Suchergebnisse

The application of structural adjustment by the World Bank and by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in the last decade has not spared the developing countries including those in Sub-Saharan Africa like the Ivory Coast. Thus, some countries will experience the phenomenon of rural exodus to urban centers, creating an urban overcrowding, falling living standards and unemployment with the consequent poverty. The evolution of this phenomenon in the Ivory Coast accentuated by the various socio-political crises already known by the country allows us to retain that poverty remains a worrying fact. In those cases, the oil crisis of the 70s, the economic crisis of the 80s with its successive structural adjustment programs, and the CFA franc devaluation in the Third World have further complicated households situation. This reality in rural areas has increased in urban areas. The main victims are the young and women. Indeed, the latter are faces with problems of exclusion, distancing with a real problem of access to resources. Microcredit, particularly in the Ivory Coast, is an alternative by giving poor women a right to credit in order to accumulate savings and invest in activities generating income. We should think of the many advantages in terms of empowerment. A gain of power that could allow them to be independent and to fight against women"s poverty. ; L"application du plan d"ajustement structurel par la Banque Mondiale et le Fonds Monétaire International (FMI) dans la dernière décennie n"a pas épargné les pays en voie de développement notamment ceux de l"Afrique du Sud Sahara comme la Côte d"Ivoire. Ainsi, certains pays vont connaître le phénomène de l"exode rural vers les grands centres urbains, créant un surpeuplement des villes, une chute du niveau de vie, un chômage avec pour corollaire la pauvreté. L"évolution de ce phénomène en Côte d"Ivoire accentué par les différentes crises socio politique qu"à connu le pays nous permet de retenir que la paupérisation demeure un fait préoccupant. Dans un tel cas, notons que la crise pétrolière dans les années 70, la crise économique des années 80 avec ses plans d"ajustement structurel successifs, ainsi que la dévaluation du franc CFA dans les pays du tiers monde complique d"avantage la situation des ménages. Cette réalité existante dans les zones rurales est accentuée dans les zones urbaines. Les principales victimes étant les jeunes et les femmes. En effet, ces dernières se trouvent confrontées à des problèmes d"exclusion, de mise à distance avec un réel problème d"accès aux ressources. La micro finance, notamment en Côte d"Ivoire, se veut une alternative en procurant aux femmes pauvres, un droit au crédit afin de se constituer une épargne et investir dans des activités génératrices de revenus. Autant d"avantage qu"il convient nous le pensons de mesurer en terme d"empowerment. Un gain de pouvoir qui pourrait leur permettre d"être autonome et lutter contre la pauvreté féminine.

In this study, I propose to analyze language use and context as depicted in the campaign songs of the Chuka Community in Kenya. Chuka community is one of the seven subgroups of the larger Meru Ethnic Community found in Kenya. The other subgroups of the Ameru are the Mwimbi, Tharaka, Imenti, Tigania, Igoji and the Igembe people. The Chuka people speak the Kichuka dialect. When the tradition of choosing political leaders through the ballot set in Kenya during the colonial period, many ethnic communities in Kenya started using campaign songs as a way of drumming support for the favoured political candidate. The Chuka people were not left behind. To date, these campaign songs have played and have continued to playing a vital role during every electioneering period. The politicians and their supporters compose these political songs with a view of appealing to the electorate emotions if not their reasoning. In analyzing these campaign songs, I have been informed by some tenets of the Critical Discourse Analysis theory thereafter referred to as C.D.A. Basically, this theory looks at language as used in a certain context for sole purpose of passing a certain message. The linguistic units in a discourse play a pivotal role in passing of this intended message. On guidance of this principle, I was able to closely examine how certain words; proper nouns, verbs and adjectives have been used purposefully in these Kichuka campaign songs to sway the mind of the electorate for a political gain. The analyst is of the view that the composers of these campaign songs are products of the place, time and Chuka cultural environment. Indeed, the analyst is treating the Kichuka Campaign songs as discourses in a known and specific context. This is in line with another tenet of the CDA theory that boasts of the fact that exhaustive interpretation of a discourse should factor the issue of context. This analysis subscribes to the fact that purposive usage of linguistic units like words or group of words in a certain political context gives the politicians a leeway to wrest political power from the electorate for their own selfish ends. This analysis submits that the campaign songs in the Chuka Community have to a reasonable degree influenced the course of the political events in the community and subsequently the low achievement in terms of development in the area. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n5p55

