Suchergebnisse

Nos concentraremos en el análisis de la noción de 'Derechos Humanos' desde la perspectiva de la ética intercultural de la liberación. Se presentará una programática latinoamericana de derechos humanos desde el punto de vista de la opresión de la vida de las víctimas históricas. Para cumplir nuestro objetivo, sintetizaremos algunos de los elementos más importantes de la ética de la liberación de Enrique Dussel y de la ética intercultural de Raúl Fornet-Betancourt. En un primer paso, presentaremos a la memoria histórica de las víctimas -memoria passionis- y a la memoria reprimida de los proyectos de liberación -memoria liberationis- como fundamento de la ética intercultural. En un segundo paso, presentaremos al principio de opresión -principium oppressionis- y al principio de exclusión -principium exclusionis- como fundamento de la ética de la liberación. ; We will focus our analysis on of the concept of 'Human Rights' from the perspective of liberation's intercultural ethics. We will present a Latin American human rights program from the particular point of view of historical victim's life oppression. In order to achieve this objective, we will summarize some of the most important elements of Enrique Dussel's liberation ethics and Raúl Fornet- Betancourt's intercultural ethics. In a first step, we will present the historical memory of victims -memoria passionis- and repressed memory of liberation projects -memoria liberationis- as fundament of intercultural ethics. In a second step, we will present the principle of oppression -principium oppressionis- and principle of exclusion -principium exclusionis- as fundament of liberation ethics. .

BARELY THREE WEEKS AFTER THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT (EP) ELECTIONS IN JUNE 1994, THE HEADS OF GOVERNMENT FROM THE 12 MEMBER STATES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION (EU) MET TO TACKLE SOME OF THE THORNIEST PROBLEMS IN EUROPEAN POLITICS, IN PARTICULAR THE CHOICE OF THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION PRESIDENT. THE DEBATE WAS CONDUCTED VERY MUCH ALONG NATIONAL, ALMOST NATIONALISTIC, LINES. THE NEWLY ELECTED PARLIAMENT HAS IMPORTANT NEW POWERS, ESTABLISHED BY THE MAASTRICHT TREATY ON EUROPEAN UNION. THE PARLIAMENT HAS THE RIGHT TO BE CONSULTED, BUT NOT TO VETO. THE PARLIAMENT DOES, HOWEVER, HAVE THE POWER TO REJECT, AT A FUTURE VOTE, THE PRESIDENT AND 16 MEMBERS OF THE COMMISSION AS A BODY. IT MAY YET DO SO.

The Commission's new Better Regulation package represents a step forward in the European Union's decade–long journey to bringing coherence and rationality to its legislative and regulatory process. But as the Communication on the package itself suggests, the journey is far from over.The Communication consistently emphasizes the key aspects of good regulation: quality over quantity; taking time to get proposals right; evidence–based decision making; open and continuous consultation to gather evidence from all stakeholders; rigorous impact assessments and cost–benefit analysis; applying these tools to regulatory measures as well as legislation; and implementing a robust ex–post evaluation program. It is important as well that the Secretariat General published unified and detailed guidance for Commission officials on how each step of the regulatory process should work, with a "tool–box" to elaborate further on these steps.All of this is good. Yet in some areas, the Commission misses opportunities to go farther down the good governance road, and in others the guidance needs to be made much more explicit.

"For 35 years, the New Orleans-based Black feminist collective Women With A Vision (WWAV) has fought for the liberation of their communities through reproductive justice, harm reduction, abolition feminism, racial justice, and sex workers rights. In 2012, shortly after one of their biggest organizing victories, arsonists firebombed and destroyed their headquarters. Fire Dreams is an innovative collaboration between WWAV and Laura McTighe, who work in community to build a social movement ethnography of the organization's post-arson rebirth. Rooting WWAV in the geography of the South and the living history of generations of Black feminist thinkers, McTighe and WWAV weave together stories from their founders' pioneering work during the Black HIV/AIDS crisis in the 1980s and their groundbreaking organizing to end criminalization in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina with other movements for liberation around the globe. Together, they refuse the logics of racial capitalism and share WWAV's own world-building knowledges as well as their methods for living these Black feminist futures now. Fire Dreams is a vital toolkit for grassroots organizers, activist-scholars, and all those who dream to make the world otherwise"--

