Suchergebnisse

The 25 of July of 2005, the national government presided by Álvaro Uribe Vélez, adopted in the Colombian legal ordering well-known Law 975 of 2005 like "Law of justice and peace"; which must have as a generic aim to order "dispositions for the restoration of members of warrior groups organized to the margin of the law, that contribute in an effective way to the achieve national peace (.)", this law is very controverted and torrid and it has been object of several unconstitutionality demands. These norms were raised as a consequence of the Álvaro Uribe government agreements, with the selves defenses for their dismobility, process that imply to adequate the current legislation to make it easier, due to the inapplicability of Law 782 rom 2002 and Decree 128 of 2003 to committed criminal facts during and with occasion of the permanence in warrior groups, which do not have the amnistiable or indultable qualities. In this matter the adaptation of the accusatory criminal system is marked to those punibles conducts, where the subject on which falls the penalty action is the dismobilized one, no matter if he does in an individual or collective way, situation that evidences one of the multiple missing pieces that are seen at the moment of the execution of the law, due to the individual demobilizations suffer a dissimilar proceeding to the collective one. But from the point of the force that has the international pacts in the Colombian political Constitution, it is evident that this norms goes against the international texts recognized by the legislator and that they are part of the political pact. The law that ratifies the of Rome agreement about the Penal Court and the crimes that this one can judge are taxative in which the crimes of lesa humanity, the war crimes and the genocide are imprescriptibly, they can not be indulted, nor amnestied. The enchained hands which the Colombian government was put under sovereignly is not only for the executive authority, but that it limits also the legislative power and the judicial power when it is to pardon and to judge the people in charge of the atrocious crimes and of lesa humanity. The problem is that by means of a constitutional reform the norms of the Penal Court were incorporated and the law of recognition was approved in the internal order of the Statute of Rome (2002 law 742) and of the competence of the Court was approved too. To unravel the nature, I reach and implications of the law of justice and peace, if in essence is a conducive project to clarify the truth, justice and the integral repair to all the victims, in a process that involves to all the actors, groups and sectors jeopardize in the armed conflict Colombian or on the contrary a directed initiative impunity, the pardon and the forgetfulness of all the crimes of lesa humanity committed by the paramilitary, to establish if it incorporates a directed policy of state to solve two aspects that to our critery are the power stations in the solution of the present Colombian conflict, which they are: the displacement and the fight by the land, centric aspects of the investigation project "Displacement and Land within the framework of the Policy of Justice and Peace", on the critery of which the society, the academy, the university, the students and in individual the right faculties must investigate and debate so controverted law that will affect the past, present and future of our nation, to which it is not possible to be outside of the discussion. The present articule is an investigative advance that about the law 975 of 2005 presents the investigative group from its legal analysis and constitutional control that allowed to interpose a demand of partial unconstitutionality against the articule 5 o that incorporates the victim definition. ; El 25 de julio de 2005 el Gobierno Nacional, presidido por Álvaro Uribe Vélez sancionó, incorporando al ordenamiento jurídico colombiano, la Ley 975 de 2005 conocida como "Ley de Justicia y Paz", la cual tiene como fin genérico dictar "disposiciones para la reincorporación de miembros de grupos armados organizados al margen de la ley, que contribuyan de manera efectiva a la consecución de la paz nacional (.)", ley controvertida y controversial que ha sido objeto de múltiples demandas de inconstitucionalidad.Dicha normatividad, que surge como consecuencia de los acuerdos del gobierno de Álvaro Uribe Vélez con las autodefensas para su desmovilización, proceso que implica adecuar la legislación existente para su facilitación, dada la limitación de la Ley 782 de 2002, prorrogada por la Ley 1106 de 2006 y el Decreto 128 de 2003 a hechos delictivos cometidos durante y con ocasión de la permanencia en grupos armados al margen de la ley, que no revistan las calidades de ser amnistiables o indultables. En ella se marca la adaptación del sistema penal acusatorio a tales conductas punibles, donde el sujeto sobre el cual recae la acción penal es el desmovilizado, independientemente lo haga de forma individual o colectiva, situación que evidencia una de las múltiples falencias que se ven en