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A framework is presented within which one can study how variation in the policy decision process may influence variation in policy outcome. This framework may work best if the units of analysis are not entire countries but specific issues. These issues can be compared both within & among countries. Focus is on energy issues from 1973 to the present in the US & 6 European countries. Two dimensions are examined relative to policy outcome: the extents to which the demands of various societal groups are fulfilled, & to which the outcome is challenged by further actions. For the decision process, a large number of decision paths are distinguished. For the development of the theory it is assumed that decisionmakers try to maximize the values of office seeking, policy goals, & system maintenance, & to minimize the time they invest in a particular decision process. 5 Figures, 8 References. AA.

La Unidad Didáctica que hemos realizado, cuyo título es Las Elecciones Generales de 29 de octubre de 1989, está estructurada teniendo en cuenta los intereses sociales de los alumnos que están en la Segunda Etapa, Ciclo Superior. La coyuntura histórica que significa la celebración de unas elecciones generales, y la posibilidad de nuestros propios alumnos de realizar las prácticas en la Escuela de E.G.B., nos hizo concebir esta idea, para que ellos tuvieran la oportunidad o la probabilidad de poder llevarla a cabo, naturalmente en parte. El área de Ciencias Sociales contribuye a que los niflos alcancen un mayor conocimiento, comprensión y valoración crítica de su comunidad o medio social, en sus distintos ámbitos. Hemos pretendido de forma especial que aprendan a valorar las actitudes de tolerancia y solidaridad que son los pilares más profundos de la democracia y del humanismo. La interdisciplinariedad aparece en este trabajo, al ser un elemento enriquecedor y posible de aplicar, teniendo en cuenta las necesidades coyunturales de los niños de la Escuela, que con este trabajo, asisten a la entrada de los "aires de la calle" a su realidad pedagógica. ; The teaching unit which we have developed, under the lit/e The General Elections of october 1989, in structured taking into account the social interets of the pupils who are in Second Stage, Upper Cycle. The historical occasion which the celebration of general elections signifies and the possibility for our pupils to carry out the practica/ side in the school, resulted in this idea which they would have the opportunity or the probability bf being able to carry out, to a certain degree, natural/y. The area of Social Science contributes to ~he children achieving greater knowledge, understanding and critica/ assessment of their community and social environment in its different aspects. We especial/y aimed at them leaming to value attitudes of tolerance and solidarity, the most profound pillars of democracy and humanism. Interdisciplinarity appears in the project. This is an enriching element with possibility of application when taking into account the necessities of the moment for the schoolchildren, who, with this project,' assist at the entrance of all'sfrom the street into their educational reality. ; peerReviewed

A theological reading of globalization and a global reading of theology. This book offers a rigorously critical, and yet inspiring, vision of justice as an integral part of Christian spirituality in our complex, globalized world. At the same time, Daniel Groody's analysis draws on the conviction that faith and spirituality have an integral role in the struggle to achieve a more just social order

Why are humans obsessed with divine minds? What do gods know and what do they care about? What happens to us and our relationships when gods are involved? Drawing from neuroscience, evolutionary, cultural, and applied anthropology, social psychology, religious studies, philosophy, technology, and cognitive and political sciences, The Minds of Gods probes these questions from a multitude of naturalistic perspectives. Each chapter offers brief intellectual histories of their topics, summarizes current cutting-edge questions in the field, and points to areas in need of attention from future researchers. Through an innovative theoretical framework that combines evolutionary and cognitive approaches to religion, this book brings together otherwise disparate literatures to focus on a topic that has comprised a lasting, central obsession of our species

"The present book brings together a number of case studies on the ethnic and regional dimensions of Chinese politics and society. Most of the contributors to this study use largely Chinese-language sources. Five are social anthropologists, and three (in addition to the editor) are political scientists. They provide in-depth analyses of Han relations with Mongolians and Muslims; the relations between the national government and selected provinces, especially after the 'Cultural Revolution'; the majority-minority interactions within provinces and the tensions within minority communities; the conflict between nationalism and Marxism and its impact on policies of culture and language; and attempts to balance the pressures for the legitimation of cultural diversity and for affirmative action with the imperatives of political unity."--Jacket