The article takes as a point of departure the prevailing association of interwar Romanian corporatism with the politics of the Right and the figure of the influential theorist M. Manoilescu
alone, having the result of historically relegating the advocacies of the kind to a rather marginal
compartment of the process of ideological development in the country. It is underscored that the interpretative tendency in question comes primarily from the legacies of scholarship shaped under communism and prone to deny any connection of significance between the corporatist view and the growth of social policies, themselves placed exclusively in relation to the social pressures of a syndical character. The search for uncovering the sense of corporatism in the context as both a model of professional association bearing upon the emergence of welfare devices and a vision of overall political reconstruction is then shown to lead towards an understanding of the interplay between the moderate and the stark authoritarian varieties of the local corporatist pleading and experimentation.

Fidel Castro's internationalist vocation gains more force in the change of developing epoch, leading to the reconfiguration of the political map of Latin America, the Caribbean and the world. In the present historical moment, some leftist forces gave way, the resurgence of the anti-neoliberal struggle is observed, in different ways. The right goes to the judicialization of politics, the falsehoods and actions that make visible a strong articulated strategy of US imperialism with the native oligarchies to delegitimize the progressive leaders, demonize them, dismiss them or imprison them in various nations of the planet. In a world so unequal and exclusive that it concentrates wealth and that today is experiencing the most perverse phase of capitalism; the articulation of the revolutionary and progressive forces and of the social movements in the practice of internationalism, solidarity and humanism is urgently needed to confront the imperialist subversion strategies spearheaded by the dominant system in the United States. On the other hand, in Fidel Castro Ruz, there are formulations that offer epistemic, methodological, axiological and sociopolitical foundations to understand the transformations of contemporary political processes, but which also make it possible to forecast and transform the current state in favor of the revolutionary forces of the left and progressive. This paper shows the value of a set of pronouncements by the Historic Leader of the Cuban Revolution to understand his internationalist and solidarity actions in favor of multipolarity, multilateralism, integration and in opposition to various dominant forces within and outside the social sphere, national, hemispheric and global. ; La vocación internacionalista de Fidel Castro cobra mayor fuerza en el cambio de época en desarrollo, conducente a la reconfiguración del mapa político de América Latina, el Caribe y el mundo. En el presente momento histórico algunas fuerzas de izquierda cedieron terreno, se observa el resurgimiento de la lucha antineoliberal, de diferentes formas. La derecha acude a la judicialización de la política, las falsedades y acciones que visibilizan una marcada estrategia articulada del imperialismo estadounidense con las oligarquías nativas para deslegitimar a los líderes progresistas, demonizarlos, destituirlos o encarcelarlos en diversas naciones del planeta. En un mundo tan desigual y excluyente que concentra las riquezas y que hoy vive la fase más perversa del capitalismo; urge la articulación de las fuerzas revolucionarias, progresistas y de los movimientos sociales en la práctica del internacionalismo, la solidaridad y el humanismo para enfrentar las estrategias de subversión imperialistas que encabeza el sistema dominante en Estados Unidos. Por otra parte, en Fidel Castro Ruz, existen formulaciones que ofrecen fundamentos epistémicos, metodológicos, axiológicos y sociopolíticos para entender las transformaciones de los procesos políticos contemporáneos, pero que también posibilitan pronosticar y transformar el estado actual a favor de las fuerzas revolucionarias, de izquierda y progresistas. La presente ponencia muestra la valía de un conjunto de pronunciamientos del Líder Histórico de la Revolución Cubana para entender su accionar internacionalista y solidario a favor de la multipolaridad, la multilateralidad, la integración y en oposición a diversas fuerzas dominantes dentro y fuera del ámbito social, nacional, hemisférico y mundial.

