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ABSTRACTSince the early 1990s, many countries in sub-Saharan Africa have established semi-autonomous revenue authorities (ARAs), organisationally distinct from ministries of finance, with some real operational autonomy, and with staff paid at rates substantially higher than those in comparable public sector jobs. This has been seen by some observers as a step to dilute the power of the central state executive. We demonstrate that this is a misreading of the story of revenue authorities in Africa. Both African governments and the international development agencies involved in the reforms see ARAs as a means of increasing central government revenues, and thus enlarging the authority of the (central) state. To date, there is little sign that the creation of revenue agencies has actually increased public revenues. It has, however, facilitated a range of reforms in the ways in which taxes are assessed and collected, and deflected pressures that might otherwise have emerged for substantial privatisation of tax collection.

Federal states ruled by the CDU unleashed a wave of legislative initiatives to push back the influence of political parties in the media industry. The CDU and FDP firmly believe that the credibility of democracy and the independence of the fourth estate are jeopardized if political parties hold media shares. However, the Second Senate of the German Federal Constitutional Court decided that it would be unconstitutional to prohibit political parties from acquiring broadcasting shares unconditionally. Nevertheless, the parties generate significant revenues through investments in print and broadcasting media. This has a significant impact on equal opportunities in political competition. Moreover, there is a risk that published opinion, influenced by the parties, is passed off as the public opinion, i.e. as an outcome of public discourse. Finally, the decision of the Constitutional Court raises concern because it leaves conflicts of interest between parties and the State Media Institutions unconsidered, and because diverse ownership structures lead to statistical phenomena that are also not accounted for. Adapted from the source document.

This research examines the organizational characteristics that contribute to employee wellbeing in public sector agencies that have undergone substantial organizational change. Two studies were undertaken, the first involving 2,466 police officers working in a state-based law enforcement agency, whereas the second comprised 1,010 occupationally diverse employees working in a State Government authority. The research was guided by a theoretical framework that begins with a model underpinning many large-scale job stress investigations -- the job strain model (JSM) -- and is expanded to incorporate widely used social exchange variables (i.e., psychological contract breach and organizational fairness). The results of hierarchical regression analyses from both studies confirm the value of the JSM. There was also strong support for extending the JSM to include the breach and fairness variables; however, proposed interactions between job demands and organizational fairness failed to add to the explanatory value of the model. The implications of these results particularly for public sector organizations that have undergone extensive reforms consistent with New Public Management are discussed. Adapted from the source document.

Of all new states in Asia, Latin America, and Africa, Nigeria qualifies as one that has suffered recurring praetorianism. Nigeria was under firm military autocracy and absolutism for a longer period than civil rule. It is against this background that transitions from the military to civil rule in 1999 made the polity heave a sigh of relieve. However, the performance of the civil government is now a serious concern because of the system's inability to nurture and sustain democracy. Thus, this article reviews all previous coups and attempts an in-depth analysis of salient factors that may be a harbinger of democratic reversal. This paper infers that the performance of the state makes the military an alternative that is only waiting for another auspicious period to terminate the fledging democracy. The article calls for an increase in social spending if the so-called dividend of democracy will make Nigerians a catalyst for democracy.

Analyzing the impact of the current global financial crisis on international relations risks falling short of meaningful conclusions if the crisis is treated as a mere external shock. The current article aims at contributing to a deeper understanding of the economic forces that led to the crisis and that continue to determine states' reactions to it. First, three theses on the accumulation of financial capital are presented, based on Marx' analysis of capital. In pointing out the fundamental subsumption of all sectors of capitalist economies under the self-referential accumulation of financial capital the article does not only offer a rebuttal of the financialization theory but also attempts to explain why there is so little willingness among states to agree on stricter regulation of the financial sector. The conclusions from the first part are then applied to a brief analysis of competition and rivalry between the major economic powers as displayed in the G20 and IMF context. Adapted from the source document.

This article enlarges the existing literature on the varieties of capitalism by identifying a third basic variety that does not resemble the liberal market economy or coordinated market economy types. The dependent market economy (DME) type, as it is named by the authors, is characterized by the importance of foreign capital for the socioeconomic setup and is located in postsocialist Central Europe. Since the collapse of state socialism in the late 1980s, the Czech republic, Hungary, Poland, and the Slovak republic have introduced a rather successful model of capitalism when compared with other postsocialist states. This article identifies the key elements of the DME model and discusses their interplay. DMEs have comparative advantages in the assembly and production of relatively complex and durable consumer goods. These comparative advantages are based on institutional complementarities between skilled, but cheap, labor; the transfer of technological innovations within transnational enterprises; and the provision of capital via foreign direct investment. Adapted from the source document.

Why do the natives of Sabah oppose the internal migration of natives from the rest of Malaysia? Why is being "native" not enough? The hostility is in direct contrast to what most scholars know about Malaysia: a multiethnic country with successful preferential policies for its natives-the "sons of the soil." In a plural state like Malaysia, there are competing native claims on citizenship. Here, regional natives (Kadazandusun from Sabah) contest claims by federal natives (Malays). The conflicts over culture, economy, and political power fracture a national citizenship into its regional and federal parts, pitting native against native. In particular, regional natives empower the notion of a regional citizenship by supporting restrictions on the internal migration of fellow citizens. As a consequence, Malaysia's goal of a "national" citizenry fashioned on native Malay norms is undermined. Malaysia offers important insight into the enduring dilemma of modern plural states: how to create a common national citizenship. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)