On Tuesday night, speaking to an audience of Army cadets at West Point Academy in a much anticipated response to his general's request for additional troops, President Obama announced a new strategy for the war in Afghanistan. It was a somber speech, delivered with his usual trademark of logic, rhetorical skill and assertiveness, but also with a certain emotion. At crucial moments in it, Obama looked straight into the camera, making direct eye-contact with the individual spectator, summoning his support in an effort he seems to be taking up somewhat reluctantly. He outlined a new strategy for the eight-year old war that will include immediate deployment of 30,000 new US troops to protect civilians, clear and defeat the insurgents and train Afghan forces in order to be able to begin the draw down in eighteen months. This new surge will be supplemented by additional NATO troops and Afghan national forces to meet the original 40,000 troops demanded by General McCrystal. After three months of deliberation, the President has decided to heed the advice of his generals and his Defense Secretary, and proceed with a military escalation of the conflict. In so doing, he rejected the logic of Vice President Biden who rhetorically asked earlier this year why the US spent 30 times as much in Afghanistan as it did in Pakistan, when it was well-known that Al Qaeda or what is left of it, is in the tribal regions of Pakistan. Lately he had argued against more troops (because the central government was an unreliable, weak and corrupt partner) and in favor of shifting the mission to killing or capturing main insurgency leaders, establishing more ties with local tribal leaders and giving more support to Pakistan. On Wednesday morning, however, Biden appeared in the morning news shows to defend the President's decision unequivocally.The next morning, in hearings before the Senate's Armed Forces Committee, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton fleshed out the main objectives of the surge more fully: training Afghan forces, eliminating safe havens, stabilizing a region fundamental to American national security. She also emphasized the importance of the parallel "civilian surge" which the President had also mentioned in passing and whose job will be to develop the agricultural base away from opium and to further strengthen institutions at every level of Afghan society, so as "not to leave chaos behind" when troops are drawn down and responsibility is transferred to the Afghan government. Finally, she stressed the need to develop long-term relations with both Afghanistan and Pakistan. Indeed, Obama's three-pronged strategy includes not only military and civilian components for counter insurgence and institution-building, but also a strategic partnership with Pakistan, whose government can help contain the Taliban, destroy Al Qaeda and prevent it from gaining access to nuclear material. Unfortunately, during his speech the President did not spend much time explaining the importance of that relationship. Another important omission was the inclusion of other regional actors in the process of conflict resolution. But the truth is Obama was performing an extremely difficult balancing act, trying to simultaneously gain the support of disparate groups at home and abroad for a last-ditch effort to win an eight year old war in a context of war fatigue, massive debt and a weak economy. That also explains why in his speech he denied any intentions of nation-building (public opinion in the US is strongly against it mainly because of the cost and the long-term commitment it implies) and instead focused on transferring responsibility to the Afghans themselves for their own defense.In articulating both an escalation and an exit strategy at the same time, the President opened himself to criticism from both the Right and the Left. While the Right was very supportive of the surge itself, it was quite critical of his timeline for withdrawal, which they say, will only embolden insurgents to wait the troops out. The Left of his party, led by Moveon.org, responded negatively to the increase of troops, which they regard as "deepening (US) involvement in a quagmire." Meanwhile, and in spite of much commentary to the contrary, the White House insists that the President made this decision because he feels it is the right one, and that electoral considerations played no role in the process (although the withdrawal in the summer of 2011 conveniently coincides with the beginning of his presidential campaign for re-election!) Instead, pundits favorable to the President were quick to point out that a time frame was absolutely needed to provide a sense of urgency to the Afghan government itself so that it will clean up its act and take advantage of this "new window of opportunity" as Secretary Clinton put it. However, it is obvious to the same pundits that the pace and time of withdrawal will most likely be dictated by the conditions on the ground in the summer of 2011 and not by the pre-established timetable. Whether