Intellectual property rights, patents in particular, are meant to boost innovation. They also constitute a barrier against the diffusion of recently accumulated knowledge, which is a public good. For a long time a balance has been kept between these two forces ; since about 1980, that balance has been more and more tilted against the free use of knowledge.Even the incentive function has been blurred : it is not exceptional that a party different from the actual inventor or discoverer is granted the intellectual property rights, often with an astonishingly large breadth. These trends are specially prevalent in two fields of utmost importance for future growth and well-being : information and life sciences and technologies.This is the system that has been imposed, within the World Trade Organization (WTO), upon the developing countries. Hence not only are these funnelled into a uniform system, whereas in the past the presently developed countries have been able to have their intellectual property systems evolving in tune with their respective pace of development ; but that very system is also crippled with perversions. It is not a risky bet to anticipate public health havoc in developing countries and significant financial transfers from them towards the richest countries, as first consequences of TRIPS, as the WTO framework is known. ; La protection de la propriété intellectuelle - par les brevets particulièrement - a pour objectif d'inciter à l'innovation ; mais elle freine aussi l'innovation, en privatisant ce bien public que constitue la connaissance attachée aux innovations réalisées dans un passé relativement récent. Entre ces deux effets, l'équilibre est délicat à trouver. Depuis un peu plus de vingt ans, les autorités politiques, techniques et juridiques responsables, aux Etats-Unis d'abord et par contagion en Europe et au Japon, ne cherchent ostensiblement plus à le trouver ; elles élargissent toujours plus le champ de la protection, donc de l'appropriation privée de la connaissance. Les déviances, politiques, techniques et juridiques, vont si loin qu'il n'est pas exceptionnel que le bénéficiaire d'une protection, d'un brevet en particulier, ne soit pas l'auteur de l'invention ou de la découverte protégée. Les sciences et techniques de l'information d'une part, de la vie d'autre part, sont particulièrement affectées par cette situation.C'est ce système qui a été imposé aux pays en développement, en utilisant abusivement à cet effet l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce. Il en résulte que non seulement les pays en développement sont privés de la faculté, qu'ont exercée autrefois les pays maintenant développés, d'accorder le rythme d'extension de la protection de la propriété intellectuelle au rythme de leur développement ; mais qu'en outre le système uniforme qui leur est imposé est un système systématiquement biaisé. Les premiers résultats à en attendre sont une dégradation de la santé publique dans les pays en développement, et des transferts financiers des pays en développement vers les pays les plus riches.

В статье анализируются изменения, которым подвергся семейно-правовой институт усыновления (удочерения) российских детей за 2011-2014 годы. Рассматриваются нововведения российского законодательства об усыновлении детей на уровне федеральных законов и подзаконных актов. Автор приводит статистические данные Департамента государственной политики в сфере защиты прав детей Министерства образования и науки РФ об устройстве детей-сирот в семьи российских граждан и иностранцев. В работе отмечается, что в 2013 г. наблюдалось двухкратное увеличение количества детей-инвалидов, которых усыновили россияне, обусловленное усилением мер социальной поддержки семей, усыновляющих ребенка-инвалида. Однако данные социологического исследования, проведенного в 2013 г. по заказу Фонда поддержки детей, находящихся в трудной жизненной ситуации, свидетельствуют о недостаточной степени готовности российских граждан воспитывать детей, оставшихся без попечения родителей. Следовательно, правовые меры поддержки замещающих семей будут способствовать более полной реализации права детей, оставшихся без попечения родителей, на семью. ; The paper analyzes the changes in family law institute of adoption of Russian children in 2011-2014.The paper deals with innovations of Russian legislation on adoption of children at the level of federal laws and sublegislative acts. The author indicates statistical data of the State Policy Department in the sphere of children's rights protection, the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation on orphans' adoption by Russian and foreign citizens. The paper notes that in 2013 the number of children with disabilities who were adopted by Russians increased twofold due to strengthening of the social support to adopting families. However, according to the sociological survey conducted in 2013 by the Fund of support for children in difficult circumstances, Russian citizens are not ready to raise adopted children. Consequently, the legal measures of supporting the fostering families will contribute to the fuller realization of orphans' rights to a family.

