Suchergebnisse

How do NGOs affect political participation in weakly democratic settings? We know that NGOs can be an important part of moderate civil society by building trust, facilitating collective action, and encouraging voter turnout. This paper explores these relationships in weakly democratic settings. NGOs stimulate political participation by providing resources and opportunities for association. Where voting is seen as ineffective, new participation can take the form of political protests and demonstrations. This paper presents results from an original local level dataset from Bolivia on NGO activity, voter turnout, and political protest, showing a strong relationship between NGO activity and political protest in weakly democratic contexts. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract From a theoretical approach based on political ecology and environmental justice, we assess how forestry development has generated socio-spatial dynamics of environmental degradation and water scarcity in southern Chile. Through historical-geographical and ethnographic methods, we discuss how and why the spread of forestry plantations has significantly influenced social and environmental degradation of the Mapuche's modes of living. In response, during recent decades a political articulation of a Mapuche social movement is observed. Their demands include land, autonomy, rights and opportunities to frame their own development strategies. Within the internal diversity of this movement, a key principle is reversing the spread of environmental degradation by recovering the native forest and its natural water cycles, which have been disrupted significantly by the increasing of forestry plantations. We explore these dynamics of the Mapuche movement from an environmental justice approach.

Abstract
Researchers have played a significant role in influencing the public's critical engagement with the South African Police Service (SAPS). Resultantly, SAPS officers tend to be wary and/or untrusting of researchers. In the present study, we sought to understand how this climate of suspicion impacts policing research in South Africa. To do so, we employed a Foucauldian Discourse Analysis on emails leading up to a study with SAPS officers, and on the transcripts of three focus group discussions with SAPS officers. We identified three discursive strategies that SAPS employed: Security Stall (i.e. blocking research through bureaucratic procedure), Eliciting Sympathy (i.e. winning sympathy for the struggles of SAPS officers) and Undermining the Researcher Subjectivity (i.e. rendering legitimate knowledge on protest violence the sole product of police officers). These strategies destabilize police research while challenging the broader discursive terrain within which SAPS is located. We conclude by offering some insights for police research.

This book is the first to connect global labor history and the history of human rights: By focusing on democratic labor oppositions in Spain and Poland between 1960 and 1990, it shows how workers in authoritarian regimes addressed repression and whether they developed a language of rights in the light of a globally dynamic human rights discourse. The study argues that the democratic labor oppositions in Spain and Poland were both variants of emancipatory and democracy-oriented social movements with global interconnections that emerged in the 1960s. It reveals that the demands for free and independent trade unions, which in both countries became a flashpoint in the fight for broader democratic demands, was not always discussed in rights terms, but rather presented as an inevitable necessity. At the same time, these labor movements and their intellectual allies morally delegitimized state repression against workers and thereby employed the concepts of democracy, participation, solidarity, progress and eventually, rights. Integrating the history of two European semi-peripheric societies into a broader narrative, this book is relevant for readers interested in global labor history, human rights history and the history of democratization in Europe in the late twentieth century

Over the past few decades, the legitimacy of membership-based social movement organizations (SMOs) has been called into question (Bosso, 2005; Jordan and Maloney, 1997, 2007; Putnam, 2000). As professionally-run institutions, SMOs have been accused of a preoccupation with maintaining income through membership marketing at the expense of fostering active participation among their members. In a nutshell, SMOs are seen to be self-serving 'protest businesses' which contribute little to social movement activism, and civic engagement in general. Our research into student members of a leading SMO takes issue with this assertion. Whilst organizationally SMOs can appear bureaucratic and impersonal in their marketing strategies, it cannot be assumed that this approach is only capable of attracting passive 'chequebook activists'. Our findings suggest that younger members feel a sense of loyalty and trust towards the SMO as an effective 'brand leader' in its field, though this is by no means unrelenting. As reflexive consumers of activism, members have also grown more accustomed to the flexibilities of emerging post-bureaucratic 'DIY' activist groups. In sum, SMOs would benefit from a stronger and more consistent 'feedback loop' between the organization and its younger and more active members, as this will help provide scope for greater innovation whilst resisting tendencies towards self-serving 'bureaucratized activism'.

This paper interrogates the nature of protest literature as well as their issues and problems while addressing the discourse on apartheid South Africa underlined the politics. In this paper, I explore the connection of banned books of history with the present time. In South Africa: the numbers of the books banned, and these books never become part of a literary form. As a result, it also claims to the Censorship Act (have an authority to ban the books). This paper relates to examine the relationship between these two major research queries, which underpins as under two contexts as: (i) Protest literature and (ii) Racial discrimination. The racial discrimination needs for understanding the problems and struggle in South African. It also ignites to the fight for human rights of the people, who suffer from inequality and struggling for their identity crisis. South African novels represent the problems and concerns of people who belong to the marginal group. However, this paper focuses on South African protest literature, which demands to the end of racial discrimination, unequal educational system and segregation as divided land policy represents through the discourses. This paper has significant to demand for equality and justice through the protest literature also it demands of non-racial society as well. I come to conclude, it can be inferred in apartheid and the post-apartheid government failed to give equal rights to all.

