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The formation of a national idea is a long, complex process, especially in multiethnic and multiconfessional societies. In Kazakhstan, such an idea is not a quick fix but one that will establish over a long period. Concurrently, ethnic context is of special importance in the formation of this idea. In modern times, government plays an important role in shaping this idea. First, the state, by adopting a policy aimed at strengthening inter-ethnic harmony, creates conditions favourable for the formation of a national idea. Second, it creates legal mechanisms to determine the main parameters of this idea in the ethnic sector. Today we are building a new State, a new society, and there is no doubt that in this system of socio-political relations, human consciousness and thinking are kind and, at the same time, a completely new value. First of all, the relationship between the individual and the State, the individual and society should find a completely new content and form, must be based on new features, new principles. In other words, it must be the entity that meet the new values and democratic principles, our way of life and thinking, the requirements of a fair society we seek to build. We tried to take into account the direction of this process is that every citizen, every person on that basis, must determine its attitude towards the development of society and its renewal, your place, if you want your debt. Given our research has helped us to understand the ethnic aspects of formation of national idea in the context of auto and hetero stereotypes. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n20p2656

Después de una serie de cambios que afectaron la estructura del movimiento sindical en 1945, lo que significó que el sindicato de transporte, un bastión de la CTT, perdería importancia. Esto sucedió mientras se abría un espacio en el sindicato que progresivamente perdería fuerza en la industria de consumo y en sindicato estatl de obreros, a medida que la política ecnonómica favorecía la «sustitución de importaciones» y la modernización del estado. No solo el estado cumplió un rol activo en este proceso, también la iglesia y los partidos políticos - una relación que no ha sido adecuadamente estudiada vis-à-vis las relaciones con el sindicato internacional que adquirión importancia en el marco de la Guerra Fría. El texto identifica los grupos importantes, los partidos y organizaciones del sindicato, sus propuestas y los principales cambios internos y su defición en las inter-relaciones. ; After 1945 a series of changes affected the structure of the labor movement, which would mean that the transportation union, a bulwark of the CTT, would de dismished in importance. This happened while space opened in the labor movement which would progressively slow down in the consumer industry and in the state workers union, as economic policy emerged which favored "important substitution" and the modernization of the state. Insitutions played an active role in this process not just the state, but the church and politial parties– a relationship which has not been adequately researched vis-à-vis the relationships with international labor organizations which became important within the framework of the Cold War. The text identifies the important groups within and in the definition of their inter-relationships.

This paper focuses on the theoretical background of functions assignment between different levels of government. Decentralisation process in its broader concept means the release of central government power, transferring the responsibility and implementation of some public functions to the lower government tiers. This process raises many issues related to the state authority division: which of the functions should remain in the hands of central government and which should be devolved to the lower levels, and finally, which functions should be shared between different levels of government. In every decentralizing country questions about tax power and expenditure responsibility have to be answered. If the functions are divided in the proper way, the amount of expenditures for functions performance as well as the need for tax income to be collected to fund expenditures becomes evident. Therefore the allocation of financial resources and fiscal transfers must be carried out only after a distinct allocation of roles and responsibilities to different levels of government. The paper starts with the explanation of Musgrave's three main functions of state in market economy. This conceptual allocation of state duties helps to determine the place of functions, costs and tax income. While the macroeconomic stabilisation and income distribution in general are assigned to the central level, Fiscal federalism model provides resource allocation to sub national government with an important role. For the sake of objective it should be noted that while many contemporary authors in principle agree with the above stated division, some have the opposite opinion which is outlined in the paper next to the each function. [.]

Scholars and courts have hotly debated whether the preclearance regime of the Voting Rights Act is constitutional under the Reconstruction Amendments. In answering this question, this Article is the first to consider the effect of section 2 of the Fourteenth Amendment on the scope of Congress's enforcement authority. Section 2 allows Congress to reduce the size of a state's delegation in the House of Representatives if the state abridges the right to vote in state and federal elections for any reason, "except for participation in rebellion, or other crime." This Article contends that section 2 influences the scope of congressional authority under section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment, which gives Congress the power to enforce the amendment through appropriate legislation. Section 2—with its low threshold for violations (i.e., abridgment on almost any grounds) that trigger a relatively extreme penalty (reduced representation)—illustrates the proper means-ends fit for congressional legislation passed pursuant to section 5 to address voting rights violations. Renewed focus on section 2 also sheds light on the textual and historical links between the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, links that provide a broad basis for Congress to regulate state and federal elections. Contrary to the Supreme Court's recent decision in Shelby County v. Holder, this Article concludes that requiring preclearance of all electoral changes instituted by select jurisdictions under the Voting Rights Act is actually a lesser penalty than reduced representation under section 2, and thus is consistent with Congress's broad authority to regulate voting and elections under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments.