"John Lilburne (1615-1657), or 'Freeborn John' as he was called by the London crowd, was an important political agitator during the English Revolution. He was one of the leading figures in The Levellers, the short-lived but highly influential radical sect that called for law reform, religious tolerance, extended suffrage, the rights of freeborn Englishmen, and a new form of government that was answerable to the people and underpinned by a written constitution. This edited book assesses the legacy of Lilburne and the Levellers 400 years after his birth, and features contributions by leading historians. They examine the life of Lilburne, who was often imprisoned and even tortured for his beliefs, and his role as an inspirational figure even in contemporary politics. They also assess the writings that fearlessly exposed the hypocrisy and self-serving corruption of those in power - whether King Charles I or Oliver Cromwell. They look at his contribution to political ideas, at his role as a revolutionary leader, his personal and political relations with his wife Elizabeth, his exile in the Netherlands, his late decision to become a Quaker, and his reputation after his death. This collection will be of enormous interest to academics, researchers, and readers with an interest in the English Civil War, 17th Century history, and the contemporary legacy of radical political tradition."--Provided by publisher

The Turkey of today little resembles that of recent decades. Its economy has expanded hugely, new political elites have emerged, and the once powerful Kemalist military is no longer a potent and dominant political player. Meanwhile, new prosperity has had many unexpected social and political repercussions, pre-eminent among which is the advent of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which first came to power in 2002 by downplaying its Islamist leanings and marketing itself as a centre-right party. After several terms in office, and amid unprecedented popularity, the conduct of the AKP and its leading cadres has faced growing criticism. Turkey has yet to solve its Kurdish question, and its foreign policy is increasingly under threat as it balances relations with Iran, Israel, Iraq and Russia, to name only a few of its more demanding interlocutors. Widespread domestic protests gripped the country in 2013. The government is now perceived by many to be corrupt, unaccountable, intimidating of the press and intolerant of alternative political views and criticism.0Has this once promising democracy descended into a tyranny of the majority led by a charismatic leader, Recep Tayyip Erdogan? Is Turkey more polarised now than ever in its recent history? These are among the questions posed in this timely primer on a rising economic power.

"At the midpoint of the twentieth century, Sir Winston Churchill called the United States "this gigantic capitalist organization, with its vast and superabundant productive power." The dollar reigned supreme and Pittsburgh and Detroit were at the summit of their power and prestige. From Washington, American statesmen sought to guide the destiny of nations. Victorious in the elections of 1948, Harry Truman and the leaders of the Democratic Party hoped to use the country's economic might to build on Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal. And then-in the space of ten crowded months, between the fall of 1949 and the summer of 1950-America witnessed a series of dramatic and far-reaching events that sent the country spiraling into anxiety, uncertainty, and deep paranoia. In In the Shadow of Fear, award-winning historian Nick Bunker offers a compelling and richly-textured portrait of the months when the "long 1930s" finally ended and the Cold War took hold. In September 1949, it was revealed that the Soviet Union had exploded an atomic bomb, and Mao's army swept through China. In America, the age of FDR faded as an aggressive Republican Party, desperate to regain power, seized on rifts among its opponents, and President Truman's program for universal health care and civil rights went down to defeat. The young Senator Joe McCarthy first charged that the State Department was packed with communists, ambushing Truman and his colleagues with a style of politics that aroused powerful emotions and deepened division. A new mood of anger in the nation left many Americans calling in vain for a return to consensus. And then, in June 1950, the Korean War began, and the Cold War started in earnest. It was in this pivotal period, Bunker shows, that we can locate the beginnings of America's unprecedented postwar economic expansion; the dawning of the Taiwan question; the origins of America's involvement in Vietnam; and the birth of NATO, the hydrogen bomb, and of what would become the European Union. In his arresting chronicle of domestic and foreign politics at the turn of the decade, Bunker reveals a nation divided, outmaneuvered by its adversaries, and potentially facing the end of its supremacy on the world stage. With a novelist's eye for detail and anecdote, Bunker recounts the machinations of familiar characters like Truman, Stalin, and Mao alongside those of people prominent at the time, but now largely forgotten: the labor leader John L. Lewis, "Mister Republican" Senator Bob Taft, McCarthy's foe Margaret Chase Smith, the fallible New York mayor William J. O'Dwyer, and many others. A striking and vividly rendered account of America on the brink, In the Shadow of Fear offers unmatched insight into a period much like our own, when the nation confronted mounting political crises at home and abroad"--

