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В статье рассматриваются способы решения институциональных проблем управления в условиях общественно-политического кризиса. Выход из кризиса требует совершенствования управления, разработки его методологии на основе анализа различных типов и моделей управления (традиционная гибридная и др.) применительно к разным формам политического устройства общества. Определяется эффективность концептивно-парадигмального подхода власти в решении институциональных проблем управления при формировании мобильных организационных систем. ; The article discusses ways to solve institutional management problems in terms of socio-political crisis. Out of the crisis is required the improvement of management, development methodology based on the analysis of various types and models of management (tradition, hybrid etc.). In relation to different forms of political organization of society. It is determined by the efficiency conceptual and paradigmatic approach the authorities in solving institutional management problems in the formation mobile organizational systems.

"El mapa mediático en las campañas electorales se circunscribe fundamentalmente a noticias, debates, programas de opinión, encuestas1 , y spots2 , es menester señalar que la comunicación política fluye en esos canales. Los spots (political ads, political advertising) son el eje de las campañas por su alcance, impacto y repetición; en los últimos años las estrategias de comunicación de actores políticos y de autoridades electorales se han centrado en priorizar esta herramienta mediática. El objetivo de esta tesis es analizar la estrategia de campaña negativa (negative campaign) utilizada por los candidatos a la presidencia de México en 2012, este objetivo se realizó utilizando el frame analysis, como teoría y metodología, identificando las secuencias de ataque inmersas en los spots de ataque." ; Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla

Drawing on the wider political economy of global commodities markets, this paper analyses the dynamics of agrarian change related to the rise of emerging economies. Departing from an overview of China's trade relations with Brazil, it discusses the consequences of these asymmetric relations for the countries' international strategies and their broad impacts in developing countries. To do so, the paper is structured according to two objectives. The first focuses on the political economic trends of the emerging countries' role in the agricultural sector, particularly through the shift in soy trade flows towards Brazil and China and their engagement in building a global biofuel market. The second objective connects the shifts in patterns of trade to an increasing wave of investments in southern Africa's farmland and it analyses the barriers and the effects of this movement in Mozambique.

Neoliberal employment strategies, immigration policies, economic globalisation and the events of 9/11 have created new environments for racism in Australia. In this article, the ramifications of the shifting political environment on race discrimination against ethnicised Others in employment since 1990 are examined, with particular regard to the post-9/11 period. Drawing on complaints made to anti-discrimination agencies and decisions of courts and tribunals, it is argued that there has been a contraction in the ambit of operation of the legislation through the application of exemptions and a heightened burden of proof for complainants which has had a chilling effect on the jurisdiction. Drawing on David Goldberg�s thesis of the racial state, it is posited that in the contemporary political environment, the state is active in producing and sustaining racism.

The author carries out a comparative analysis of the actors' adaptation in the process of coalition formation within political systems of Denmark and Sweden in terms of external and internal factors. Particular attention is paid to the process of holding referenda on the EU issues in the both countries. According to the analysis, the author identifies common and different features of the countries' political systems as well as the logic in the functioning of coalitions. ; Автор проводит сравнительный анализ процесса адаптации акторов в коалиционных образованиях политических систем Дании и Швеции с точки зрения внешних и внутренних факторов. Особое внимание уделяется процессу проведения референдумов по вопросам ЕС в двух странах. По результатам анализа автор выделяет общие и различные черты систем двух стран, а также логику функционирования коалиций в обеих странах.

Information visualization offers multiple methods to make sense of complex data by graphic representations. Complementing verbal representations, they show rich potential to support cognition and communication in numerous areas of application, including the field of political communication and education. Yet – despite a strong increase in options with regard to accessibility of data, tools, and methods – no conceptual framework or discussion is organizing these emerging visual vocabularies and their possible recombinations up to now. Against this background, we want to discuss the layout principles of existing visualization methods and align them within a coherent framework to allow for a multimodal navigation of modern news and information spaces. On that basis, accompanying ways and means to minimize well-known barriers in the public and political communication realm are taken into consideration.

Researcher interested in social movements as well as political commentators agree that we have been witnessing a historically-specific cycle of global mobilizations since 2011. However, it seems much less clear what exactly political movements and uprising such as the Arab Spring, the European protests against austerity policies, and the US-Occupy movement have in common. This article takes the massive presence of movements in public spaces as a point of departure, and analyzes the global cycle of protests through an urban lense. Arguing that the process of neo-liberalization, the austerity measures aiming at the management of the current crisis, and people's responses on the streets' are strongly articulated through urban space, the article discusses similarities and differences between movements in various regional contexts.

