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The development of globalization has changed the pattern of war from conventional military power with trained soldiers and sophisticated weaponry to non-military state power through cultural, economic, political, and technological aspects. Warfare now dominantly utilizes technological sophistication or cyber warfare, posing a threat to national security, sovereignty, and resilience in the virtual world. This article uses a qualitative approach that refers to the meaning, concept, definition, characteristics, metaphor, symbol, and description of a qualitative study, conducted through examining various social arrangements and groups or individuals in a social setting. The data collection technique used here is only a literature review or a descriptive review of previous research sources and other secondary data. In terms of Cyber Espionage issues, updating the law can be a step towards providing a legal basis for law enforcement against Cyber Espionage perpetrators as a legal breakthrough to ensnare the perpetrators. Cyber intelligence's role as a "new" form in the governance of national intelligence can become clearer and avoid potential issues. Attention to these issues should be accompanied by solutions in preparing competent human resources, infrastructure, funds, and technology to make cyber intelligence an asset for national and state security.

The failed Catalan sovereignty process, launched in 2012 and then crushed by the intervention of the Spanish central government in 2017, relied to a certain extent on a discursive framework based on the evocation of previous secessionist experiences in Europe. Among these, the case of Slovenia (successfully completed in 1992) stood out. A close examination of these cases outlines the limitations of these analogies, notably through their differences in terms of political and social articulation and, in particular, the diverging success of external engagement. Beyond political and social articulation and the degree of economic development (heterogeneous aspects in many successful statehood processes), the comparison of these cases demonstrates that a sound internationalization strategy is essential for statehood attainment. The success of such a strategy does not solely depend on the secessionist actors' ability to reach out to the relevant international players, but also on the latter's readiness to provide necessary support. While the Slovenes managed to promptly engage with the rapid geopolitical changes in the immediate aftermath of the Cold War, the Catalan bid for secession found receptiveness only among marginal actors within major powers, all together unwilling to push for border changes of a state located in a sensitive area of the Euro-Atlantic security complex.

Memories that support our identity usually appear in narratives that we produce. This article presents research findings based on the analysis of biographical narratives of parents involved in the project entitled Parents, school and educational transition in Poland: 1989–2009 (University of Gdansk, 2006–2009). The parents told stories about their childhood (and school education in the former system) and about their parenthood by which they experienced the new social order (and their children's school education). Being interested in identity work in the light of memory processes, the author analysed parts of interviews that reflect a specific type of influential memory. It resulted in a descriptive reconstruction of the parental identity, strongly informed by the parents' recollections of their own school experience. On the one hand, memories seem to shape parents' approaches to the teaching staff and the school. On the other hand, they show what parents learned throughout their transition from childhood to parenthood. Some aspects of identity remain the same, regardless of changing social and political contexts and regardless of personal educational transition. Still, parental identity, based solidly in the past, may determine the future of school education, particularly in terms of family – school partnerships.

Abstract
Sampada Aranke and Ayanah Moor dialogue on the myriad ways Moor intervenes upon art histories of abstraction in her studio practice. This conversation leads to threads and themes in her practice that open up avenues for rethinking liminality, suspension, and ongoingness that are central to this issue of liquid blackness. Moor calls her method "social abstraction," by reconsidering how abstraction, a practice mis-categorized as one that transcends identity, might be precisely the form for centering black subjectivity. Moor is invested in the racial and gendered aspects that might be latent in abstract practices; where, for example, collage does and does not serve as an operation for encountering black interior or romantic space. Throughout her work, there is a careful attention to restraint as a method of protection, precision, and engagement. Moor's enactment of the processual and suspended logics of form as an aesthetic and social process resonate in the worlds of her paintings as they also leap beyond the panel itself. It's almost as if Moor is allowing her viewer to relish in and embrace the unfixity of a shape, the emergence of a figure, the suspension of a line, as a way to embrace the ongoingness of their own becoming.

The full-scale war in Ukraine caused the largest refugee crisis in Europe after World War II. Poland was the initial destination for people fleeing the war, causing a rapid influx of several million refugees in just a few weeks. An unprecedented and rapid response of the Polish society in terms of providing assistance to refugees enabled the acceptance of those who decided to stay in Poland Social action that began at the local level and translated into commonly known non-governmental assistance provided the basis and impetus for fostering beneficial connections between Poland and Ukraine, not only on the state level, but especially within the respective populations. The purpose of the article was to explore the forms of assistance offered by the Polish society, the scope of aspects of the refugees' lives it addressed, and how this was reflected in the mutual perception of Poles and Ukrainians. As a hypothesis, it was assumed that a direct involvement of the Polish society in helping refugees from Ukraine decreased over the course of a year of the full-blown war in Ukraine, with simultaneous high social support for the state's systemic solutions in this regard. In order to verify the hypothesis, a combination of descriptive, analysis of existing data, comparative and statistical methods were employed.