it is for political or strategic reasons, the fact is, the President has made speed, (that is, a quick deployment of new forces followed by quick withdrawal), the central tenet of his new strategy, and while providing for a civilian surge, he has underplayed the nation-building aspects of the mission for the obvious reason: that they undermine the credibility of a speedy exit strategy.Whether or not this strategy works, his decision on Afghanistan has gained Obama some time free from the crushing criticism of the opposition whom he has silenced for the moment; he has pleased Independents (66% of whom trusted the generals over Obama in planning the war strategy; 48% were in favor of more troops, as opposed to only 30% of Democrats); and he can now turn to the two other major challenges facing his administration: public discontent with the economic situation and the battle for health care reform. The latter won a major victory two weeks ago when the Senate voted to bring the bill to the floor for discussion. Still, between the Thanksgiving break last week and the end- of -the -year holidays it is very unlikely this discussion will bear fruit within this calendar year, as was the President's goal. And the more the bill gets delayed the more the public option gets diluted to the point that it will all but disappear from a final version. Since April the President's plan has lost Independent support steadily (only 25% of Independents opposed it in April, now 50% are against it, while among Democrats it has wide support, with only 22% opposing the public option).On the economic front, five times more Independents than Democrats hold Obama responsible for what has gone wrong. They blame him for salvaging the banks but not their jobs. In light of this, Obama has summoned a job creation "summit" to be held later this week in the White House. While most see it as a public relations tactic, with unemployment having surpassed 10%the public is demanding action, and job recovery is key to getting the Independent vote back. With his approval rate hovering at 50%, the President is in dire need of striking some points and delivering some victories before the end of the year. Amid a rising wave of populism that is both anti-Wall Street and anti-government, he needs to show that he can make government work. After a seamless campaign and after months of relying on his own personal charisma and his gifted oratory to coax and persuade the public, the magic seems to be wearing off: he now needs to find other ways to reach the voters. Of course, performance will be the safest one: Independent voters want competence and results: they want him to show them that he can govern. This has proven elusive for many reasons beyond his control, but lately some mistakes were made that could have been prevented. This is a young White House and in spite of their mastery of the new technologies to connect with young voters and their ability to establish their own narrative about the President, in the last few weeks Obama and his close advisers seem to have lost some of their attention to details insofar as his public image is concerned, for example the importance of certain visual and other non-verbal signals. The trip to Asia provides myriad examples of this: the "unforced error" of bowing too deep to the Emperor of Japan, which was ridiculed by the media on all sides of the political spectrum; his tense press conference in China during which both he and Hu Jintao stiffly read prepared statements, after which neither took questions; the town-hall style meeting with students in Shanghai, in which he said "the Internet should be free and all should have access to it" but which was only shown by local TV and in a very slow live feed on the internet, and later all references to it were deleted from all websites. Even a picture of Obama alone by the Great Wall of China was interpreted as a bad visual that suggested isolation, and while this may be an over-interpretation, there is a reason why commentators made that association. Obama is having a very hard time keeping his coalition of independents, moderates and liberals together. The unraveling of his coalition is constraining every policy choice he makes, as he has to measure at every step not only the costs of each decision but also the opposition he is likely to face from within his own party. He thus feels limited in his choices and picks a middle of the road solution that does not fully satisfy his purposes and makes him a target from the two extremes of the political spectrum. In many cases, as in the Afghan war,there are no good choices but this is hard to confess to a public to whom he promised change and that is expecting him to deliver.With his new Afghan decision President Obama may have swayed many hawkish independents to his side but the question is for how long. Soon Obama may find that while nation-building abroad may be difficult, nation-building at home is a task he cannot postpone any longer. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