Scholars and courts have hotly debated whether the preclearance regime of the Voting Rights Act is constitutional under the Reconstruction Amendments. In answering this question, this Article is the first to consider the effect of section 2 of the Fourteenth Amendment on the scope of Congress's enforcement authority. Section 2 allows Congress to reduce the size of a state's delegation in the House of Representatives if the state abridges the right to vote in state and federal elections for any reason, "except for participation in rebellion, or other crime." This Article contends that section 2 influences the scope of congressional authority under section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment, which gives Congress the power to enforce the amendment through appropriate legislation. Section 2—with its low threshold for violations (i.e., abridgment on almost any grounds) that trigger a relatively extreme penalty (reduced representation)—illustrates the proper means-ends fit for congressional legislation passed pursuant to section 5 to address voting rights violations. Renewed focus on section 2 also sheds light on the textual and historical links between the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, links that provide a broad basis for Congress to regulate state and federal elections. Contrary to the Supreme Court's recent decision in Shelby County v. Holder, this Article concludes that requiring preclearance of all electoral changes instituted by select jurisdictions under the Voting Rights Act is actually a lesser penalty than reduced representation under section 2, and thus is consistent with Congress's broad authority to regulate voting and elections under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments.

The European Union (EU) Council Recommendation on rare diseases urged the member states to implement national and EU collaborative actions to improve the health care of rare disease patients. Following this recommendation, the European Commission launched a tender on newborn screening (NBS) to report on current practices of laboratory testing, form a network of experts and provide guidance on how to further implement NBS screening in a responsible way, the latter of which was provided in an Expert Opinion document. After consultation of experts from EU member states, (potential) candidate member states and European Free Trade Association countries, in a consensus meeting in June 2011, 70 expert opinions were finalized. They included the need to develop case definitions for all disorders screened for to facilitate assessment and international outcome studies. Decision whether a screening program should be performed can be based on screening criteria updated from the traditional Wilson and Jungner (1968) criteria, relating to disease, treatment, test and cost. The interest of the child should be central in the assessment of pros and cons. A European NBS body should assess evidence on (new) screening candidate disorders. For rare conditions, best level evidence should be used. The health system should ensure treatment to cases diagnosed by screening, controlled and revised by follow-up outcome studies. Screening methodology should aim to avoid unintended findings, such as mild forms and carrier status information, as much as possible. Activities to improve NBS in Europe, such as training and scientific evaluation, could benefit from collaboration at EU level and beyond.

This monograph investigates the place of macro-scale spatial planning in steering infrastructure development in Europe. It starts from an examination of the way in which changes in the form of infrastructure development are driven by neo-liberalisation and changes in the political and constitutional forms of states. Macro-spatial planning, within states and at supra-national levels, has some role in steering major infrastructure, a role which is affected by the spatial ideas which actors have of the territories for which policy is being made. One focus is on the nature of such spatial imaginaries, and how this affects the abilities of democratic polities to project and debate their territorial futures. The paper examines four western European states as well as the reform of the European Union Trans-European Networks policy area. This analysis generates an understanding of the interplay of the material and ideational forces referred to above. This understanding is finally put to work to examine the possible scope to improve the working together of macro-spatial planning in one case, that of the UK, concentrating on England within this now plural jurisdiction. Efforts to promote a spatial framework for England have not been successful up to now, in part, it is suggested, because the neo-liberalising dynamics have constituted an almost insuperable barrier to even imagining spatially coherent futures for England. However this might be taken as a challenge by academics and practicising planners, amongst many others, to stretch the bounds of thinking, in part by drawing on current transition ideas and other story lines exploring and arguing for long term steered change.

В статье рассматриваются взгляды И. Т. Посошкова как отражение экономического мировоззрения жителей российского государства начала XVIII века. Проводится сравнение этих взглядов с возникшими в Западной Европе парадигмами экономико-правового и управленческого мышления камералистикой и концепцией полицейского государства. Камералистика как наука об управлении государственным хозяйством была связана c камеральным (без применения метода двойной записи) счетоводством, когда учет осуществлялся через объем услуг, предоставляемых трудом, землей или «капиталом» (совокупностью создаваемых человеком экономических благ). В концепции полицейского государства исходным пунктом анализа выступал человек как член сообщества (государства), умеющий соблюдать правила общежития и законы, грамотно хозяйствовать. Определить нормы поведения такого человека и условия, способствующие достижению этой цели, вот задача, которую ставил перед собой И. Т. Посошков. ; The paper presents I. T. Pososhkov's views as a reflection of XVIII century Russian state residents' economical mindset. There is a comparison between these views and the paradigms of economical, legal and managerial thinking which emerged in Western Europe cameralistics and the conception of police state. Cameralistics as a science related to government household was connected with cameral accounting (without double entry method), when account was maintained through a services volume given by labor, land or "fund" (human-produced economic goods complex). According to the conception of police state, a person in his social determination is an analysis benchmark. He is a community (government) member that is able to observe social behavior rules and the laws, to keep house correctly. A goal set by Pososhkov is to describe behavior norms of such a person and conditions which help to solve this purpose.