PurposeThis paper takes an ideal type of different welfare regimes as a starting point. It investigates with survey data people's experiences and expectations towards the welfare state and its functioning against various social risks. The paper discusses questions like, are there differences in perceptions between welfare regimes? And what is the role of the welfare state regime in explaining those differences?Design/methodology/approachThis research article is based on OECD survey data and classical welfare state classifications. The analysis of welfare regimes provides both a theoretical and methodological structure for study. The study-applied analysis of variance (one-way ANOVA) to test a hypothesis that regimes matter analyses more nuanced aspects of current and prospects to the near future welfare state provision.FindingsThis examination suggests that welfare regimes still matter even though the differences in averages were not as immense as expected. Perceptions in different welfare regimes also have priorities related to the willingness to pay more taxes in order to receive better access to services and financial support if needed. In Nordic countries, the acute priority based on survey data is investment in education and re-training. In Continental Europe, more financial support is needed for pensions. Overall, respondents representing emerging Eastern European and Mediterranean welfare regimes think that welfare provision should be financed more compared to other welfare regime respondents. Health is a universal and unifying issue, particularly in ageing welfare states, and brings health as a traditional and central question again.Originality/valueRespondents' perceptions work as people's voice and assessments are used to gain a contemporary understanding of welfare and about welfare state functioning.

PurposeAs coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) spreads globally, the economic and health consequences are disproportionately affecting marginalized workers. However, countries' existing labor and social security laws often exclude the most vulnerable workers from coverage, exacerbating existing inequalities. Guaranteeing the rights to adequate income even when ill, decent working conditions and nondiscrimination in constitutions may provide a foundation for protecting rights universally, safeguarding against counterproductive austerity measures, and providing a normative foundation for equality and inclusion as economies recover. The purpose of this article is to examine the prevalence of these rights globally and assess some of their early impacts amid the pandemic.Design/methodology/approachThe authors created and analyzed a database of constitutional rights for all 193 United Nations member states. All constitutions were double coded by an international multidisciplinary, multilingual team of researchers.FindingsThis study finds that 54% of countries take some approach to guaranteeing income security in their constitutions, including 23% that guarantee income security during illness. Thirty-one percent guarantee the right to safe working conditions. Only 36% of constitutions explicitly guarantee at least some aspect of nondiscrimination at work. With respect to equal rights broadly, constitutional protections are most common on the basis of sex (85%), followed by religion (78%), race/ethnicity (76%), socioeconomic status (59%), disability (27%), citizenship (22%), sexual orientation (5%) and gender identity (3%). Across almost all areas, protections for rights are far more common in constitutions adopted more recently.Originality/valueThis is the first study to systematically examine protections for income security and decent work, together with nondiscrimination, in the constitutions of all 193 UN member states.

Significant regional variations by prefecture level exist for the family and the elderly in Japan. This suggests that the Japanese family, and aging society as well, must be studied carefully with close attention to the socio‐cultural characteristics specific to each region and community (Kumagai, 1997a, 1997b). Therefore, it is essential to move the unit of analysis down to the community level rather than the national or even prefecture (regional) level. Social practices and cultural characteristics specific to each region and community are difficult to measure and quantify. Upon careful examination of Japanese married women in the traditional extended family, the theoretical hypothesis was postulated: Whether in urban or rural regions, regardless of the place of residence, married women living with their mother‐in‐law are likely to seek work outside the home. A national random sample of 3,662 Japanese women was analyzed. In conducting Chi‐square significance tests, this hypothesis is proved to be valid. The most striking finding of this study is that working outside the home seems to be one of the effective alternatives adopted by married women in the traditional generational family household. When son's wives are in the labor force, it is most likely to reduce intergenerational conflict, a negative aspect of co‐residence living arrangements. In other words, working outside the home helps to minimize intergenerational conflict with in‐laws ‐mothers‐in‐law, in particular). Thus, the qualitative analysis of the family can provide effective indicators for the in‐depth analysis of Japanese families. It is, therefore, necessary to propose welfare policies for the elderly in the same manner, rather than simply looking at national average statistics.

One of the more unexplored yet frightening aspects of the Nazi years in Germany, 1933-45, is the conduct of the doctors during those years. Many of them abandoned the traditional guiding norms for the practice of medicine, archaically expressed in the Hippocratic oath, and proposed, carried out, and cooperated with medical experiments without the consent of subjects and with little promise of any contribu tion to medical science. Many also participated in research and other medical activities, such as euthanasia and mass sterilization, whose purposes had nothing to do with a con tribution to medical knowledge that would eventually save or improve life, but were simply for the manipulation and killing of persons. These activities quickly fell under the control of Nazi ideology, with no protest on the basis of the norms of medical practice by societies of medical doctors and psychiatrists, and with little, albeit costly, protest by individuals. A brief survey of what the Medical case and the Auschwitz trial revealed about the conduct of the doctors raises the ques tion of the status and effectiveness of a professional standard like the Hippocratic oath against the power of the state. This, in turn, raises the question about the basis of the rights of man outside of what is enacted and secured by a nation-state. In facing this question, an appeal is made for the nurture of care about human rights, among professional groups with trans- national identities as well as among individuals and voluntary nonprofessional associations among the general citizenry. Finally, a claim is made for specific kinds of social-political responsibilities of doctors in modern society.