Musical activity in contemporary societies clusters in distinct 'music worlds', centred on such factors as style and/or locality. A number of studies have analysed these music worlds as networks of participants, linked in a variety of ways. This is useful but only captures some aspects of music worlds, neglecting others. In this article I introduce the concept of 'event networks' as a complement which allows us to capture much that 'participant networks' exclude. An event network is a sequence of events, such as gigs, certain pairs of which are linked by a flow of both participants (e.g. artists, audience members and support personnel) and the various resources and (evolving) conventions those participants carry with them. It forms an important part of the social structure of a music world and we can analyse it, empirically, using social network analysis (SNA). In the first part of the article I elaborate theoretically upon the concept of event networks and its significance in relation to music worlds. In the second part I develop this via an illustrative analysis of an empirical event network. The purpose of this analysis is to stimulate further discussion of event networks, of the interpretation of their properties and of possibilities for future analyses.

The COVID-19 pandemic and associated mitigation efforts created stress that threatened parent and child well-being. Conditions that increase stress within families heighten the likelihood of child abuse, but social support can mitigate the impact. This short-term investigation considered whether cumulative risk, COVID-19 specific risk, and emotional support (one aspect of social support), were associated with child abuse potential during the pandemic. Additionally, we investigated whether emotional support moderated the association between COVID-19 specific risk and child abuse potential, and associations between child abuse potential and emotionally positive and emotionally negative parenting. Participants included 89 parents, from a metropolitan area with a large number of economically distressed families, who completed online questionnaires. COVID-19 specific risk and emotional support each explained additional variance in child abuse potential beyond cumulative risk, but emotional support did not moderate the association between COVID-19 specific risk and child abuse potential. Consistent with expectations, child abuse potential was negatively associated with emotionally positive parenting and positively associated with emotionally negative parenting practices. Results highlight the importance of addressing both risks and supports at multiple levels for parents during times of stress.

Scholars connect the rise of populist parties and the growing importance of social media platforms for political communication as the emerging social media logic seems well-suited to populist communication. The following research note presents a novel dataset that connects Facebook accounts to party-level populism data from the POPPA database. Over 600,000 posts from 226 parties between 2017 and 2019 were analysed. The results show that in most European countries, populist parties are more active than non-populist parties on Facebook. However, high variation in the frequency of posts emphasises that country-specific aspects play an important role. Generally, Italian parties are much more active than those from other countries, whereas those in Northern and Western Europe are the least active. The most active party in Europe, the Italian right-wing populist Lega, showed the most extreme level of activity: its daily activity is around 20 times higher than the median. Furthermore, this analysis highlights why researchers should carefully check Facebook data for implausible inactivity and how connecting different data resources can help overcome potential biases resulting from missing data. Future studies analysing any party communication on Facebook will benefit from the insights and the list of party accounts featured herein.

AbstractThe fight against climate change has become a basic vector for agri‐food business strategies. In Spain, commercial wineries (Investor Owner Firms, IOFs) and cooperatives are facing major challenges in adapting to the most stringent environmental requirements and in becoming sustainable and environmentally responsible companies. The European winemaking model, unlike its "new world" competitors, has a very distinct configuration with the predominance of the social economy in parallel with capitalist enterprises. However, these two forms of business organization are different in terms of objectives, position in the value chain, type of organization and form of management. The purpose of this paper is to determine whether these two types of companies have a different orientation towards sustainability, and which are the drivers that facilitate a greater approach to sustainability in each group. With a sample of 411 wineries, the results of the study show a lower orientation towards sustainability among the cooperatives, without a relevant alignment of their resources towards this objective. However, IOFs orient their resources towards sustainability in a consistent and strategic way. This may infer that the European model, with a clear advantage in the social component, could be somewhat more limited in the environmental aspect.

AbstractThe goal of this research is to provide a diaspora-centered analysis of Black identity politics by illustrating how African populations navigate their diasporic identities and imposed racial boundaries when engaging with social movements like #BlackLivesMatter. Extending scholarship on Black immigration and Black politics, the present study highlights the processes by which racial histories, U.S. racial hierarchies, and gender hegemony guide African immigrants' and children of African immigrants' individual conceptions of Blackness as well as their political engagements. Using a qualitative design (N = 28 semi-structured interviews), I examine first-, 1.5-, and second-generation Africans' connections to #BlackLivesMatter, a racial justice social movement mobilized in response to the police killings of African American men and women. Findings illustrate that while all participants express an implicit connection to #BlackLivesMatter by drawing attention to the visual aspects of their superordinate Black racial identity, there are certain sources ofdiasporic fragmentationthat lead to racial distancing, intraracial group contention, and subsequent disconnections from the movement. Deconstructing the notion of Black political behavior as homogeneous, findings also suggest that political solidarity does not require uniformity in interests: when engaging in collective action, it is possible to express racial linked fate while also expressing substantial differences in culture and knowledge systems.