el momento de ejecución de la ley, en virtud que las desmovilizaciones individuales sufren un trámite disímil al que reciben las colectivas.Pero, a la luz de la fuerza que tienen los pactos internacionales en la Constitución Política colombiana, es evidente que esta normatividad va en contravía con los textos internacionales acogidos por el legislador y que son parte del pacto político. La ley que ratifica el Estatuto de Roma sobre la Corte Penal Internacional y los crímenes que ésta puede juzgar es taxativa en que los crímenes de lesa humanidad, los crímenes de guerra y el genocidio son imprescriptibles, y no pueden ser indultados ni amnistiados.Esa atadura de manos a la que el gobierno colombiano se sometió soberanamente no es sólo para el poder ejecutivo, sino que limita también al poder legislativo y al judicial cuando se trata de perdonar y juzgar a los responsables de los delitos atroces y de lesa humanidad. El problema es que mediante una reforma constitucional se incorporaron las normas de la Corte Penal Internacional y se aprobó seguidamente la ley de reconocimiento en el orden interno del Estatuto de Roma (Ley 742 de 2002) y de la competencia de la Corte.Desentrañar la naturaleza, alcances e implicaciones de la ley de justicia y paz, si en esencia es un proyecto conducente a esclarecer la verdad, la justicia y la reparación integral a todas las victimas, en un proceso que involucre a todos los actores, grupos y sectores comprometidos en el conflicto armado colombiano, o por el contrario una iniciativa dirigida a la impunidad, el perdón y el olvido de todos los crímenes de lesa humanidad cometidos por los paramilitares; establecer si incorpora una política de Estado dirigida a resolver dos aspectos que a nuestro criterio son los centrales en la solución del actual conflicto colombiano, que son: el desplazamiento y la lucha por la tierra, aspectos centrales del proyecto de investigación Desplazamiento y Tierra en el Marco de la Política de Justicia y Paz, sobre el criterio de que la sociedad, la academia, la universidad, los estudiantes y en particular las facultades de derecho deben investigar y debatir tancontrovertida ley que afectará el pasado, presente y futuro de nuestra nación, al cual no se puede ser ajeno.El presente artículo es un avance de investigación que sobre la Ley 975 de 2005 presenta el grupo de investigación a partir de su análisis jurídico y control constitucional, que permitió interponer una demanda de inconstitucionalidad parcial contra el artículo 5o que incorpora la definición de víctima.

The 25 of July of 2005, the national government presided by Álvaro Uribe Vélez, adopted in the Colombian legal ordering well-known Law 975 of 2005 like "Law of justice and peace"; which must have as a generic aim to order "dispositions for the restoration of members of warrior groups organized to the margin of the law, that contribute in an effective way to the achieve national peace (.)", this law is very controverted and torrid and it has been object of several unconstitutionality demands. These norms were raised as a consequence of the Álvaro Uribe government agreements, with the selves defenses for their dismobility, process that imply to adequate the current legislation to make it easier, due to the inapplicability of Law 782 rom 2002 and Decree 128 of 2003 to committed criminal facts during and with occasion of the permanence in warrior groups, which do not have the amnistiable or indultable qualities. In this matter the adaptation of the accusatory criminal system is marked to those punibles conducts, where the subject on which falls the penalty action is the dismobilized one, no matter if he does in an individual or collective way, situation that evidences one of the multiple missing pieces that are seen at the moment of the execution of the law, due to the individual demobilizations suffer a dissimilar proceeding to the collective one. But from the point of the force that has the international pacts in the Colombian political Constitution, it is evident that this norms goes against the international texts recognized by the legislator and that they are part of the political pact. The law that ratifies the of Rome agreement about the Penal Court and the crimes that this one can judge are taxative in which the crimes of lesa humanity, the war crimes and the genocide are imprescriptibly, they can not be indulted, nor amnestied. The enchained hands which the Colombian government was put under sovereignly is not only for the executive authority, but that it limits also the legislative power and the judicial power when it is to pardon and to judge the people in charge of the atrocious crimes and of lesa humanity. The problem is that by means of a constitutional reform the norms of the Penal Court were incorporated and the law of recognition was approved in the internal order of the Statute of Rome (2002 law 742) and of the competence of the Court was approved too. To unravel the nature, I reach and implications of the law of justice and peace, if in essence is a conducive project to clarify the truth, justice