Competing modernities and models of modernization -- Multiple modernities and anti-modernism today / Thomas Meyer -- Nation-building in the era of populism and the Muslim intelligentsia : -- The case of Indonesia / Yudi Latif -- Can we explain multiple modernities? : suggested insights and their test -- In a South American context / Renato G. Flôres, Jr -- Time, modernity, and the resurgence of right-wing populism / Lewis P. Hinchman -- The EU and China : diverse identities and political prospects -- Modernization and modernity : authoritarianism with Chinese characteristics -- Xinning song -- The political identity of Europeans and the challenges of the time after modernity / Furio Cerutti -- Challenges for a common agenda of a new multilateral convergence -- Multiple modernities in a multipolar and multiregional world : some conditions for an interregional dialogue / Mario Telò -- The crisis of the western liberal order and the rise of the new populism / Andrew Gamble -- Populism, globalization, and future world order / Qin Yaqing -- Conflicting liberties and modernities in comparative perspective / C.K. Martin Chung.

Democracies are increasingly dependent upon sustainable citizenship, that is, active participation and engagement with the exercising of rights in a field of plural interests, often contradictory and in conflict. This type of citizenship requires not only social inclusion, habits of knowledge, and evidence-based reasoning but also argumentation skills, such as the individual and social capacity to dispute and exercise individual and social rights, and to deal peacefully with sociopolitical conflict. There is empirical evidence that educational deliberative argumentation has a lasting impact on the deep and flexible understanding of knowledge, argumentation skills, and political and citizenship education. However, these three trends of research have developed independently with insufficient synergy. Considering the relevance of deliberative education for contemporaneous democracies and citizenship, in this paper we seek to converge in a field of interlocution, calling it deliberative teaching. Our aim is to propose a way to increase the dialog and collaboration between the diffuse literature on argumentation and education, highlighting both the main theoretical and empirical gaps and challenges that remain and the possibilities to advance our knowledge and the educational impact that this integrating field could offer.

Despite recent efforts to examine economic, social and cultural rights violations during and post-conflict, the issue of land has often been on the periphery of transitional justice debates. Indeed, in Northern Ireland, the issue of segregation and land ownership has been seen as a separate issue to broader 'legacy' issues, often being overshadowed by debates on victims' rights to justice, truth and reparation. Focusing on the historic role that land and housing have played in Northern Ireland's conflict and ongoing political breakdown and social disorder, this article seeks to correct this omission. Based on qualitative research with those on the receiving end of displacement and exile during the Northern Ireland conflict – including victims and survivors, planners and community leaders, this article develops a fourfold analysis of the relationship between violence,land, identity and dealing with the past in a transitional context. The following themes are explored: displacement, identity and uprootedness; displacement, place and space;displacement, victimhood and trauma; and displacement, redress and the past in the present. The conclusions are relevant for Northern Ireland and other transitional contexts.