In this article, we offer insights into the plurality of interest groups' strategic responses to the socially, politically, and economically transformative phenomenon of democratic backsliding. For the purpose of the article, the term "ideational plurality" has been coined to refer to a plurality of interest groups' ideas leading their activities in general and their choice of strategies concerning the government in particular (attitudinal and behavioural aspects). Two policy fields and two types of interest groups engaged in an institutionalised social partnership—advocacy NGOs (operating in the environmental policy field) and economic groups (trade unions)—are studied comparatively in Slovenia using a mixed‐methods approach. The key findings are that strategic responses to democratic backsliding vary between environmental NGOs and trade unions, as do their ideational plurality, and that environmental NGOs' ideational plurality damages their potential to struggle against democratic backsliding. In contrast, trade unions' ideational homogeneity enables them to jointly struggle against governmental destruction of one significant segment of democratic order (institutions of social partnership) without demanding that the government step down for misusing the Covid‐19 pandemic to establish a system of governance that resonates with Viktor Orbán's ideas of illiberal democracy.

Legal liability is rightly considered one of the central institutions of the law, as it is directly related to the purposes of the law, to their realization. It is known that the adoption of legal norms is not an end in itself, but only the first mandatory stage of the process of legal regulation of social relations. The next stage is the implementation of the provisions of the legal norms. Otherwise, legal norms would lose their meaning and social purpose. This article reflects a historical retrospective on the idea of the responsibility of the state and its organs, both under repressive and reparative aspects. The focus is on the origins of this idea, how it evolved in some European states, as well as in the territory of the Republic of Moldova. Finally, it is concluded that the idea of the responsibility of the state and its organs appeared simultaneously with the idea of the rule of law, since only under the conditions of such a state is it possible to realize the idea in question. At the same time, the lack of an effective mechanism to hold the state and its authorities accountable indicates the non-existence of the rule of law.

AbstractDiverse approaches to promoting disability inclusive employment aim to transform workplaces into truly inclusive environments, usually with intervention strategies targeting two main groups: employers and jobseekers with disabilities. However, they do not always consider other relevant stakeholders or address the relationships and interactions between diverse actors in the wider social ecosystem. These approaches often neglect deeper 'vexing' difficulties which block progress towards disability inclusive work environments. Most interventions rightly embrace hegemonic 'social models of disability' and use human rights arguments but may neglect entrenched structural factors. Disability inclusive employment is complex, with unaddressed invisible aspects that continue to limit progress. We explore some key relevant disability concepts and then interrogate evidence from the 'Inclusion Works' programme working in four middle‐ and low‐income countries, considering some intractable barriers underlying the slow movement towards inclusive employment. Finally, we propose that a more participatory action orientated approach involving disabled people and others is needed to both generate deeper understanding and provide pathways towards new solutions to obstinate problems through progressive action learning processes in context. Programmatic interventions that work across the levels of the ecosystem and address power relations and interactions between stakeholders could lead to more substantial forms of disability inclusive employment.

This article challenges the notion that populist rhetoric in Latin America primarily and consistently arose in response to recent social dislocations and involves, from the onset, a Manichean struggle of the good people against an evil enemy. Instead, this work seeks the origins of polarisation, so often associated with populism, deep in history: in colonial conquest, in highly unequal economic, social and political relations in the post-independence period, and in nation-building myths that denied the existence of exclusions involving race/culture. Through an analysis of speeches given by former president of Argentina Juan Perón and former president of Venezuela Hugo Chávez, the author demonstrates a strong early conciliatory strain in populist rhetoric that calls for the respect and inclusion of racially and culturally distinct lower-class populist followers and acceptance of their importance to the nation. Initially, this rhetoric does not exclude the opposition in the populist leader's concept of the nation. The Manichean aspect of populist rhetoric emerges later, when populist leaders come to believe that their pleas for material and cultural/racial inclusion have been and will always be rejected by anti-populists. In this interpretation, populism is a symptom of long-standing exclusion and latent pre-existing polarisation, not its cause.

AbstractThis study examines how population aging shapes a crucial aspect of mental health and social well‐being: loneliness. Drawing on theories of demographic metabolism, United Nations population estimates and projections, and survey data covering approximately 50 percent of the world's population aged 50 and above living in 27 countries, we estimate the role of population aging in shaping cross‐national differences in loneliness from 1990 to 2050. We used survey data to estimate the prevalence of late middle age and older adult loneliness by age and sex and then applied these rates to the evolving age and sex distributions of the populations. Our results highlight massive increases in loneliness at ages 50 and above with a tripling of the number of lonely adults in these age groups in our sample countries from 104.9 million in 1990 to 333.5 million in 2050, increasing variability across countries in the share of their populations composed of lonely adults 50 and above, and the feminization of global later life loneliness with an increasing share of lonely adults in these age ranges being women. These results illustrate the power of demographic modeling to advance our understanding of national profiles of mental health and social well‐being.