and the integral repair to all the victims, in a process that involves to all the actors, groups and sectors jeopardize in the armed conflict Colombian or on the contrary a directed initiative impunity, the pardon and the forgetfulness of all the crimes of lesa humanity committed by the paramilitary, to establish if it incorporates a directed policy of state to solve two aspects that to our critery are the power stations in the solution of the present Colombian conflict, which they are: the displacement and the fight by the land, centric aspects of the investigation project "Displacement and Land within the framework of the Policy of Justice and Peace", on the critery of which the society, the academy, the university, the students and in individual the right faculties must investigate and debate so controverted law that will affect the past, present and future of our nation, to which it is not possible to be outside of the discussion. The present articule is an investigative advance that about the law 975 of 2005 presents the investigative group from its legal analysis and constitutional control that allowed to interpose a demand of partial unconstitutionality against the articule 5 o that incorporates the victim definition. ; El 25 de julio de 2005 el Gobierno Nacional, presidido por Álvaro Uribe Vélez sancionó, incorporando al ordenamiento jurídico colombiano, la Ley 975 de 2005 conocida como "Ley de Justicia y Paz", la cual tiene como fin genérico dictar "disposiciones para la reincorporación de miembros de grupos armados organizados al margen de la ley, que contribuyan de manera efectiva a la consecución de la paz nacional (.)", ley controvertida y controversial que ha sido objeto de múltiples demandas de inconstitucionalidad.Dicha normatividad, que surge como consecuencia de los acuerdos del gobierno de Álvaro Uribe Vélez con las autodefensas para su desmovilización, proceso que implica adecuar la legislación existente para su facilitación, dada la limitación de la Ley 782 de 2002, prorrogada por la Ley 1106 de 2006 y el Decreto 128 de 2003 a hechos delictivos cometidos durante y con ocasión de la permanencia en grupos armados al margen de la ley, que no revistan las calidades de ser amnistiables o indultables. En ella se marca la adaptación del sistema penal acusatorio a tales conductas punibles, donde el sujeto sobre el cual recae la acción penal es el desmovilizado, independientemente lo haga de forma individual o colectiva, situación que evidencia una de las múltiples falencias que se ven en el momento de ejecución de la ley, en virtud que las desmovilizaciones individuales sufren un trámite disímil al que reciben las colectivas.Pero, a la luz de la fuerza que tienen los pactos internacionales en la Constitución Política colombiana, es evidente que esta normatividad va en contravía con los textos internacionales acogidos por el legislador y que son parte del pacto político. La ley que ratifica el Estatuto de Roma sobre la Corte Penal Internacional y los crímenes que ésta puede juzgar es taxativa en que los crímenes de lesa humanidad, los crímenes de guerra y el genocidio son imprescriptibles, y no pueden ser indultados ni amnistiados.Esa atadura de manos a la que el gobierno colombiano se sometió soberanamente no es sólo para el poder ejecutivo, sino que limita también al poder legislativo y al judicial cuando se trata de perdonar y juzgar a los responsables de los delitos atroces y de lesa humanidad. El problema es que mediante una reforma constitucional se incorporaron las normas de la Corte Penal Internacional y se aprobó seguidamente la ley de reconocimiento en el orden interno del Estatuto de Roma (Ley 742 de 2002) y de la competencia de la Corte.Desentrañar la naturaleza, alcances e implicaciones de la ley de justicia y paz, si en esencia es un proyecto conducente a esclarecer la verdad, la justicia y la reparación integral a todas las victimas, en un proceso que involucre a todos los actores, grupos y sectores comprometidos en el conflicto armado colombiano, o por el contrario una iniciativa dirigida a la impunidad, el perdón y el olvido de todos los crímenes de lesa humanidad cometidos por los paramilitares; establecer si incorpora una política de Estado dirigida a resolver dos aspectos que a nuestro criterio son los centrales en la solución del actual conflicto colombiano, que son: el desplazamiento y la lucha por la tierra, aspectos centrales del proyecto de investigación Desplazamiento y Tierra en el Marco de la Política de Justicia y Paz, sobre el criterio de que la sociedad, la academia, la universidad, los estudiantes y en particular las facultades de derecho deben investigar y debatir tancontrovertida ley que afectará el pasado, presente y futuro de nuestra nación, al cual no se puede ser ajeno.El presente artículo es un avance de investigación que sobre la Ley 975 de 2005 presenta el grupo de investigación a partir de su análisis jurídico y control constitucional, que permitió interponer una demanda de inconstitucionalidad parcial contra el artículo 5o que incorpora la definición de víctima.