Abstract. This paper aims to demonstrate the technical feasibility of a historical
study devoted to French nuclear power plants (NPPs) which can be prone to
extreme coastal flooding events. It has been shown in the literature that the
use of historical information (HI) can significantly improve the
probabilistic and statistical modeling of extreme events. There is a
significant lack of historical data on coastal flooding (storms and storm
surges) compared to river flooding events. To address this data scarcity and
to improve the estimation of the risk associated with coastal flooding
hazards, a dataset of historical storms and storm surges that hit the
Nord-Pas-de-Calais region during the past five centuries was created from
archival sources, examined and used in a frequency analysis (FA) in order to
assess its impact on frequency estimations. This work on the Dunkirk site
(representative of the Gravelines NPP) is a continuation of previous work
performed on the La Rochelle site in France. Indeed, the frequency model (FM)
used in the present paper had some success in the field of coastal hazards
and it has been applied in previous studies to surge datasets to prevent
coastal flooding in the La Rochelle region in France. In a first step, only information collected from the literature (published
reports, journal papers and PhD theses) is considered. Although this first
historical dataset has extended the gauged record back in time to 1897,
serious questions related to the exhaustiveness of the information and about
the validity of the developed FM have remained unanswered. Additional
qualitative and quantitative HI was extracted in a second step from many
older archival sources. This work has led to the construction of storm and
coastal flooding sheets summarizing key data on each identified event. The
quality control and the cross-validation of the collected information, which
have been carried out systematically, indicate that it is valid and complete
in regard to extreme storms and storm surges. Most of the HI collected is in
good agreement with other archival sources and documentary climate
reconstructions. The probabilistic and statistical analysis of a dataset
containing an exceptional observation considered as an outlier (i.e., the
1953 storm surge) is significantly improved when the additional HI collected
in both literature and archives is used. As the historical data tend to be
extreme, the right tail of the distribution has been reinforced and the
1953 "exceptional" event does not appear as an outlier any more. This new
dataset provides a valuable source of information on storm surges for future
characterization of coastal hazards.

BACKGROUND AND AIMS: The role of GATA factors in cancer has gained increasing attention recently, but the function of GATA6 in pancreatic ductal adenocarcinoma (PDAC) is controversial. GATA6 is amplified in a subset of tumours and was proposed to be oncogenic, but high GATA6 levels are found in well-differentiated tumours and are associated with better patient outcome. By contrast, a tumour-suppressive function of GATA6 was demonstrated using genetic mouse models. We aimed at clarifying GATA6 function in PDAC. DESIGN: We combined GATA6 silencing and overexpression in PDAC cell lines with GATA6 ChIP-Seq and RNA-Seq data, in order to understand the mechanism of GATA6 functions. We then confirmed some of our observations in primary patient samples, some of which were included in the ESPAC-3 randomised clinical trial for adjuvant therapy. RESULTS: GATA6 inhibits the epithelial-mesenchymal transition (EMT) in vitro and cell dissemination in vivo. GATA6 has a unique proepithelial and antimesenchymal function, and its transcriptional regulation is direct and implies, indirectly, the regulation of other transcription factors involved in EMT. GATA6 is lost in tumours, in association with altered differentiation and the acquisition of a basal-like molecular phenotype, consistent with an epithelial-to-epithelial (ET2) transition. Patients with basal-like GATA6low tumours have a shorter survival and have a distinctly poor response to adjuvant 5-fluorouracil (5-FU)/leucovorin. However, modulation of GATA6 expression in cultured cells does not directly regulate response to 5-FU. CONCLUSIONS: We provide mechanistic insight into GATA6 tumour-suppressive function, its role as a regulator of canonical epithelial differentiation, and propose that loss of GATA6 expression is both prognostic and predictive of response to adjuvant therapy. Published by the BMJ Publishing Group Limited. For permission to use (where not already granted under a licence) please go to http://www.bmj.com/company/products-services/rights-and-licensing/. ; This work was supported, in part, by grants SAF2007-60860, SAF2011-29530 and ONCOBIO Consolider from Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (Madrid, Spain), RTICC from Instituto de Salud Carlos III, grants 256974 and 289737 from European Union Seventh Framework Program to FXR and by grant P27361-B23 from the Austrian Science Fund (FWF) to PM. AB receives support from the Wellcome Trust, Cancer Research UK, the Medical Research Council (MRC), The Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council (EPSRC), Pancreatic Cancer UK, the Chief Scientists Office (Scottish Government) and Pancreatic Cancer Action Network (USA). The Cancer Research UK Liverpool Clinical Trials Unit, the ESPAC trials, and the ESPAC tissue collections, storage and analyses are all funded by Cancer Research UK. PM was recipient of a Juan de la Cierva grant from Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation. BSJr is recipient of a Ramón y Cajal Merit Award from the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation and a Clinic and Laboratory Integration Program (CLIP) grant from the Cancer Research Institute, NY.

