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Preliminary Material /Enzo Cannizzaro , Paolo Palchetti and Ramses A. Wessel -- Introduction: /Enzo Cannizzaro , Paolo Palchetti and Ramses A. Wessel -- General Issues: Monism, Dualism and the European Legal Order Reconsidering the Relationship between International and EU Law: /Ramses A. Wessel -- The Neo-Monism of the European Legal Order /Enzo Cannizzaro -- The EU at Crossroads: /Jan Willem van Rossem -- International Law Within the EU Customary International Law in the European Union /Alessandra Gianelli -- The Validity of EU Norms Conflicting with International Obligations /Jan Klabbers -- Using International Law for the European Union's Domestic Affairs /Bruno de Witte -- International Agreements in the Area of the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy /Panos Koutrakos -- The Application of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights Law in CSDP Operations /Frederik Naert -- International Decisions in EU Law Effects of Decisions of the UN Security Council in the EU Legal Order /Andrea Gattini -- Direct Effect of International Agreements in the EU Legal Order: /Beatrice I. Bonafé -- On the Absence of Direct Effect of the WTO Dispute Settlement Body's Decisions in the EU Legal Order /Antonello Tancredi -- Consistent Interpretation of WTO Rulings in the EU Legal Order? /Giacomo Gattinara -- EU Law and Member States' International Law Member States Agreements as Union Law /Marise Cremona -- Mixed Agreements as a Source of European Union Law /Eleftheria Neframi -- International Law and EU Law: The Role of Judges International Law as Law of the EU: /Christina Eckes -- Judicial Review of the International Validity of UN Security Council Resolutions by the European Court of Justice /Paolo Palchetti -- Giving Indirect Effect to International Law within the EU Legal Order: /Federico Casolari -- Index /Enzo Cannizzaro , Paolo Palchetti and Ramses A. Wessel.

Abstract
A previous generation of influential scholarship treated international institutions as instruments of cooperation built by self-interested states to achieve mutually beneficial outcomes. Recent scholarship, including this special forum, suggests that the rational design of institutions does not guarantee their durability and that liberal institutions are intrinsically prone to contestation. This essay takes a step back and posits that the hierarchical nature of international order itself creates conditions for contestation, but not for the reasons typically identified in the literature. Institutionalized disagreement over distributional outcomes, values, and hypocrisy is ultimately about the politics of status between differently ranked states. While these differences are due to the hierarchical nature of order, it is the same hierarchy that can contribute to their resolution when leading states engage in institutional reforms—for example, by making institutional membership and leadership more inclusive. The essay closes with some reflections on a prominent source of hierarchy in the liberal international order (LIO): the legacy of Eurocentrism and colonialism in world politics. While countries in the Global South have typically engaged in order-consistent contestation, it is the LIO's leading states that have engaged in order-challenging contestation. The present sense of crisis in the LIO might therefore have more to do with Western anxieties about security competition with China, Russian aggression, and domestic crises of liberalism than the "rise of the rest."

The Citizenship Amendment Act, recently passed legislation, comes on the heels of a very tumultuous number of years, months, and weeks in India. Most notably, Muslim communities and citizens fear the upheaval of their way of life due to the decisions of the Hindu-majority who controls the political actions of the democratic republic. These Muslim groups are not the only worried parties. International humanitarian bodies have spoken out against various recent actions of India's government. The Citizenship Amendment Act, if considered in the context of other actions by the governing party in India, should be understood as violative of International human rights laws and norms. India is subject to the standards set in United Nations (UN) documents because it is party to covenants and declarations. This paper discusses the formation of the UN bodies, which later promulgated such treaties and declarations. It discusses the evolution of UN human rights law, how it has applied in the past, and how it could be applied to the current situation in India and its enactment of the Citizenship Amendment Act. Moreover, this paper will review the India's current events and how recent history gave rise to the issues of religious intolerance that exist there, at present. In short, this paper concludes that there is a persuasive argument that India's Citizenship Amendment Act violates international human rights laws and norms. *

