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This research entitled as "Peranan Amir Machmud dalam Mempertahankan Pemerintahan Soeharto 1969-1982". The main problem in this research is "How deep the role of Amir Machmud in maintaining Soeharto's government 1969-1982?". The hictorical method used in this research, that is consisting heuristic, critical sources, interpretation, and historiography. To deepen the analysis, the interdisipliner approach such as sociology and political science was used in this research, such as role, political stability, and general elections concepts also there was Patron-Client and Structuration theories. Amir Machmud was a prominent figure during Orde Baru period. Amir Machmud was born at Cibeber, Cimahi city and had successful military career during New Order era. Amir Machmud held position as minister of domestic affairs in 3 periods. As a minister, he had successfully carry on some urge problems to government, like PEPERA problem that considered as fraudulence because unappropriate based on New York agreement by international affairs.

West European leaders had good reasons to oppose US Vietnam war policy. It threatened to alter the global balance of power while igniting unrest at home. Such turbulence led to a radicalized political atmosphere domestically. In this new environment, the "New Left" established a powerful foothold among the "68-generation". In many West European countries the new radical left rejected the older Socialist and Communist parties in favor of more radical political alternatives. In Sweden the Social Democratic government struggled to maintain a workable relationship with Washington while at the same time placating domestic anti-war opinion – thus preventing this issue from being hijacked by the far left. How did the Swedish Social Democrats resolve this dilemma? Although this is the most written-about episode in Swedish postwar diplomacy, this is the first book to scrutinize the impact of Sweden's Vietnam War policy on its domestic politics.

My thesis concerning Hannah Arendt is that power is to be understood only through human action as such. I firstly aim to show which understanding of action we find in Arendt's works. A person's actions make their distinctive «who" recognizable to others and found the phenomenon of plurality. According to the former, power is a social phenomenon, which occurs only between people when they act together. In the second part of my presentation, I aim to unveil the structure of power, which is fleeting, unlimited and unpredictable, and the opposite of violence to Arendt's understanding. In discovering this structure of power, I propose its political drama: power can neither be saved nor can it be controlled. Therefore, I try to show thirdly, that there are forms of reliability in power in its political meaning, which can be found in Arendt's notions of forgiving and promise.

Abstract Rohinton Mistry has emerged as a formidable writer on the world literary scene. He is a very popular member of Indian diaspora. He occupies a significant position as an Indian diasporic writer. In almost all the works of Rohinton Mistry we find an Indian setting. They brilliantly capture India and its environment. They deal with images of Indian culture and they are closely linked with the social and political background of our country. They deal with the streets of Bombay, the Parsi way of life and the people of the city. In his fiction he not only portrays the picture of his contemporary social and political life but also offers commentary on the historical situations and raises a national debate. They depict the diverse facets of Indian socio-economic life and culture as well as the life, customs, and religion of the Parsis.

Class analysis has undergone a 'cultural turn' in recent years, driven most notably by the growing influence of the work of Pierre Bourdieu. We seek to connect this perspective with organization studies via an analysis of the political, economic, and cultural cleavages that exist within a sample of professionals, managers, and executives—summarily, the UK professional class. The results show that significant cleavages exist within the UK professional class in terms of economic and cultural capital composition and political dispositions. However, the most significant differences observable are not related to classic materialist 'left' and 'right' perspectives as recent research elsewhere suggests, but to more epiphenomenal issues such as immigration, equal rights, and the environment. In an era where the professions find themselves in crisis (Leicht 2016), the results imply that professional groups should take politics more seriously and actively articulate how professional expertise can contribute to the common good.

This paper, using the framework provided by studies on transnationalism and political representation, analyzes the institutional mechanisms that 22 states of Latin America and the Caribbean have designed to formally incorporate emigrants into their political process –reserved seats in their legislative chambers and advisory boards–. This analysis reveals that almost half of the states included in the sample do have a mechanism of institutional representation for emigrants. ; Este trabajo, partiendo del marco brindado por los estudios sobre transnacionalismo y representación política, investiga dos de los mecanismos institucionales que 22 Estados de América Latina y el Caribe han diseñado para incorporar en su proceso político a sus emigrantes –la reserva de puestos en cámaras legislativas y los consejos consultivos–. El análisis revela que únicamente la mitad de los Estados de la muestra cuentan con algún mecanismo de representación institucional de emigrantes.

Este artículo analiza cómo las prácticas políticas de los migrantes contribuyen a la calidad de las democracias en sus países de origen. Para ello nos centramos en el fenómeno del «voto externo», comparando las experiencias de tres países andinos: Colombia, Bolivia y Perú. En los tres casos se han creado mecanismos de inclusión política de los nacionales residentes en el exterior, pero en contextos históricos, socioeconómicos y políticos diferentes y con diversos resultados. ; This article analyses how migrants' transnational political practices contribute to the quality of democratic systems in their countries of origin. It focuses on the phenomenon of the «external vote», comparing experiences from three Andean countries: Colombia, Bolivia and Peru. In all three cases, mechanisms to politically include nationals residing abroad have been created, but in different historical, socioeconomic and political contexts, as well as with diverse results.