This essay examines the nature of a potential societal information system. If we take the modern manage ment-control system as a prototype, the societal system would be broader based, multifunctional, and more open-ended. The general functions of any information system are detection, evaluation, diagnosis, and guidance to action. The exercise of these functions is easier, to the extent that the problems dealt with are of a relatively narrow range and a relatively repetitive nature. The problems toward which a societal in formation is directed are not only widely varied but also com plex and unique. Given the breadth, complexity, and unique ness of the problems, the number of actors and evaluators whose information needs must be met, and the lack of con sensus on any model of our society, one cannot devise a set of social indicators closely tailored to more than a few of the potential uses to which they are to be put. In the selection of the indicators themselves, one must to a large extent rely on consensus that certain aspects of the society are "important" regardless of the societal model one holds. A system such as this is highly reliant on rapid feedback because it is weak on pro viding anticipations of the full range of consequences of one's actions. Furthermore, the causal relations between one's actions and changes measured by a broad societal information system are indirect and diffused. A good deal of ad hoc, analytic research is required to bridge the gaps of inference in such a system.

Paper is a kind of historical sociology of religions for philosophical understanding of Al- Muhyiddin Arabi's research as a lasting paradigm in dialogue of religions. Mediterranean is place where greatest number of God's prophets were sent, and voice of prophecy of many prophets from Adam to Khatam can still be heard in that space. AL-Muhyiddin Arabi (1240), who started classical studies of religions, originated from Western Mediterranean and presented his works in eastern Mediterranean. His research has come as a paradigm that governs understanding of religions in their common subject, nature of prophets. Discussion of religions dialogue, in modern era, it is basically a question of oriental studies. Which Orientalism put it in two paradigms of Crusades and global unity of religions? Hypothesis of research is that dialogue between religions is an anthropological debate and is close to natural requirements of man. And good orientalist views are close to it. Discussion in paradigm of religions has a pattern of combination of philosophy and sociology, its origin is beyond science of religions. Dialogue of religions has a philosophical ontology in field of human existence and is a logical paradigm. There is a linear and circle approach to human history and in every attitude to history, religious dialogue, has a physical existence. Field of this philosophical opinion is anthropological process in history of sociology. In process of anthropology, there are at beginning of creation homogeneous group of people, without grounds of separation, and societies were homogeneous, and uniformity was their only characteristic, but societies also have secondary characteristics, which is essential necessity of change. And prophets who organize changes. Therefore, dialogue between religions has an existential place in societies, like reason for their existence, and it is a part of anthropology, and it has been investigated in combined science of philosophy and sociology in this research, and it shows that constant existence of dialogue between religions always has its own suitable contexts and has its own suitable contexts and discussion of religious dialogue in context of political issues is belonging complications of opposites orientalism circles, and in positive orientalism, attention is paid to ontological aspect of relationship between religions, and discussion of religions in this orientalism is closer to principle of ontology of religions, because religions are naturally for order. And the multiplicity of societies have arisen and their existence is rooted in people whose existential roots are of a uniform nature, and multitude of societies goes back to unity between people that existed in beginning because unit of society is Human(Nas). But according to historical Arrangement, in any way there are many societies.

This work examines events from Cameroon's life since becoming a nation to foster understanding of the worrisome political situation the country has been traversing since 2016. Bitter and unhappy with their treatment since joining the French-speaking part, many citizens of the minority English-speaking part feel fed up and desire a breakup. I show that apart from constituting an aspect of its pride, Cameroon's history is also a source of tricky challenges the country has been wrestling with since inception. I contend that issues of this kind will always be around if those in the country's cockpit fly it to a destination other than what satisfies and respects the two people - especially the one that moved the English-speaking part to opt for a joint destiny. Instead of toying with truth to score personal political points, authorities should yield to truth, operating in good faith to correct errors and heal hurt hearts so that both people will willingly, not by force, accept to work together. Contrary actions will risk the future. Happiness moves people to look at their history with pride finding things to build while pain stirs frustration and fury, moving them to search for flaws to fix or fight. I hold that both parts face almost the same challenges from unmet needs to emaciating struggles of survival. However, the English-speaking part has unique plaques that ache terribly and have nothing to do with the country's general cry of lagging development. They touch on its identity and survival, unleashing pain many out of its shoes might fail to feel and so unable to understand the degree of excruciation. I caution that though it has been a show of two regions, the likelihood of someday evolving into a ten-region revolution is certain if wise and inclusive actions are not applied. Apart from groaning in their own pain, many among the other eight are sympathetic to the predicament of the lamenting two, expressing fury, first, against the denial by highly placed authorities of the existence of any problem, and second, in their ruthless and brutal treatment of those who complain or challenge their stance. Anger increased as people's patience waned. Their calm will not last if things stay unchanged. When arguments evolve and accommodate their worries they will get on board pushing the heat to levels officials will have problems containing without facing the temptation of fighting the people they are in office to protect. I end with recommendations the state and activists might find useful. They highlight measures that can help in a heterogeneous society like Cameroon to preserve peace and save it from becoming a scene of mayhem and butchery.

