Suchergebnisse

The study analyses the current situation of the peacekeeping operation in Pridnestrovie (Transnistria), carried out in conditions of a growing clash of interests between Russia and the West, the militarization of Moldova and its aspirations to join the EU and NATO, as well as the proximity of the security zone controlled by peacekeepers to the region of Russia's special military operation in Ukraine. The author summarizes the experience of Russia's peacekeeping activities in the region of the Moldovan-Pridnestrovian conflict, highlights the key features of the Dniester peacekeeping operation and shows its importance for the negotiation process on the Pridnestrovian settlement at the political and diplomatic level. The article provides an overview of the international peacekeeping initiatives in the conflict region, assesses the status of the negotiation process and the related military component of the settlement, identifies the specific features of the peacekeeping format and its control mechanisms, and analyzes the legal status of Russian troops. The author concludes that the peacekeeping operation in Pridnestrovie is still in demand, fully functional and ready for combat. According to the author, in case of withdrawal from the operation of the Republic of Moldova, the Russian military formations stationed in Pridnestrovie may be forced to receive the mandate of a special guarantee military operation to protect the stocks of Russian weapons remaining from Soviet times in the conflict region, to prevent the resumption of armed conflict and to ensure guarantees of peace and security for the population of Pridnestrovie, at least one third of which are citizens of the Russian Federation.

The investment treaty regime, unlike other economic regimes, lacks common substantive multilateral rules and depends on countries signing bilateral or plurilateral investment treaties. As the regime presented a pro-developed country bias, developing countries, especially in Latin America, avoided signing investment treaties up to the 1980s. Brazil followed this trend and did not start an investment treaty program until the late 1990s. However, the treaties never entered into force. The country also avoided acceding to the World Bank agency responsible for investment arbitration proceedings - the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID). In 2015, Brazil started a new investment treaty program. However, the timing seems counterintuitive. The investment treaty regime had already been criticized, including inefficiency in attracting foreign investment, the potential to encroach on countries' regulatory sovereignty and the lack of legitimacy of its investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) procedure. Furthermore, the favorable foreign economic scenario did not force the country to seek an inflow of foreign capital at that time. The new Cooperation and Facilitation Investment Agreement (CFIA) is presented as an investment treaty model for developing countries, since it responds to major criticisms to the investment treaty regime, and at the same time meets the demands of an important domestic interest group, the Brazilian industrial sector, for a legal framework that mitigates the political risk of its increasingly internationalized operations. Brazil's CFIA may be viewed as a model that other developing countries could emulate in the face of the failure of the traditional paradigm of investment dispute settlement.

International audience The aim of this paper is to identify the driving forces of Sovereign wealth funds' investments. For this, we develop an original econometric framework that quantifies the role of spatial dependence in the location of investments, and uses the Inverse Hyperbolic Sine transformation of the dependent variable in a spatial panel model context. This transformation copes with two features of net flows, namely an highly skewed distribution and the presence of zero and negative values. Using a large-scale database, we provide evidence of negative spatial dependence, investments in one country being on average at the expense of its neighbors.

This volume contains a selection of the edited and in some cases translated papers presented at the first South-South Human Rights Forum held in Beijing. The conference was jointly sponsored by the State Council Information Office and the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The event drew hundreds of participants, mainly scholars and government officials from developing countries and international organizations. Its main theme was ?Building a Human Community with a Shared Future?, which built on a proposal launched by President Xi Jinping. The papers are mostly short and often policy-oriented, offering a unique insight into the thinking and planning associated with this South-South exchange and thus a wealth of information of interest to scholars. The topics covered emerge primarily from development-related issues, such as the rights to food, education, health and poverty reduction. Though much of the volume thus focuses on economic and social rights and the right to development, civil and political rights are also discussed in the context of the need for legal guarantees for the exercise of human rights and judicial protection of rights

"At a time when globalization has side-lined many of the traditional, state-based addressees of legal accountability, assigning responsibility is contested in many transnational fields. There, political, economic, and social actors struggle to define the collectively binding rules of moral conduct. It is still unclear how blame is allocated in the new, highly-differentiated, multi-actor governance arrangements by which today's world is characterised. Moral Agency and the Politics of Responsibility investigates how actors in complex governance arrangements negotiate, delegate and distribute responsibility. This book asks how moral duties can be defined beyond the territorial and legal confines of the nation-state, how the moral agency of individuals and collective actors can be enhanced; and how obligations and accountability mechanisms for a post-national world, in which responsibility remains vague, ambiguous and contested, can be established. Using both empirical and theoretical perspectives, the book explores the politics of responsibility that plays out as responsibility relationships emerge, develop, and change. This book is perfect for scholars of International Relations, Politics, Philosophy and Political Economy with an interest in the increasingly popular topics of moral agency and responsibility"--

"Increasing interconnections between nation-states across borders have rendered the transnational a key tool for understanding our world. It has made particularly strong contributions to immigration studies and holds great promise for deepening insights into international migration. This is the first book to provide an accessible yet rigorous overview of transnational migration, as experienced by family and kinship groups, networks of entrepreneurs, diasporas and immigrant associations. As well as defining the core concept, it explores the implications of transnational migration for immigrant integration and its relationship to assimilation. By examining its political, economic, social, and cultural dimensions, the authors capture the distinctive features of the new immigrant communities that have reshaped the ethno-cultural mix of receiving nations, including the US and Western Europe. Importantly, the book also examines the effects of transnationality on sending communities, viewing migrants as agents of political and economic development. This systematic and critical overview of transnational migration perfectly balances theoretical discussion with relevant examples and cases, making it an ideal book for upper-level students covering immigration and transnational relations on sociology, political science, and globalization courses."--Publisher's description