The Constitution of Montenegro describes the state as a "civic, democratic, ecological state of social justice, based on the reign of Law." Montenegro is an independent and sovereign republic that proclaimed its new constitution on 22th October 2007. The President of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Predsjednik Crne Gore) is the head of state, elected for a period of five years through direct elections. The President represents the republic abroad, promulgates law by ordinance, calls elections for the Parliament, proposes candidates for Prime Minister, president and justices of the Constitutional Court to the Parliament. The President also proposes the calling of a referendum to Parliament, grants amnesty for criminal offences prescribed by the national law, confers decoration and awards and performs other constitutional duties and is a member of the Supreme Defence Council. The official residence of the President is in Cetinje. The Government of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Vlada Crne Gore) is the executive branch of government authority of Montenegro. The government is headed by the Prime Minister, and consists both of the deputy prime ministers as well as ministers. The Parliament of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Skupština Crne Gore) is a unicameral legislative body. It passes laws, ratifies treaties, appoints the Prime Minister, ministers, and justices of all courts, adopts the budget and performs other duties as established by the Constitution. Parliament can pass a vote of no-confidence on the Government by a simple majority. One representative is elected per 6,000 voters. The present parliament contains 81 seats, with a 47-seat majority currently held by the Coalition for a European Montenegro as a result of the 2009 parliamentary election

After 1945 a series of changes affected the structure of the labor movement, which would mean that the transportation union, a bulwark of the CTT, would de dismished in importance. This happened while space opened in the labor movement which would progressively slow down in the consumer industry and in the state workers union, as economic policy emerged which favored "important substitution" and the modernization of the state. Insitutions played an active role in this process not just the state, but the church and politial parties– a relationship which has not been adequately researched vis-à-vis the relationships with international labor organizations which became important within the framework of the Cold War. The text identifies the important groups within and in the definition of their inter-relationships. ; Después de una serie de cambios que afectaron la estructura del movimiento sindical en 1945, lo que significó que el sindicato de transporte, un bastión de la CTT, perdería importancia. Esto sucedió mientras se abría un espacio en el sindicato que progresivamente perdería fuerza en la industria de consumo y en sindicato estatl de obreros, a medida que la política ecnonómica favorecía la «sustitución de importaciones» y la modernización del estado. No solo el estado cumplió un rol activo en este proceso, también la iglesia y los partidos políticos - una relación que no ha sido adecuadamente estudiada vis-à-vis las relaciones con el sindicato internacional que adquirión importancia en el marco de la Guerra Fría. El texto identifica los grupos importantes, los partidos y organizaciones del sindicato, sus propuestas y los principales cambios internos y su defición en las inter-relaciones.

G. A. Cohen's critique of standard liberal interpretations of the difference principle has been very influential. According to Cohen, justice is not realized simply because the state's tax policies and other distributive tools maximize the position of the worst off. Rather – possibly in addition to, but not to the exclusion of, certain state policies – justice requires talented people to improve the position of the worst off through their actions in their daily lives. Specifically, it prohibits talented people from insisting on inequality-causing incentives. To this extent, Cohen's view of distributive justice is anti-statist. On standard liberal interpretations, human rights are such that, logically, they can be violated only by states, not private individuals. An individual who tortures someone commits a moral wrong but does not violate the victim's human rights. For this reason, the crime is less problematic than it would have been had a police officer done it on behalf of the state. To this extent the standard liberal understanding of human rights is statist. This parallel between liberal understandings of distributive justice and human rights raises two questions: (1) Is the statist understanding of human rights vulnerable to Cohenian criticisms parallel to those that he canvasses against the statist understanding of distributive justice? (2) If so, should we welcome an anti-statist understanding of human rights, or should we see it as a problem with Cohen's critique of a statist focus in distributive justice that it commits us to an implausible anti-statist view of human rights?

Conventional understandings of security cooperation are rooted in the state-centric and materialist assumptions dominant in the Cold War and subscribe to the dictum of the Reagan years, 'trust but verify'. In today's more complex setting, however, governance arrangements with the most potential to address constantly mutating security threats, such as the concern over nuclear terrorism, may not be those solely designed to ensure compliance, but rather those that are better equipped to identify and solve new problems. This article draws on a burgeoning literature on 'new' or 'experimental' governance and advances an analytical framework to consider the extent to which states and other actors might be turning toward an alternative set of mechanisms that rely more heavily on non-binding standards and recommendations, peer review, increased participation, and experimentation to generate new knowledge about the challenges they face, even in the 'hard' case of security cooperation. It then explores this potential reorientation in two separate, but complementary cases that have emerged as key tools in preventing illicit nuclear proliferation: the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering (FATF), which seeks to bolster states' counter-financing of terrorism systems, and the UNSC Resolution 1540 Committee, which guides efforts to fill the governance gaps in the nuclear non-proliferation regime. Although both cases on paper contain more traditional enforcement components, in practice they rely increasingly on experimental governance. The article concludes with an evaluation of the promise and limits of an experimentalist framework in understanding the evolution of governance arrangements in response to a more complex security environment and suggests potential avenues for future research. Adapted from the source document.