Violence against women is one of the most insidious social ills facing the world today. Yet governmental response is inconsistent, ranging from dismissal to aggressive implementation of policies and programs to combat the problem. In her comparative study of thirty-six democratic governments, Laurel Weldon examines the root causes and consequences of the differences in public policy from Northern Europe to Latin America. She reveals that factors that often influence the development of social policies do not determine policies on violence against women. Neither economic level, religion, regio.

1: Introduction -- I. Overview -- II. Historical Development of The Right -- III. The Function of Free Speech and Protest -- IV. Protest and Democracy -- V. A Simple Dichotomy: Protest v Direct Action -- VI. Deciding to Engage in Collective Action -- VII. The Socio-Legal Aspect -- VIII. The Role and Behaviour of the Police -- IX. Protest and Protesters at the Start of the New Millenium -- 2: Protecting Human Rights in the Human Rights Act Era -- I. The Right to Protest at Common Law -- II. The European Convention on Human Rights -- III. A Home-Grown Bill of Rights? The Human Rights Act 1998 -- IV. Conclusion: The Likely Influence of the Human Rights Act on Peaceful Protest -- 3: Strasbourg Case Law on the Right to Peaceful Protest -- I. Introduction -- II. A Content Study of Protest Cases -- III. The Scope of the Right to Peaceful Protest -- IV. The Extent of Lawful Interferences with the Right -- V. Conclusions -- 4: The Locus of Protest -- I. Introduction and Overview -- II. Rights of Access Over Land for the Purpose of Protest -- III. Place-Specific Restrictions on Protest -- IV. Police Powers in Relation to Protests on Land -- V. Conclusion -- 5: Peaceful Persuasion and Communicating Dissent -- I. Overview -- II. Marching, Meeting and Holding Demonstrations: The Statutory Scheme in the Public Order Act 1986 -- III. Showing Support for Causes and Campaigns -- IV. Conclusion -- 6: Taking Direct Action -- I. Introduction and Overview -- II. Direct Action Protesters as Terrorists -- III. Crimes of Violence and Damage -- IV. Aggravated Trespass -- V. Harassment and Intimidation -- VI. Other Criminal Measures to Control Direct Action -- VII. Conclusion -- 7: Preventive Action by the Police -- I. The General Duties of the Police -- II. Stop and Search Powers -- III. Preventing Breaches of the Peace -- IV. Anti-Social Behaviour Orders -- V. Dispersal Orders -- VI. Strasbourg Case Law -- VII. Conclusions -- 8: Private Law Remedies and Proceedings -- I. Introduction -- II. Possible Claims by Private Parties -- III. Conclusions -- 9: Conclusion -- I. A Strasbourg Snapshot: The Right of Peaceful Protest under the ECHR in 2010 -- II. A Domestic Snapshot: The Right of Peaceful Protest in England and Wales in 2010 -- III. The Wider Picture: A Recap of Some Key Themes -- IV. An Agenda for Change -- Appendix I: European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms 1950 -- Appendix II: Bringing an Individual Case to Strasbourg: An Overview -- Appendix III: A Summary of Strasbourg Case Law on the Right to Peaceful Protest -- Appendix IV: Human Rights Act 1998, Chapter 42

People may engage in protest activity either because of collective incentives or selective incentives, or a combination of them. In this study we focus on the selective incentives part of the calculus of political participation, particularly the impact of the social dimension. We hypothesize that people will participate in demonstrations or other forms of protest, to a higher extent if they are afraid of rejection, but only if they feel that they have high social support for their own position. This hypothesis was supported in an online survey experiment where social support was manipulated. Results also revealed that individuals who were highly rejection sensitive were among the most likely to participate even though they did not believe protest activity to be an efficient way to bring about social change. This supports the notion that some individuals tend to engage in protest activity for purely social reasons. However it is still unclear whether these individuals are driven by an approach motivation to establish new social bonds or an avoidance motivation to escape possible social rejection.

Autorin: Elisabeth Oertel Zum zweiten Mal trafen sich am 10. Oktober 2022 internationale Forscher/-innen, um Untersuchungsergebnisse und Forschungsansätze in der Protest-Event-Analyse (PEA) zu diskutieren und öffentlich zu präsentieren. Der Workshop "Protest Event Analysis in...

Studying diffusion -- Quiet, you may wake up the Greeks : the diffusion of protests against austerity -- ACTA la vista baby : the diffusion of protest against the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement -- TTIP-ing over democracy : the diffusion of protests against TTIP and CETA.