Claims for equal rights and action against discrimination because of cultural background are current issues within the multicultural global society. How can society today manage cultural differences making differences? The main aim of this article is to contribute to the understanding of issues of immigration and cultural background or diversity. It is argued that such issues may be analyzed fruitfully through the use of inclusion and exclusion as a guiding distinction, in the sense it has been developed in systems theory by Niklas Luhmann and others. It is shown how inclusion and exclusion operates in different contexts. One conclusion is that in modern society, it is never only a case of a simple division into (full) 'outsider‐ship' and 'insider‐ship', respectively. Another conclusion is that discrimination is not structurally inherent in modern society as such, but that it is a possible outcome primarily because of the characteristics of organizations. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

What does the "war on terror" and a new era of religious ferocity look like to an Englishman living in the Pacific Northwest? Jonathan Raban finds that as he reads the source texts that have inspired modern-day jihad, memories of his own rigidly fundamentalist adolescent atheism help him understand why young people suffering from cultural alienation, spiritual emptiness, and moral uncertainty turn to a backward-looking version of Islam to help them resist the upheavals of modernity. Raban reflects on the Bush administration's manipulation of the threat of terrorism to undermine civil rights. In diagnosing what has gone wrong in the Iraq war, he emphasizes the US failure to understand the history of the Middle East and its loyalties of religion and ethnicity. He traces the continuing support for a disastrous war to the legacy of American Puritanism, and he explores the increasing polarization of American politics.--From publisher description

The history of mental health care has been marked by various struggles in maintaining the dignity of service users. Some reform movements have started to use educational strategies aimed at the beliefs and attitudes of professionals, as well as changing the way that practice is carried out. This paper intends to systematically review and synthesize studies assessing awareness and training activities for mental health professionals covering aspects related to recovery, empowerment, and in general, rights-based care to achieve full citizenship of mental health services users. We reviewed 26 articles and were able to include 14 of them in meta-analytic calculations. Our results at the qualitative level show an evolution of the literature towards better quality designs and focus on aspects related to the impact and maintenance of the effects of these training activities. Meta-analytic calculations found high heterogeneity but no risk of biases and low-to moderate effect sizes with a statistically significant impact on beliefs and attitudes but not on practices. The importance of this information in improving and advancing these educational activities is addressed. ; Francisco José Eiroa-Orosa has received funding from the European Union's Framework Programme for Research and Innovation Horizon 2020 (2014–2020) under the Marie Sklodowska-Curie Grant Agreement No 654808.

Tres comunidades: hindúes, musulmanes y el gobierno británico, se enfrentaron durante el movimiento de libertad indio. Esta batalla ideológica y realpolítica se libró en todo el subcontinente indio. Es irónico que la comunidad musulmana se dividiera en dos escuelas de pensamiento como su respuesta al nacionalismo. Fue esta vez cuando el liderazgo religioso y político estaban luchando por la protección de los derechos de la comunidad musulmana. Estos derechos eran tanto políticos como religiosos. Esta contribución de Sajjada Nashins se jugó en tres niveles: su atractivo personal, su apoyo institucional sufí y su compromiso con el principal partido político musulmán; es decir, toda la Liga Musulmana de la India. El trabajo analiza los servicios de los Sajjada Nashines de los santuarios, para resaltar su contribución a la comunidad musulmana y la creación de Pakistán. El estudio es exploratorio, descriptivo y analítico. ; Three communities— the Hindus, Muslims and the British Government— were confronted with each other during the Indian freedom movement. This ideological as well as realpolitik battle was fought in whole Indian subcontinent. It is ironical that the Muslim community was divided into two schools of thought as far as their response of nationalism was concerned. It was this time when religious and political leadership was struggling for the protection of the rights of Muslim community. These rights were political as well as religious. This contribution of Sajjada Nashins was being played at three levels: their personal appeal, their Sufi institutional support and their engagement with the leading Muslim political party i.e. All India Muslim League. This effort has been made to analyze the services of the Sajjada Nashines of the shrines, to highlight their contribution for Muslim community and the creation of Pakistan. The study is exploratory, descriptive and analytical.