Im frühen 21. Jahrhundert soll eine globale fiscal governance die Wucherungen des zwischenstaatlichen Steuerwettbewerbs und der Steuerumgehung einhegen. Der Forderung globalisierungskritischer Kreise, es sei eine weltweite Finanztransaktionssteuer zu erheben, schloss sich kürzlich auch Thomas Piketty in seinem Opus "Das Kapital im 21. Jahrhundert" an. Die Vorschläge zielen letztlich auf mehr internationale wie interpersonale Steuer- und Verteilungsgerechtigkeit. Solche sozialkritisch unterfütterten Global-Order-Visionen bringen die Sehnsucht zum Ausdruck, das sozioökonomische Durcheinander, das ein entfesselter Finanz- und Handelskapitalismus im Zeitalter der beschleunigten Globalisierung anrichte, auch mittels transnationaler Steuerpolitik eindämmen zu können. Als internationale Neu-Ordnungspolitik lassen sich auch mehrere, konvergierende Initiativen zur Bekämpfung von Steuerhinterziehung und der überbordenden legalen Steuervermeidung begreifen: Die multilaterale Initiative gegen steuertechnische Gewinnverlagerung (BEPS), die neuen Standards für Doppelbesteuerungsabkommen und das Abkommen über einen automatischen Informationsaustausch in Steuerangelegenheiten sind Projekte, die in der jüngsten Vergangenheit von der OECD, den G20-Staaten und der Europäischen Union lanciert wurden. Nebst fiskalischen Motiven im Nachgang zur jüngsten Finanzmarkt- und Schuldenkrise verfolgen sie auch das Anliegen der Marktgerechtigkeit. Auf EU-Ebene soll die BEPS-Initiative zudem zu konsolidierten Bemessungsgrundlagen für die Körperschaftssteuern führen, womit das 2011 eingeleitete Projekt einer europäischen Fiskalunion eine steuertechnische Konkretisierung erfährt. Solche Zusammenhänge zeugen von der Verflechtung nationaler Fiskalpolitiken in einer wirtschaftlich zunehmend integrierten Welt. Gleichzeitig weckt das Vorhaben einer EU-Fiskalunion Erinnerungen an die ehrgeizigen europäischen Steuerharmonisierungspläne der 1960er Jahre. Auch damals ging es um Marktgerechtigkeit, um gleich lange Spieße und um die Erleichterung des transnationalen Handels und Konsums, etwa mittels einer harmonisierten Umsatzsteuer. Währenddessen sollten zwischenstaatliche Doppelbesteuerungsabkommen (DBA) dafür sorgen, dass die wirtschaftliche Prosperität und Integration nicht durch mehrfache Steuerbelastungen getrübt wurden. Die DBA wurden aber auch zum Einfallstor für Steuerprivilegien, welche die Fiktion des fairen Wettbewerbs verletzten und eine Debatte auslösten, in der sich volkswirtschaftliche win-and-lose- und Steuergerechtigkeitsargumente vermischten. Ein Land, an welchem sich die transnationale Gerechtigkeitsdimension nationaler und subnationaler Steuerpolitik exemplarisch aufzeigen lässt und das sich durch die geballte internationale fiscal governance gegenwärtig zu einem Politikwandel veranlasst sieht, ist die Schweiz. Der Beitrag vergleicht die Auseinandersetzungen um die schweizerische Politik attraktiver Steuern in den 1960er Jahren mit den jüngsten Entwicklungen. Dabei erweist sich die Schweiz als historischer showcase für die Transnationalität nationaler Steuerpolitik und für die Verflochtenheit von Markt- und Steuergerechtigkeit.

PurposeThe International Baccalaureate Organization (IBO) celebrates its 40th anniversary in 2008. The IBO published a strategic plan in 2004 calling for a shift towards directed growth of the three IB programmes, and greater access. The purpose of this paper is to show how the Middle East region offers a microcosm of the huge challenge facing the IBO in meeting its desired aims.Design/methodology/approachThis paper presents the current situation regarding the IB in the Middle East region as defined by the International Air Transport Association standards organization. This involves a total of 16 countries.FindingsThe Middle East involves a relatively small area of IB activity in relation to the total number of "international schools" in the region. There is currently 48 schools offering 60 programmes, and comprising 2 percent of IB schools worldwide. Dubai in particular has seemingly much potential for future growth. No school offers the continuum of IB programmes.Practical implicationsThis paper offers a regional insight into the challenge facing the IB in meeting its desired goals. It will allow for the success of the IB strategic plan to be assessed more fully in the year 2014.Originality/valueThe nature and development of the IB in the Middle East has received very little attention by the scholarly community in spite of 40 years of involvement. This is the first paper to offer a resource for evaluating the future success of the IB strategic plan.

This article examines a particular form of low-level conflict known as international terrorism. The failure in the international arena to cope and curb this form of political violence forced governments to seek out and design various avenues of response. The focus then is on confrontational terrorism that includes instances of hostage takings, kidnappings, and skyjackings. The common denominator to these incidents is the specific and tangible demands that terrorists attempt to extract from the targeted states. On the other hand, the study explores the various policies and approaches adopted by governments in their efforts to thwart acts of international terrorism. Thus, the analysis will be couched in the form of cost and benefit calculations. The data for the analysis is the hostage file included in the ITERATE II data base compiled by Edward Mickolus. The findings of the article point out that governments tend to adopt hardline policies for dealing with terrorists holding hostages. However, we have to distinguish between declared policies and practices. The majority of governments prefer to practice those harsh policies rather than declare them publicly and to apply a "deterrence by denial" approach. Governments are increasingly willing to use force to resolve terrorist incidents and some have adopted harsh authoritarian measures, especially in Latin America. Targeted states have diverted resources to combat terrorism, and have developed an array of counter-measures.