Governance is a term which is widely, but not always precisely, used, and this article seeks to clarify what the term is being used to mean. In particular, it is concerned with whether it denotes a particular mode of government, or whether is a broad category encompassing all modes of government. It focuses on the arguments about political practice on which the original claims about governance were based, and the evidence that there has been a change is political practice which demands a new label. It concludes with a discussion of the way that accounts of government are used in the practice of governing, and the incentives that this gives both participants and observers to adopt the warm but fuzzy term 'governance'.

The unusual response of former President Olusegun Obasanjo (of Nigeria) to the adoption of shariah law in northern Nigeria that it "will soon fizzle out" was as intriguing and philosophical as the formal adoption of shariah law itself. This is against the backdrop of his antecedence in handling burning national matters. The critical issues bordered on whether the adoption of sharia was political or religious since it was through the parliament rather than the mosque. The paper examined the President's responses against the prevalent political factors and showed that its implications have continued to reverberate in the Nigerian polity. The paper argued that a definite secular or multi-religious status (not a religious state) of the country should be articulated through the gristmill of thorough-bred intellectual and constitutional engagement.

The 25th anniversary of the publication of Clarence Stone's Regime Politics presents an opportunity to consider ways of moving forward theoretically in a world that has begun to look much different from postwar Atlanta. In recent years, Stone has turned his attention from stability to change in urban governing arrangements, proposing American political development (APD) as a promising theoretical approach. While broadly in agreement with Stone about the advantages of APD for the study of urban political change, I identify some potential problems with his efforts to combine APD and regime analysis. In particular, I suggest that Stone more fully embrace APD's emphasis on friction and disorder as a driver of change in governing arrangements and that the role of institutions, in addition to informal arrangements, be considered more directly in arguments about how change occurs.

In this paper I embrace the thinking that writing on one's experiences in the use of qualitative educational research strategies and principles could potentially contribute to furthering knowledge in the field. In adopting an action research framework to guide collaborative work in a policy review exercise in Botswana, I found that collaborative work is itself a challenge. Similarly, given the political nature of policy formulation, significant effort and attention is required to facilitate broader reflection and debate on the adoption and use of qualitative research strategies in policy matters in Botswana. Generally my experience suggests that the strictures of underlying political life could be a powerful framework that profoundly shapes and constrains the perspectives and choices in policy review. I conclude with some statements concerning some lessons learnt during the policy review exercise.

This paper aims to specify the meaning of gentrification in rapidly peri-urbanising metropolitan regions in the context of Indonesia's rapid transition to decentralisation and democracy. It discusses a case study of conflict over an environmental revitalisation project in a peri-urban area of Bandung City. The analysis focuses on the political processes, tactics and strategies supporting and opposing peri-urban gentrification and their consequences. The analysis illustrates how these political dynamics mediate the interaction between the movement of capital and the spatial reorganisation of social classes. It is argued that in the context of a peri-urbanising metropolis, gentrification needs to be narrated less in terms of class-based neighbourhood succession and more in terms of competing cross-class coalitions emerging at local and regional levels.

The article addresses the meaning and relevance of the recently emerged idea of 'global labour governance'. Increasingly influential in policy, it has been criticized for political and theoretical reasons, including the risk of normative ideological uses. The article suggests that labour studies should nonetheless engage, theoretically and empirically, with the issue and the perspective of 'global labour governance'. This is because of its growing political importance and for the attention it brings to still understudied issues of 'multi-level' dynamics, 'networks' and 'reflexivity'. Systematic analysis of governance alternatives is needed. The traditions of the sociology of work and industrial relations can contribute to this analysis through their elaboration on informality, sectoral differences and collective action, as well as by problematizing the idea of 'effectiveness'.

Politics of strengthening Polish element in the north-eastern states was successful in respectof the Catholic population. Sense of national identity and patriotism of local Poles purposefullyhad been raised by school, the army, the media and propaganda, church, political, social andyouth organizations. Even the fact of liring in the Polish State had contributed of patriotism andconsciousness. In the interwar period political, cultural and mental consolidation of Poles on theBelarusian-Lithuanian lands and in Poland was stopped. The Polish state could not bring nonPolishpopulation in the interwar period over to their point of vien Policy of various restrictionsand prohibitions, ineffective economic actions of Polish government that didr't achiere a significantimprovement in the economic life of the Belarusians and Jews could not make them feel like thePoles and even increase an anti-Polish and Pro-Soviet sentiments.

Many claims have been made regarding the influence of social media like Facebook on activities undertaken by political actors. While the study of online political communication provides several different perspectives, few studies have attempted to uncover tendencies of so-called permanent campaigning in online environments. The term signifies campaign-like activities at the hands of politicians also during non-election periods and has spawned a number of conceptual discussions. This article presents an exploratory effort, studying traces of permanent campaigning in two similar countries—Norway and Sweden. As the former of these countries underwent a parliamentary election during the studied period, the study provides insights into "the election effect"—heightened levels of online activity among the Norwegian parties and politicians that can perhaps best be understood in relation to an ongoing election.