECD), with the help of the US, to provide a multilateral system of settling their payments, surpluses and deficits with one another and to foster liberalization of inter-European trade. It paved the way for the reintroduction of the external convertibility of European currencies at the end of 1958. The authors are supremely well qualified for their task: Dr Schleiminger was the German member of the EPU Board in the 1950s and subsequently General Manager of the Bank for International Settlements; Dr Kaplan was the US member on the Managing Board of the EPU during the same period. This book is intended for historians of economics and finance; banking; those interested in European financial institutions and trading arrangements.

We investigate the dimensionality of politics in the European Parliament by applying a scaling method to all roll‐call votes between 1979 and 2001 in the European Parliament. Contrary to most existing studies using these methods, we are able to interpret the substantive content of the observed dimensions using exogenous measures of national party policy positions. We find that the main dimension of politics in the European Union's only elected institution is the classic left‐right dimension found in domestic politics. A second dimension is also present, although to a lesser extent, which captures government‐opposition conflicts as well as national and European party positions on European integration.

Received 12.02.2021. The article is devoted to the analysis of the fundamental reasons that led to the crisis in relations between the Russian Federation and the European Union as well as relations between Russia and the West at large. The main attention is paid to both objective changes in international relations and subjective factors in the policies of Russia and the EU, that which predetermined the vector of evolution of their interaction. The article proposes a layer-by-layer analysis of these reasons, leading from a superficial perception of problems in depth to the origins of the current crisis. This method of analysis can be called the "matryoshka method", when the main problem lies in the very depths of the phenomenon under study. In other words, the article proposes a "countdown" from the current crisis to the postbipolar start of cooperation between Russia and the European Union. Why did it all go wrong when it all started so well? And, finally, who is to blame for the failed partnership, and is it possible to get out of this deadlock? These and other questions are at the center of this article. The Ukraine conflict is widely perceived by the European Union and the West as whole as a turning point in their relations with the Russian Federation and the main reason of the deepest divide between them. However, this conflict is not so much the reason but rather the consequence of more profound contradictions between Russia and the West. These contradictions are revolving around the mutual misperceptions about the acceptable foundation of the post-bipolar European security and rivalry in the CIS space. The EU and NATO enlargement strategies presented by both institutions as two complementary processes raised Russia's concerns about their intentions in the CIS region. But these contradictions did not appear from "the middle of nowhere". They resulted from the uneven end of the bipolarity and mistakes made by the West and its institutions as well as miscalculations of the new Russian leadership. In the very centre of this "matryoshka doll" one can find the arguments explaining Russia's historic convolutions on its way to Europe. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project "Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation" supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).

This chapter aims to summarise and analyse the project that involves the work of a group of experts whose ambition it is to help those who make the political decisions, the media and interested readers to understand the requirements of the EU and the situation in Croatia, to draw concrete conclusions and make recommendations for essential measures. Part one raises the question of whether the EU is fiction or reality, part two puts Croatia in the context of the EU, while the third part concentrates on macroeconomics, banking and finances, taxes, government aid, trade policy, power, agriculture, employment and unemployment, the legal system, the non-governmental sector and equality between men and women. Part four analyses key questions of
Croatia's accession to the EU – regulation within the EU itself, the normative and real harmonisation of Croatia and the EU, Croatian advantages and its points of vulnerability, and a comparison of Croatia with member countries and candidate countries. The chapter also offers a
number of recommendations for individual areas, while particular stress is placed upon recommendations that relate to the importance of the public administration and the independent agencies, the question of whether it is better to make adjustments at once or only when they are
essential, and the attitude to regional initiatives. The message of the paper is that most of the criteria of Maastricht, Copenhagen and the Stabilisation and Association Agreement are posed in such a way that they can only be of benefit to the country. Our goal ought to be to live in a society that meets as many of these criteria as possible, and whether Croatia will, in so doing, be a member of the EU or of some other association, or an association with some other name that will be relevant at the time Croatia has achieved all this is less important. The EU may help Croatia in its economic and social development, but only the citizens of Croatia can achieve economic development, institutions that are more efficient, and a society that is going to respect the laws and the rights of individuals.

This book presents the first large-scale study of lobbying strategies and outcomes in the United States and the European Union, two of the most powerful political systems in the world. Every day, tens of thousands of lobbyists in Washington and Brussels are working to protect and promote their interests in the policymaking process. Policies emanating from these two spheres have global impactsthey set global standards, they influence global markets, and they determine global politics. Armed with extensive new data, Christine Mahoney challenges the conventional stereotypes that attribute any di

This paper will discuss the economic relations between the European Union and
the People?s Republic of China. The introductory part will make an insight
into the position of China in the contemporary global economy. The following
part of the paper will analyze China-EU trade relations. The topics included
will be a general overview of these relations since their establishing in
1975 as well as the European Union?s attitude towards the Chinese WTO
membership. The Sino-EU partnership and competition will also be described
and it will be followed by an overview of the Sino-EU High Level Economic and
Trade Dialogue (HED). The concluding topics in this part of the paper will
include Sino-EU trade flows, perceived obstacles to trade and investment as
well as recent trade disputes between two trading partners. The third part of
the paper will deal with Sino-EU investment flows (with an emphasis on
Chinese investments in EU member states). After the introductory remarks
concerning the EU investments originating from China, the paper will shed
light on particular EU member states which are preferred for Chinese
investment as well as the industries in which Chinese companies are willing
to invest. The concluding part of this paper will offer possible development
of relations between the EU and China in the near future.

This article reviews the literature on lobbying in the European Union. After initial surveys of the landscape of non-governmental actor participation, theoretical investigations have focused on the modes of network governance and later on the phenomenon of Europeanization. Yet studies have increasingly moved away from considering EU lobbying as a sui generis phenomenon. Normalizing the study of interest group participation in the EU and understanding the opportunities and constraints that are characteristic for it has led more and more scholars to adopt a comparative perspective. The most interesting parallels exist between Washington and Brussels, but unfortunately there have been very few attempts to explore the connection between the American literature on lobbying and EU studies. This article makes a first step towards such a comparison and points to concepts common in comparative politics that could provide considerable insight into the study of EU lobbying.

This article reviews the literature on lobbying in the European Union. After initial surveys of the landscape of non-governmental actor participation, theoretical investigations have focused on the modes of network governance and later on the phenomenon of Europeanization. Yet studies have increasingly moved away from considering EU lobbying as a sui generis phenomenon. Normalizing the study of interest group participation in the EU and understanding the opportunities and constraints that are characteristic for it has led more and more scholars to adopt a comparative perspective. The most interesting parallels exist between Washington and Brussels, but unfortunately there have been very few attempts to explore the connection between the American literature on lobbying and EU studies. This article makes a first step towards such a comparison and points to concepts common in comparative politics that could provide considerable insight into the study of EU lobbying.