This study analyses and discusses the chances and limits of corporatist experiments in transition societies. In recent decades, several countries have used them as temporary means of governance to cope with the complicated processes of dual transformation: political and social democratization on the one hand and economic liberalization on the other. Analyzing the processes of corporatist policy-making and their effects, this study pays attention to the essential tension between the functional necessity and the configurative incapability of such experiments. It attempts to overcome the limits of the previous studies, which have either neglected the essential tension and the contextual peculiarities of transition societies; or paid little attention to the concrete processes of integrating corporatist arrangements into the established arenas of policy-making. The main objects of the empirical analysis are the experiments of South Korea, in the 1990s when reforms towards dual transformation - social democratization (democratic labor relations and social insurance expansion) and economic liberalization (deregulation of labor markets and industrial restructuring) - were exactly being pursued, and various types of corporatist arrangements were formed and reformed to cope with the reforms. This is comparable with the experiences of Spain in the 1970s and 1980s, when the similar phenomena occurred under similar context. Through a comparison of the two countries, this study tries to more precisely understand the peculiarities of the Korean experiences and to extract general theses on the chances and limits of experimental corporatism in transition societies, which are distinguished from the neo-corporatist experiences in advanced democratic capitalism in Western Europe. Broadly, the experiments in Korea were activated under the three governments for a decade long, which resepectively form two phases: the formative attempts under the two conservative governments (1990-1998) and the more strengthened attempts under the successive center-left government (1998-2003). As none of the reform programs were strongly pursued in the former phase, the effects of experimental corporatism were trivial in both reform areas in the formative time. Their effects were strengthened much more, as the center-left government accelerated reforms in both areas. The latter phase can be further divided into two: the experiments in their heyday in 1998, when corporatism was urgently emphasized as a means to manage the serious economic crisis; and the institutionalized experiments thereafter. The corporatist experiments in Korea were restrained due to their limited political and social integration. On the one hand, frequent discords between the corporatist channels and the administrative and parliamentary actors limited the political integration of corporatism, while the labor movement did not have a privileged relationship with any political parties; and the strong state tradition, which had developed over the previous decades, remained dominant in policy-making. Even though they tried to overcome the limits through institutionalization and achieved some advancement, such problems could not be completely solved. On the other hand, discords between the divided labor movements and between the national leadership of the confederations and the local unions often limited the social integration of corporatism. The stronger the initiatives at corporatist experiments became, the more serious the problems were of their social integration such as rand-and-file revolts and the counter-mobilization of the non-participants in corporatism, which ultimately led even the most advanced experiment to remain 'immobile corporatism'. The relatively unsuccessful and vulnerable experiences in Korea have both similarities and differences in comparison to the pioneering experiments in Spain. Different from Korea, Spain accelerated reforms towards social democratization from the beginning of democratic transition. Accordingly, corporatist experiments in Spain did not need to deal with the issues of democratic labor reform as much as in Korea, but made contribution to strengthening the social insurances much more and earlier than in Korea. Coordination between the political actors and the corporatist channel was less difficult than in Korea, as political parties, which had privileged relationships with trade unions were achieving enormous political success. Accordingly, they did not need institutional mechanisms for the political integration of corporatism. The social integration of the corporatist arrangements was less difficult as well by virtue of the less severe competition between the divided labor movements and of the relatively coherent structure of union confederations. These empirical analyses have some implications on the relevant theories. The integration problems of corporatist arrangements demonstrate the validity of classic neo-corporatism theories, which emphasize the organizational properties and structural networks between unions and political parties. The roles of experimental corporatism in dual transformation vary according to the contextual variations: this has not been paid attention to by now, and needs further elaboration. The unique features of experimental corporatism and its essential tension need to be further analyzed and theorized.

