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AbstractThis article offers a re‐evaluation of the notorious Statute of Kilkenny by placing it within a broader context of English state development in the fourteenth century. It argues that the Statute needs to be understood as part of a wider political and legislative programme shaped by military expansionism and the upheaval of the Black Death. Although racially motivated, at least in part, the Statute should not be seen as attempting to engineer a form of apartheid in Anglo‐Ireland. Rather it was representative of a broader governing culture and compares closely with legislation enforced not only in the other Plantagenet dominions but also in England itself.

A growing body of congressional scholarship investigates variation in the incumbent electoral advantage that depends on factors such as competence, political skill, and ideological extremity. This article contributes to this line of work by providing analysis of the relationship between senators' home‐state approval ratings and their electoral fortunes using newly available data from the Job Approval Ratings (JAR) collection. The findings show that senatorial job approval affects retirement, quality‐candidate emergence, campaign spending, and outcomes. The myriad indirect effects suggest that strategic political actors are central to the process by which incumbents are held accountable for the reputations they develop in their constituencies.

In his short administration, President Kennedy was called upon to deal with several Southeast Asian developments but none that had reached such a high watermark of an international crisis as the question of Laos. As in Berlin, he inherited in Laos a situation aggravated by near-direct armed confrontation between the Soviet Union and the United States. Kennedy's response to that situation was a complex set of policy moves and measures that alternately raised a spectre of large-scale, direct American military intervention and prospects of East-West agreement on Laotian neutrality, only to end eventually on the same note of anti-communist crusade as in the preceding Eisenhower administration.

During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the federal government of Mexico made concerted attempts to define, control, and manage a national archaeological patrimony. While these efforts had precedents dating back to the colonial period, the administration of Porfirio Díaz cemented connections between archaeology and state power. Core principles and administrative structures established during the Porfiriato withstood the Revolution of 1910, and continued to shape uses of the material past during the post-Revolutionary era. However, Porfirian efforts to assert control over pre-Hispanic sites and artifacts also met with resistance from a variety of foreign and domestic sources. My dissertation examines interactions between federal bureaucrats, site caretakers, professors of the National Museum, local community members, regional officials, scholars, explorers, and travelers to examine how state power was enacted - and how it faltered - on the ground. Much scholarship on the history of Mexican archaeology focuses on changing intellectual approaches to the Mesoamerican past, or the symbolic and rhetorical uses of pre-Hispanic imagery. In contrast, I emphasize the administrative and legal practices by which the Porfirian regime asserted its authority over physical sites and artifacts. In particular, I look closely at the workings of the Inspección y Conservación de Monumentos Arqueólogicos (Inspectorate of Archaeological Monuments), an agency founded in 1885 to monitor the uses of pre-Hispanic sites and serve as a general clearinghouse for archaeological affairs. Under the direction of Leopoldo Batres, the Inspección played an active role in enforcing the prerogatives and property claims of the federal government. I argue that while the reach and influence of the federal archaeological bureaucracy increased considerably over the course of the Porfiriato, its authority remained fraught and contingent in application. Again and again, individuals and communities resisted or subverted the programs of the archaeological bureaucracy, forcing federal administrators to negotiate rather than command. Through detailed descriptions of specific incidents, I analyze competing uses of the pre-Hispanic material past in order to trace out some of the complexities of Mexican state formation during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Twenty-five years after the end of the Vietnam War, the ghost of that war still haunts the corridors of the decision makers when it comes to making long-term commitments to situations that remotely resemble anything like our Indochina experience. That is the case in with Colombia, which is embroiled in an internecine struggle with two guerrilla movements bent on overthrowing the government as well as from narcotraffickers. The author details the complicated but increasingly clear nexus between the political and social insurgencies and the drug traffickers. This, he maintains, has obliged a highly reluctant United States to reexamine whether its counternarcotics strategy can succeed if it is not accompanied by a willingness to assist the Colombian government improve its ability to defeat guerrillas and regain control of its national territory. If the United States is to become even more involved in the internal struggles in Colombia, it is a good bet the U.S. Army will play an important role. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1844/thumbnail.jpg

This volume focusses on non-state actors and political conflicts but also attends to the broader themes of the series. The research emphases the roles and motivations of non-state actors in conflicts or post-conflict situations in the post-Cold War era; as well outlining the dynamics of social movements, conflicts, or change

1: Introduction and Rethinking Contract Farming -- 2: Punjab: An Interesting place to study Agrarian Change -- 3: Understanding the Social Relations of Contract Farming -- 4: Stating the (not so) obvious: The 'Interventionist Neoliberal State' in India -- 5: Understanding CF: CF as a strategy to enable dispossession-free accumulation strategy -- 6:Implications of CF 01: Technology Rhetoric in Contract Farming -- 7: Implications 02: Social Effects of Contract Farming -- 8: Conclusion: Are the Global Agri-Corporates saving the Third World Peasantry?.

In the first part of the study a version of Luhmann's theory of differentiation is undertaken. Luhmann took Parson's analytical systems approach away and sees the systemic social mechanisms as real and concret. In the sixties and seventies it was a great problem for him to find the structures of empirical delimitation of subsystems of society above the organisational systems level. Recently he was able to work out this with theoretical sharpness. A subsystem of society can be delimited by its being organized around a binary code. The modern science is organized around the binary code of true/ false, the law around the code "lawful/ unlawful", the economy around the code "profitable/ non-profitable". The above-mentioned is the starting point of the paper but there are undertaken some corrections on this theorem. In the reality the binary codes of truefalse, lawful/ unlawful etc. dominate only the communications of the professional scientists, lawyers etc. and this domination is forced through the special recruting-, socialisation-, rewarding-, and sanctioning mechanisms created in each professional system of institutions. Hence the structural differentiations of society above the organizational systems level have to be reduced to the level of the professional institutions. In this way the category of "everyday life" emerged for the diffuse, non-specialized communications and in this formulation the modernisation of european societies can be grasped as the differentiation of systems of professional institutions out of the diffuse everyday life. With this correction the theory of Luhmannn came closer to Habermas's theory but the paper does not share his aversion against the systemic formations. On the basis of Karl Polanyi's distinction of economy into material production and formal market economy the paper takes out the latter of the simple professional systems and makes evident that the market mechanisms play important role in organising a lot of professional systems. Markests within the university-scientific system, within sports, arts etc. These are the cases of double rationalities. Furthermore the study corrects Luhmann's starting-point that the communications in the professional systems of institutions are only dominated by the special binary code and it is emphasized they are formed through a lot of other aspects of evaluations. But after the differentiation of the professional systems these aspects of evaluation other than the own binary code can form the professional communications only through the domination of the central binary code of each professional system. This correction brings Luhmann's theory closer to Richard Munch's theory of interpenetration. And last but not least these corrections draws attention to Parson's theory of professions. Although his analytical systems approach was found as insufficient. In the second part of the study the theoretical framework of the professional system of institutions is applied to the political system, the legal system and the social system of science.