International audience ; Mauritius is often referred to on the international scene as a rainbow society or, even better, as a example of good interethnic coexistence. Without implying that this might be a mere slogan or a nonsense, one can think that this way of formulating things doesn't really show the complexities that are really at work in the Mauritian society, allowing it to have precisely this relative stability for which it is known. This relative stability is mainly due to a series of behavioral strategies made up of mutual avoidance, controlled ignorance, meaningful silences and linguistic taboos, aside with « politically correct » commonplaces which Mauritians generally use when dealing with interethnic issues. This article tries to address these issues in its attempt to describe ethnicity in Mauritius. Adopting a constructivist approach to ethnicity, it gives priority in its analysis to discourses on ethnicity rather than ethnicity itself. Those discourses have been identified here at three levels : macro-social, meso-social and micro-social. ; L'île Maurice est souvent citée sur la scène internationale comme une société « arc-en-ciel » et un modèle d'entente interethnique. Sans être forcément un slogan ni un contresens, ce type de formules n'en cache pas moins la complexité réelle d'une société qui, dans les faits, doit sa relative stabilité à un ensemble de stratégies comportementales (au niveau de sa population) faites d'évitements mutuels, d'ignorance calculée, de non-dits et d'interdits, à côté des lieux communs « politiquement corrects » que les Mauriciens entretiennent entre eux dès qu'ils sont dans les relations intercommunautaires. Le présent article tente de donner une description du fait ethnique mauricien en abordant certains de ses aspects et en privilégiant une lecture des choses fondée essentiellement sur des faits discursifs repérables à trois niveaux d'analyse : macro-social, mésocial et micro-social.

International audience ; Mauritius is often referred to on the international scene as a rainbow society or, even better, as a example of good interethnic coexistence. Without implying that this might be a mere slogan or a nonsense, one can think that this way of formulating things doesn't really show the complexities that are really at work in the Mauritian society, allowing it to have precisely this relative stability for which it is known. This relative stability is mainly due to a series of behavioral strategies made up of mutual avoidance, controlled ignorance, meaningful silences and linguistic taboos, aside with « politically correct » commonplaces which Mauritians generally use when dealing with interethnic issues. This article tries to address these issues in its attempt to describe ethnicity in Mauritius. Adopting a constructivist approach to ethnicity, it gives priority in its analysis to discourses on ethnicity rather than ethnicity itself. Those discourses have been identified here at three levels : macro-social, meso-social and micro-social. ; L'île Maurice est souvent citée sur la scène internationale comme une société « arc-en-ciel » et un modèle d'entente interethnique. Sans être forcément un slogan ni un contresens, ce type de formules n'en cache pas moins la complexité réelle d'une société qui, dans les faits, doit sa relative stabilité à un ensemble de stratégies comportementales (au niveau de sa population) faites d'évitements mutuels, d'ignorance calculée, de non-dits et d'interdits, à côté des lieux communs « politiquement corrects » que les Mauriciens entretiennent entre eux dès qu'ils sont dans les relations intercommunautaires. Le présent article tente de donner une description du fait ethnique mauricien en abordant certains de ses aspects et en privilégiant une lecture des choses fondée essentiellement sur des faits discursifs repérables à trois niveaux d'analyse : macro-social, mésocial et micro-social.

Habit rules our lives. And yet climate change and the catastrophic future it portends, makes it clear that we cannot go on like this. Our habits are integral to narratives of the good life, to social norms and expectations, as well as to economic reality. Such shared shapes are vital. Yet while many of our individual habits seem perfectly reasonable, when aggregated together they spell disaster. Beyond consumerism, other forms of life and patterns of dwelling are clearly possible. But how can we get there from here? This text shows how an approach to philosophy attuned to our ecological existence can suspend the taken-for-granted and open up alternative forms of earthly dwelling