"While much focus has been placed on Black Lives Matter activism in response to police and civilian murders of Black people, authors argue that Black activism in this era addresses a broad range of issues both on the street and inside institutions and communities"--

This paper examines divisions between majority and minority ethnic groups over attitudes towards minority rights in 13 East European societies. Using national sample surveys and multilevel models, we test the effectiveness of competing explanations of ethnic polarization in attitudes towards minority rights, as well as regional and cross-national differences in levels of polarization. We find that, at the individual level, indicators of 'social distance' (inter-marriage and social interaction) account most effectively for the extent of ethnic polarization. However, regional and cross-national variations in polarization between majority and minority groups are explained most effectively by cultural (linguistic and religious) differences. These findings accord with research in the West, indicating the importance of cultural differences as a source of ethnic polarization, while offering little support for theories focusing on economic and structural factors or the size of minority groups. They also suggest the likely sources of difficulties for democratic consolidation in ethnically divided post-communist societies.

El presente, analiza al garantismo constitucional como el elemento determinante de la situación jurídica de los ecuatorianos en el marco del Buen Vivir del Estado Constitucional de Derechos y Justicia, frente al poder tributario del estado. Para esto, en el primer capítulo se ha realizado un análisis de los derechos humanos y los tratados internacionales frente a la Constitución de la República del Ecuador, avanzando en una visión más específica sobre los derechos fundamentales y su correlación con la tributación como herramienta estatal para la recaudación de recursos económicos. En el segundo capítulo, se desarrolla el contenido e importancia de los principios constitucionales atinentes al régimen tributario ecuatoriano,como verdaderas garantías autoimpuestas por el estado en favor de los ciudadanos, determinando su alcance y proyección extendida a los sujetos de la relación jurídico tributaria. En el tercer capítulo se realiza un necesario análisis al Estado constitucional de derechos y de justicia y el garantismo constitucional, la relación de la tributación con éste último y, se analiza al gasto público desde la perspectiva de un derecho fundamental. Se profundizó también en la trascendencia de la justicia como derecho constitucional, la importancia de una tutela judicial efectiva y el rol del juez constitucional, frente a la exigibilidad de los derechos del buen vivir, concretamente los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales. Finalmente se ha desarrollado un estudio al poder tributario en el Buen Vivir y al garantismo como factor determinante de la situación jurídica y política de los ecuatorianos. ; This research aims to analyze the constitutional guarantee as the determinant of the status of Ecuadorians under the Good Life State Constitutional Rights and Justice against the taxing power of the state. The first chapter shows an analysis of human rights and international treaties comparing them to the Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador, moving to a more specific view on the fundamental rights and their correlation with taxing as a government tool for the collection of monetary funds. The second chapter addresses the content and importance of constitutional principles pertaining to the Ecuadorian tax regime, as true self-imposed state guarantees in favor of its citizens, determining its scope and projection extended to the subjects of the relationship between tax and the judicial framework. The third chapter covers a necessary analyzes of the constitutional rights and justice and constitutional guarantees, the relationship with the taxation of the latter, and public spending is analyzed from the perspective of a fundamental right. The importance of effective judicial protection as a constitutional right, the importance of justice and constitutional law, the enforcement of rights to good living, particularly economic, social and cultural rights were also elaborated. Finally, we have developed a study to taxing power in Good Living and the guaranteeing as a determinant of the legal and political situation of Ecuadorians State Constitutional Rights and Justice. ; Magíster en Derecho Tributario ; Cuenca