The article reconstructs the trajectory of the Frente para la Victoria in the Argentinean province of Santa Cruz between 1988 y 2003. Period during which this political force was formed, forged its main attributes and amass the political capital that allow it to reach the presidency of the Nation in 2003, position that holds to December 2015. This organization was built outside the dominant structures and groups of the provincial politics. ; El artículo reconstruye la trayectoria del Frente para la Victoria en la provincia argentina de Santa Cruz entre 1988 y 2003. Periodo en el que esta fuerza política surgió, forjó sus principales atributos y construyó el capital político que le permitió llegar a la presidencia de la Nación en el año 2003, cargo que ocupó hasta diciembre de 2015. Esta organización se construyó por fuera de las estructuras y los grupos predominantes de la política provincial.

Chahbahar, being part of an Indian grand design is playing its role for counter weighing to Gwadar Port whereas it also provides India with easy access to Afghanistan and CARs. On the other hand, Pakistans geo-political positioning has been revolving around its anomalous and eccentric relations with various states. The prime rationale for state relations and relevant alliances with states was to maintain harmony with neighboring countries but during world wars, entente meant fighting your brothers war. In this context, Pakistans acceptance by the world was relatively slower and its take-ups in making friends, in the political playland were much tricky. Pakistan was wary with the former USSR whereas the compliance to the US backfired on many occasions gradually made Pakistan withdraw from its upclose position with the US, therefore now it is time to make independent and rational decisions but yet in the best national interests.

In this article, the authors propose a set of multi-level questions as a guide for de- veloping an ethical attitude in researcher–participant and researcher–researcher relations during the research writing process. Drawing on the sociopolitical turn in mathematics education, the authors view these relations in terms of power and po- sitionings, in the dialectic between the micro-level of research writing and the wid- er, macro-level context of mathematics education. The authors illustrate the use of the proposed questions through a back-and-forth dialogue. The dialogue draws on experiences from a writing collaboration in which the authors—"the research- ers"—wrote up for publication research conducted in their respective contexts of the Political North and Political South. Both research projects focused on how mathematics students—"the participants"—narrate and hence position themselves and are narrated and positioned by mathematics education and sociopolitical dis- courses in research publications.

The opening up of civil marriage to same-sex couples in the Netherlands in 2001 and the existing legal recognition of conscientious objections among civil servants had created the legal and political possibility of marriage registrars with conscientious objections against conducting same-sex weddings. Through a critical discourse analysis of selected examples from printed, online and televised media between 2007 and 2014, this article shows how this registrar was constructed as a 'social problem' that stayed on the political agenda for several years, but also as a particular fictive character that reinforced oppositions of Christians vs. homosexuals in terms of discrimination. Moreover, this article argues that, although the issue was framed in terms of certain (primarily secular) rights, the subtext of some contributions also pointed to the importance of (quasi)religious rites in the civil wedding ceremony, in which the civil marriage registrar played a pivotal role.

457Human rights — Imposition of life sentences on juveniles without a real possibility of release on parole — Right not to be subjected to cruel, inhuman and/or degrading punishment — International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966, Article 7 — Aims of penitentiary system — Article 10(3) of Covenant — Retroactive application of penal laws — Article 15(1) of Covenant — Right to such measures of protection as are required by status as a minor — Article 24(1) of Covenant — Whether State violating its obligations under Articles 7, 10 and 24 of Covenant — Effective remedyTreaties — Interpretation — Aids to interpretation — Relevance of one treaty in the interpretation of another — Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989 — Near-universal participation — Relevance in the interpretation of obligations of State Party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 — United Nations Human Rights Committee

This paper looks into what was a defining phase for Euro-Mediterranean relations. In the 1990s the Mediterranean was presented as a source of threat, but also as a need for engagement due to proximity and interdependence. The Mediterranean was also seen as an opportunity and a responsibility. Through its engagement with the Mediterranean the EU emphasized its identity as a transformative actor, linking trade liberalization and political transformation. This contributed to a gradual de-politicization and, above all, the technocratization of Euro- Mediterranean practice. Another constant feature of this period was securitization, particularly after the attacks of September 11. The seeds of existing debates on how the EU should deal with its Southern Neighbourhood were planted in this period. By looking at the institutional, political and intellectual debates of the 1990s, we can trace back some of the conceptualizations that still shape the European vision of the Mediterranean but also of itself.

Among all the parchments used as cover material for notarial registers in the city of Piacenza, it stand out a bifolium containing a part of the most ancient communal statutes that dates back to the second half of 13th century. these unreleased statutes are meant to be added to the list of the already known ones. this paper aims to point out some aspects of the political context in which the statutes were edited. In this respect, it will be worth to take into account the clash between the milites and the Popolo of Piacenza, the fight against the Papacy and the Empire, and finally the lordship of Oberto Pelavicino, who controlled the city from 1253 to 1266. this paper will also provide a picture of the political support he received from the Popolo of Piacenza and the resulting relationship between them.

The current migration and refugee crisis in Europe requires an understanding of the different migration drivers beyond the well-known economic determinants. In this paper, we view migration from a broader human security perspective and analyze the determinants of regular and irregular migration flows from Africa to Europe for the period 1990-2014. Our results show that, in addition to economic determinants, a combination of push and pull factors influence the migration decisions of individuals. In particular, rising political persecution, ethnic cleansing, human rights violations, political instability and civil conflicts in African source countries are all significantly associated with increased migration flows into European destination countries. Therefore, our results underscore the need for the EU and European countries to collaborate with the source countries, not only in terms of supporting economic development in the source countries, but also in promoting human security: human rights, democracy, peace and social stability.