Раздел "Международные экономические отношения" ; Внешняя политика КНР направлена на повышение роли Китая в международных вопросах и создание благоприятных условий для развития экономики. Китай неизменно претворяет в жизнь концепцию Дэн Сяопина, придерживается независимой и самостоятельной внешней политики, выступает в защиту территориальной целостности страны и суверенитета. Руководство КНР подчеркивает, что в международной политике Китай направляет усилия на обеспечение мира, не вступает ни в какие союзы и блоки, добивается добрососедских отношений с соседними странами. Между Республикой Беларусь и Китайской Народной Республикой достигнут высокий уровень сотрудничества. КНР является основным политическим и торгово-экономическим партнером Беларуси в Азии. Решающее значение для становления и развития двустороннего политического сотрудничества между Республикой Беларусь и Китайской Народной Республикой сыграло совпадение позиций по широкому кругу международных вопросов и поддержка друг друга в международных организациях. Создана значительная договорно-правовая база двусторонних отношений, охватывающая широкий круг вопросов сотрудничества между Республикой Беларусь и Китайской Народной Республикой. Подписанные договоры, программы и соглашения стали основой для становления, развития и укрепления связей Республики Беларусь и Китайской Народной Республики и обеспечили их стабильное развитие на долгосрочную перспективу. Закрепление в различных документах получило торгово-экономическое, научно-техническое, военное сотрудничество, сотрудничество в сфере образования, культуры. Китай действительно развивается стремительным темпом, что подтверждается различными показателями роста экономики. Характеризуя сложившуюся экономическую ситуацию в Китае, можно выделить следующие моменты: высокий рост инвестиций и экспорта; изменение структуры потребления в сторону строительства жилья, рынка автомобилей, потреблению средств связи; структурные изменения в экономике, связанные с привлечением новейших технологий и улучшение уровня жизни населения. Экономический подъем в Китае из года в год создает реальные предпосылки для успешной работы белорусских субъектов хозяйствования в КНР. Однако сегодня белорусский экспорт практически не заметен на этом перспективном и платежеспособном рынке. Для экспортоориентированной экономики Беларуси подобное состояние дел в торговле с ведущей страной Азии непозволительно. Более того, это происходит на фоне впечатляющих темпов развития Китая. В связи с этим, представляется целесообразным учесть в стратегии сотрудничества с КНР следующие основные моменты: 1) Развитие инфраструктуры торгово-экономических связей: задействования банков и страховых компаний двух стран для совершенствования расчетно-платежных отношений, кредитования поставок сложной машинотехнической продукции и оборудования с длительным циклом изготовления, финансирования инвестиционных проектов; совершенствование структуры транспортных перевозок, внедрение прогрессивных форм таможенного и санитарного контроля; развитие электронной торговли, а также прикладных информационных технологий. 2) Участие Беларуси в программах хозяйственного подъема западных провинций КНР. 3) Развитие прямой торговли с Китаем, без участия посредников, на основе расширения совместной торговой инфраструктуры — выставок, представительств, создания торговых и сервисных сетей. 4) Беларусь и Китай находятся на большом удалении друг от друга, поэтому необходимо развитие электронной торговли. 5) Состояние белорусско-китайской торговли показывает, что необходимо коренное изменение представлений белорусских экспортеров о Китае, как стране производящей высокотехническую продукцию. 6) По-прежнему концентрируя основные усилия на привлечении иностранного капитала, в Китае придают все большее значение инвестированию за рубеж. Правительство разработало специальную стратегию выхода на внешние рынки китайских фирм и предприятий. 7) Для китайских компаний также существуют немалые ниши для укрепления своих позиций на белорусском рынке. В первую очередь, это поставки недорогого и не уступающего западным аналогам оборудования для технической модернизации отечественных производителей, а также бытовой техники и товаров народного потребления в части, дополняющей ассортимент, производимый в Беларуси. В республике разработана стратегическая Программа активизации торгово-экономического сотрудничества с КНР на 2004—2008 гг. В программе отражены мероприятия по увеличению объемов экспорта белорусских предприятий в КНР, развитию товаропроводящей сети, выставочно-ярмарочной деятельности, созданию совместных предприятий (производств) на территории КНР, привлечению китайских инвестиций и финансовой помощи, дальнейшему развитию регионального сотрудничества с провинциями