El presente, analiza al garantismo constitucional como el elemento determinante de la situación jurídica de los ecuatorianos en el marco del Buen Vivir del Estado Constitucional de Derechos y Justicia, frente al poder tributario del estado. Para esto, en el primer capítulo se ha realizado un análisis de los derechos humanos y los tratados internacionales frente a la Constitución de la República del Ecuador, avanzando en una visión más específica sobre los derechos fundamentales y su correlación con la tributación como herramienta estatal para la recaudación de recursos económicos. En el segundo capítulo, se desarrolla el contenido e importancia de los principios constitucionales atinentes al régimen tributario ecuatoriano,como verdaderas garantías autoimpuestas por el estado en favor de los ciudadanos, determinando su alcance y proyección extendida a los sujetos de la relación jurídico tributaria. En el tercer capítulo se realiza un necesario análisis al Estado constitucional de derechos y de justicia y el garantismo constitucional, la relación de la tributación con éste último y, se analiza al gasto público desde la perspectiva de un derecho fundamental. Se profundizó también en la trascendencia de la justicia como derecho constitucional, la importancia de una tutela judicial efectiva y el rol del juez constitucional, frente a la exigibilidad de los derechos del buen vivir, concretamente los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales. Finalmente se ha desarrollado un estudio al poder tributario en el Buen Vivir y al garantismo como factor determinante de la situación jurídica y política de los ecuatorianos. ; This research aims to analyze the constitutional guarantee as the determinant of the status of Ecuadorians under the Good Life State Constitutional Rights and Justice against the taxing power of the state. The first chapter shows an analysis of human rights and international treaties comparing them to the Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador, moving to a more specific view on the fundamental rights and their correlation with taxing as a government tool for the collection of monetary funds. The second chapter addresses the content and importance of constitutional principles pertaining to the Ecuadorian tax regime, as true self-imposed state guarantees in favor of its citizens, determining its scope and projection extended to the subjects of the relationship between tax and the judicial framework. The third chapter covers a necessary analyzes of the constitutional rights and justice and constitutional guarantees, the relationship with the taxation of the latter, and public spending is analyzed from the perspective of a fundamental right. The importance of effective judicial protection as a constitutional right, the importance of justice and constitutional law, the enforcement of rights to good living, particularly economic, social and cultural rights were also elaborated. Finally, we have developed a study to taxing power in Good Living and the guaranteeing as a determinant of the legal and political situation of Ecuadorians State Constitutional Rights and Justice. ; Magíster en Derecho Tributario ; Cuenca

According to relational sociology, power imbalances are at the root of human conflicts and consequently shape the physical and symbolic struggles between interdependent groups or individuals. This volume highlights the role of power relations in the African American experience by applying key concepts of Pierre Bourdieu and Norbert Elias to black literature and culture. The authors offer new readings of power asymmetries as represented in works of canonical and contemporary black writers (Richard Wright, Ralph Ellison, Gwendolyn Brooks, Toni Morrison, Percival Everett, Colson Whitehead), rap music (e.g., Jay Z), images of black homelessness, and figurations of political activism (civil rights activist Bayard Rustin, #BlackLivesMatter in Ferguson).

Article 21 of the Treaty of Lisbon mandates the European Union (EU) to foster its values (democracy, the rule of law, social rights, gender equality, etc.) in its external relations. The core concern of the EU's multi-faceted relations with Asia is economic relations with rising markets. EU relations with the region have focused on the facilitation of trade and investment through the negotiation of free trade agreements (FTAs) with a number of Asian partners. EU FTAs are accompanied by a Political Cooperation Agreement (PCA), which links core EU values to trade through the 'standard clause', whereby under certain circumstances, human rights' abuses can trigger a suspension of trade preferences. Using a qualitative case study methodology, and drawing on policy documents and interviews, this paper addresses the question of whether, and how, the EU can balance its internal legal obligations with its economic interests and its partners' demands. The article provides a legal background of the EU's obligations in terms of international value promotion. It then reviews EU trade policy strategies and reveals an absence of a concerted approach to the inclusion of values. The article investigates the sources of resistance to EU attempts at linking its trade policy with broader values including social rights with Asian partners. The analysis reveals that Asian resistance is centred on the legalistic approach of the EU rather than the values and suggests that a more effective norm export might be achieved through other means. The article concludes that the EU's failure to push forward social issues in FTAs ultimately casts serious doubts about the EU's international 'actorness' in the area of social rights.