Suchergebnisse

"Im Mai 1999 veranstalteten eine Gruppe von Forschern und Kursteilnehmern des Arbeitsbereiches Politik- und Sozialwissenschaften sowie einige Kollegen aus anderen Ländern zum dritten Mal ein Symposium im malerischen Dorf Positano (Süditalien). Auf der Tagesordnung beim diesjährigen Treffen stand das für einen Politikwissenschaftler vorrangige Thema jener Wochen: die militärischen, politischen und kulturellen Geschehnisse im Kosovo. Die Teilnehmer überdachten 15 Fragen hinsichtlich der Kosovo-Krise, oder genauer, die Konsequenzen jener Geschehnisse für die politische Wissenschaft. Das Ziel dieses Beitrages ist es, die spontanen Gedanken zu diesen Fragen aufzuzeichnen. Trotz unterschiedlicher Meinungen und Erklärungsansätze gelang es den Teilnehmern, die wesentlichen Konsequenzen aus diesem Konflikt, der viel mehr war als eine Balkan-Krise, herauszuarbeiten. So muß die politische Rolle der deutschen und russischen Akteure neu überdacht werden. Das Möglichkeit militärischer Missionen und die Option für westlichen Gesellschaften, einen Krieg zu führen, müssen neu bewertet werden. Sowohl der sogenannte neue internationale Auftrag als auch die veränderte Rolle der UNO sowie das westfälische Prinzip der Staatensouveränität müssen neu diskutiert werden. Der vielleicht interessanteste Aspekt ist die Frage nach der politischen Improvisation sowie die Frage nach virtuellen Politiken und das Fehlen einer politischen Agenda." (Textauszug)

In an earlier article in these pages, Professor John Manning argued that the use of legislative materials by courts in effect permits Congress to engage in delegation of its authority to subunits of the legislature, in violation of the separation of powers. Professor Strauss, acknowledging that the previous generation of courts may have excessively credited the minutiae of legislative history, responds that judicial attention to the political history of legislation is required, not forbidden, by considerations of constitutional structure. Only awareness of that history will promote interpretation reflective of the context and political moment of Congress's action. Our history of previous conflicts between legislature and judiciary ought to have demonstrated the hazards of a judiciary that holds itself aloof from the legislative enterprise. Both long traditions of the common law and constitutional allocations of authority counsel judges to interpret statutes with a view to adding 'force and life" to the remedies legislatures adopt. Professor Strauss acknowledges that, for the reasons Professor Manning evoked, courts should not accord legal authority to individual elements of legislative history. Nonetheless, he argues, the use of political history to inform the judge's own interpretation fits comfortably within a broad range of judicial practice; and pointedly ignoring political history risks releasing the courts from separation of powers constraints equally important to their own functioning. An intelligent, independent, and respectful attention to political history need reflect neither judicial subservience to the legislature nor, what would be as objectionable, judicial disdain for its work

"Social Theory and the Political Imaginary: Practice, Critique and History is an innovative work of synthesis, critique, and analysis. It presages a social theory perspective that recognises the constitutive significance of the political imaginary in modernity. Social theory's current dilemmas are explored through a series of interlinked asssessments of some of its recent substantial strands, specifically, Luc Boltanski's pragmatism and the wider 'practical turn', the perspectives of multiple modernities and global modernity, the outlook of social and political imaginaries, and critical social theory. The political imaginary's reconfigurations are evident in the tensions of global modernity and original social theory interpretations are advanced of landmark instances of twenty-first century social contestation: the Hong Kong protests conditioned by threats to civil freedoms and a lack of self-determination, the radical democratic practices of anti-austerity movements contesting capitalist globalisation's injustices, and the inverted cosmopolitanism of the 2005 French Riots challenging the oppression and inequalities experienced by immigrant communities and marginalised youth. These incisive applications of social theory and complementary conceptual innovations illuminate the vicissitudes of social struggles, political forms, and theoretical perspectives. Similarly, reflection on the political imaginary is found to enable a necessary rethinking of the interrelationship of practice, critique and history"--

The consequence of systemic and political changes in Poland involved reorientation of Polish policy in terms of perceiving security. It was reflected in newly defined policy directions which expression involved a search for the new guarantees of security. The problem of ensuring state security in new geopolitical conditions is expressed in the adopted hierarchy of priorities of implementation of the Polish national interest. The exercise of the specified policy priorities means Poland's obtaining a solid security basis. The Polish Army, the armed forces of the Republic of Poland, has become an element of NATO's broad security system. The implementation of the policy in this regard by the Polish government has recently been more and more unidimensional. Only cooperation with the USA is at the target of the Polish security policy. Issues related to its costs remain outside its determinants. There is no reflection on being dependent on another egoistic player.

"In the future papers of this nature will be published in the University of Wisconsin studies in the social sciences and history."--vol. 9, p. [3]. ; No more published. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Designing and adopting a global response to address the rise of chronic diseases in both the industrial and developing world requires policymakers to engage in global health diplomacy. In the context of the recent United Nations' High-Level Summit on Non-Communicable Diseases, the paper first reviews the rationale for collective action at the global level to address the rise of non-communicable diseases (NCDs), given the perceived limited cross-border dimensions of NCDs. Secondly, based on the social sciences literature studying policymaking at the domestic and international level, this article highlights recommendations on how to engage during the main phases of the policy process: agenda-setting, policy development and adoption.

French philosopher Charles Renouvier played an influential role in reviving philosophy in France after it was proscribed during the Second Empire. Drawn to the ideals of the French Revolution, Renouvier came to recognize that the free will and civil liberties he supported were essential to the pursuit of science, contrary to the ideologies of positivists and socialists who would restrict liberty in the name of science. He struggled against monarchy and religious authority in the period up through 1848 and defended a liberal, secular form of political organization at a critical turning point in French history, the beginning of the Third Republic. As Warren Schmaus argues, Renouvier's work provides an example of one way in which philosophy of science can succeed in bringing about change in political life--by critiquing political ideologies that falsely claim absolute certainty on religious, scientific, or any other grounds. Liberty and the Pursuit of Knowledge explores the understudied relationship between Renouvier's philosophy of science and his political philosophy, shedding new light on the significance of his thought for the history of philosophy