Китая. Реализация Программы позволит выполнить поставленные задачи по увеличению товарооборота между Беларусью и Китаем. = The foreign policy of the People's Republic of China is directed at raising China's role in the international life and creation of favourable conditions for its economic development. China steadily realizes the concept of Deng Xiaoping, adhering to the independent foreign policy policy, advocating territorial integrity and sovereignty. China's leadership emphasizes that in its international politics China supports peace, stays outside all unions and blocs and seeks good neighbourly relations with the bordering countries. The Republic of Belarus and the People's Republic of China can boast a high level of cooperation. China is the main political, trade and economic partner of Belarus in Asia. The decisive role for the formation and evolution of bilateral political cooperation between the Republic of Belarus and the People's Republic of China was played by the agreement in their opinions on a wide range of international issues and mutual support in the international organizations. The countries have established a significant legal treaty base for the bilateral relations involving different aspects of cooperation. The existing treaties, programmes and agreements underlie the formation, development and strengthening of ties between the Republic of Belarus and the People's Republic of China, thus providing their stable development in the long-term. Trade and economic, scientific and engineering, military, educational, cultural cooperation was fixed in various documents. China is indeed developing rapidly and showing various high indeces of economic growth. While characterizing the current economic situation in China, one can point out high investment and export growth, the shift of consumption pattern towards house-building, automobile and communications markets, and structural changes in the economy related to the latest technologies and the growth of standards of living. The economic boom in China from year to year creates real prerequisites for the successful work of Belarusian economic subjects in China. However, Belarusian export is currently almost insignificant on this promising and profitable market. The author states that it is unfitting for Belarus with its export oriented economy to have the existing level of cooperation with this leading Asian state. Moreover, it is happening against the background of impressing economic growth rates in China. In this connection, the author considers it advisable to take into account the following basic aspects when realizing the strategy of cooperation with China: 1) the development of infrastructure of trade and economic relations: involvement of banks and insurance companies of the two countries to improve the relations in the payments sphere, the crediting of deliveries of complex machinery and equipment with a long production cycle, financing of investment projects, the structure of transportation, introduction of new forms of customs and sanitary control, development of e-trade and applied information technologies; 2) participation of Belarus in the programmes of economic upswing of the China western provinces; 3) development of direct trade with China without any mediators on the basis of expansion of joint trade infrastructure: exhibitions, offices, trade and service networks; 4) development of e-trade because of long distance between two states; 5) radical change of awareness of Belarusian exporters about China as a country manufacturing high-tech produce; 6) while focusing its main efforts on attracting foreign capital, China gives ever greater importance to the investment expansion. The government elaborated a special strategy of foreign market entry for the Chinese companies and manufacturers; 7) Chinese companies also enjoy ample opportunities for strengthening their positions on the Belarusian market. Primarily, this is connected with supplying equipment to modernize Belarusian industry, competitive both in prices, which are reasonable, ad quality. Domestic appliances and consumer goods in addition to those produced in Belarus are also sold. The Belarusian strategic Programme of Intensification of Trade and Economic Cooperation with the People's Republic of China in 2004—2008 contains actions to increase the volume of export of Belarusian enterprises to China, to develop commodity distrubution network, exhibitions and fairs, to create of joint ventures on China's territory, to attract Chinese investments and financial aid, and to develop further regional cooperation with Chinese provinces. The Programme implementation will lead to the realization of the tasks on turnover growth between Belarus and China.