The work as a whole deal extensively with the historical-geographical, geopolitical and geostrategic context of the emergence and evolution of the North Atlantic Alliance, one of the most successful international security organizations, a true reference point within them, in order to identify possible scenarios of evolution and further transformation of NATO. The book is structured in 5 chapters, each chapter being divided into sub-chapters, points and sub-points; the work itself is preceded by a brief introduction in context, and concludes with some conclusions, an explanatory glossary of acronyms, terms and definitions with which we have worked throughout the work, the bibliography studied and some appendices. In the first two chapters (the theoretical part) we have presented the contextual situation regarding the emergence and evolution of NATO, anchored in a generic approach to the concept of alliance, the particular scope of the work being given by chapters 3, 4 and 5 (the applied part), to which we have devoted most of the space, in interesting conceptual-strategic and spatial-temporal analyses. The theoretical aspects are coupled with analytical applications and concrete syntheses, their originality being eloquent.

Lansford, T.: Homeland security from Clinton to Bush: an assessment. - S. 1-18 Pasley, J. F.: United States homeland security in the information age: dealing with the threat of cyberterrorism. - S. 19-26 Sheffer, M. S.: Presidential war powers and the war on terrorism: are we destined to repeat our mistakes? - S. 27-44 Greenwood, C.: International law and the 'war on terrorism'. - S. 45-59 Davis, J.: The evolution of American grand strategy and the war on terrorism: Clinton and Bush perspectives. - S. 61-78 Thies, C. G.; Galatas, L. A.: Assessing the Bush doctrine. - S. 79-91 Dagne, T.: Africa and the war on terrorism. - S. 93-110 Bardos, G. N.: The war on terrorism in the Balkans: a report card on US policy after 9/11. - S. 111-125 Palmer, R. D.: Terrorism and Southeast Asia: Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines and Indonesia. - S. 127-142 Ollapally, D.: America's war on terrorism in Southern Asia: political and military dilemmas. - S. 143-156 Addicott, J. F.: The role of special operations forces in the war on terror. - S. 157-179 Davis, J.: The war on terrorism: impact on Al Qaeda. - S. 181-220

"As societies, governments, corporations and individuals become more dependent on the digital environment so they also become increasingly vulnerable to misuse of that environment. A considerable industry has developed to provide the means with which to make cyber space more secure, stable and predictable. Cyber security is concerned with the identification, avoidance, management and mitigation of risk in, or from, cyber space - the risk of harm and damage that might occur as the result of everything from individual carelessness, to organised criminality, to industrial and national security espionage and, at the extreme end of the scale, to disabling attacks against a country's critical national infrastructure. But this represents a rather narrow understanding of security and there is much more to cyber space than vulnerability, risk and threat. As well as security from financial loss, physical damage etc., cyber security must also be for the maximisation of benefit. The Oxford Handbook of Cyber Security takes a comprehensive and rounded approach to the still evolving topic of cyber security: the security of cyber space is as much technological as it is commercial and strategic; as much international as regional, national and personal; and as much a matter of hazard and vulnerability as an opportunity for social, economic and cultural growth"--

Empires, until recently, were everywhere. They shaped borders, stirred conflicts, and set the terms of international politics. With the collapse of empire came a fundamental reorganization of our world. Decolonization unfolded across territories as well as within them. Its struggles became internationalized and transnational, as much global campaigns of moral disarmament against colonial injustice as local contests of arms. In this expansive history, Martin Thomas tells the story of decolonization and its intrinsic link to globalization. He traces the connections between these two transformative processes: the end of formal empire and the acceleration of global integration, market reorganization, cultural exchange, and migration. The End of Empires and a World Remade shows how profoundly decolonization shaped the process of globalization in the wake of empire collapse. In the second half of the twentieth century, decolonization catalyzed new international coalitions; it triggered partitions and wars; and it reshaped North-South dynamics. Globalization promised the decolonized greater access to essential resources, to wider networks of influence, and to worldwide audiences, but its neoliberal variant has reinforced economic inequalities and imperial forms of political and cultural influences. In surveying these two codependent histories across the world, from Latin America to Asia, Thomas explains why the deck was so heavily stacked against newly independent nations. Decolonization stands alongside the great world wars as the most transformative event of twentieth-century history. In The End of Empires and a World Remade, Thomas offers a masterful analysis of the greatest process of state-making (and empire-unmaking) in modern history.

Parteitage der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas sind in erster Linie symbolische Rituale zur Orchestrierung der Politik. Die Weichen für die weitere Rezentralisierung der Macht wurden 2017 ebenso gestellt wie die für die Fortführung des neoliberalen Staatskapitalismus. Außenpolitisch dürfte die Führung in Peking ihre bisherige Linie fortführen. (IP)

Vor zwei Jahren trat Japans Premier mit dem Versprechen an, den ökonomischen Stillstand zu überwinden. Doch Wirtschaft war für Shinzo Abe, Sprössling japanischer Politikerdynastien, nie etwas anderes als Mittel zur Macht. Einst bejubelt, dürften "Abenomics" als Konzept bald ausgedient haben - und damit die Hoffnung auf wirtschaftliche Wiederbelebung. (IP)

Die politische Landkarte im Nahen und Mittleren Osten löst sich auf. Syrien, Irak, Libyen, Jemen, Ägypten - die Liste der zerfallenden Staaten ist lang. Dafür entstehen konfessionell legitimierte Ordnungen oder neue Entitäten, die durch lokale Milizen und Warlords beherrscht werden. (IP)