Sustainable societal development has become a subject of increased and widespread societal attention especially during the last two decades. The tremendous economic development of former developing nations such as China and India and the general impact of globalization have put even larger pressures on our limited natural resources and fragile environment. Faced with an ever increasing amount of evidence that the activities of our own generation might actually impair the possibilities for future generations to meet their needs, it has become a major political concern that societal development must be sustainable. The issuing of the famous Brundtland report "Our Common Future" (1987) formed a political milestone. This important event has enhanced the public awareness that substantial changes of consumption patterns are called for and has further significantly influenced research agendas worldwide. The realization of a sustainable development of society necessitates that a holistic perspective is taken in operational and strategic societal decision-making. In principle, a joint consideration of the preferences, needs and capabilities of the present and future generations across all nations, industrial and public sectors is required if we are to fully succeed in achieving sustainable societal development. It may be realized that decisions made to enhance sustainability of societal development not only concern reduced emissions of pollutants but also directly and indirectly involve a redistribution of globally available resources and not least a reassessment of the societal affordability of lifestyle and quality of life. So far, the available research literature in this field has mainly reported on results relating to individual aspects of sustainable development; as of yet a general framework that facilitates the joint consideration of the many dimensions of sustainability in supporting decision-making for sustainable societal development is still missing. Whereas the development of a general framework for sustainable decision-making is one of the most relevant tasks in the research agenda, it is unlikely that this task could be accomplished in the foreseeable future. However, at the same time, there is an urgent need for methods that enable societal decision-makers to identify "sustainable" policies in different sectors of society. Here, the "sustainable" policies imply policies that conform to current preventive measures, regulations, principles, ethics and whatever else is regarded as best practice for the realization of the sustainable development of society. Motivated by this and focusing on the civil engineering sector, the present thesis has two aims. The first aim is to reformulate the classical life-cycle cost optimization concept, which has been advocated in civil engineering as the decision principle, in such a way that relevant aspects of sustainability can be incorporated into engineering decision-making. The aspects of sustainability considered in depth in this reformulation are intergenerational equity and allocation of limited resources. Furthermore, for the purpose of facilitating the applications in practical decision situations, a platform is proposed for the modelling and optimization of decision problems based on Bayesian probabilistic networks. Thereby, it is possible with the proposed platform to consider the constraints relating to societal sustainability posed by present society in the decision problems. The second aim is to present a fundamental approach for incorporating the reliability of civil infrastructure in general economic models so that the sustainable policies on design and maintenance of civil infrastructure can be identified from a macroeconomic perspective. In the present thesis, two types of engineering decision analyses are differentiated in order to clarify the extent of the consequence of decisions; marginal engineering decision analysis and non-marginal engineering decision analysis. In marginal engineering decision analysis, it is assumed that the economic growth path is exogenously given and the consequence of decisions does not affect the economic growth; the life-cycle cost optimization concept corresponds to the marginal engineering decision analysis; the first aim of the present thesis can be regarded as the formulation of engineering decision problems from a sustainability perspective in the context of the marginal decision analysis. In contrast, non-marginal decision analysis considers the change of economic growth as a consequence of decisions; the second aim of the present thesis can be regarded as a proposal for a decision framework for the non-marginal engineering decision analysis. The present thesis consists of eight chapters. Chapter 1 introduces the background, aim, scope and outline of the thesis. A literature survey is also provided in the fields of economics and civil engineering, where the formulation and optimization of sustainable decision making in civil engineering is dealt with. The core of the present thesis consists of six chapters (Chapters 2 to 7). Each of the chapters, except Chapter 7, represents a part of my research work published during the PhD study. Chapter 2 considers the general treatment of uncertainties in engineering decision analysis, which is the philosophical basis for decision-making subject to uncertainties. Chapters 3 to 5, respectively, investigate the modelling and optimization of sustainable decision problems, the issue of intergenerational equity and the issue of allocation of limited resources in the context of marginal engineering decision analysis. In Chapter 6 the approach for incorporating the reliability of civil infrastructure in general economic models is proposed based on economic growth theory. This approach corresponds to non-marginal engineering decision analysis. The proposed approach is then applied to a simplistic economic model in Chapter 7 in order to show how the optimal reliability of civil infrastructure can be identified and the sustainable policy on the design and maintenance of civil infrastructure can be examined. Thereby, an objective function is derived in the context of non-marginal decision analysis that is different from the objective function employed in the classical life-cycle cost optimization concept. The reason for this is provided by looking at the differences in the formulation of the decision problems in marginal and non-marginal decision analysis. In this chapter the assumptions of the derivation of the classical life-cycle cost optimization and its limitations are also introduced in order to emphasize the difference between non-marginal decision analysis and marginal decision analysis. Chapter 8 concludes the present work. In the reformulation of the classical life-cycle cost optimization, its practical applicability is emphasized. Hence, the proposed methods in the corresponding chapters (Chapters 3 to 5) can be readily applied to practical decision situations. Practical examples are provided in these chapters. On the other hand, the approach presented in Chapters 6 and 7 serves as a relevant building block for further development of the general framework for sustainable decision-making, whereby scientific insights are provided on how sustainable design and maintenance policies on infrastructure can be investigated in a macroeconomic context. Die Frage nach einer nachhaltigen gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung hat insbesondere in den letzten zwei Jahrzehnten zunehmend an Bedeutung gewonnen. Im Fokus stehen dabei die begrenzten natürlichen Ressourcen und die fragile Umwelt, die durch die enorme wirtschaftliche Entwicklung von Schwellenländern wie China und Indien noch stärker unter Druck geraten. Da es immer offensichtlicher wird, dass die Aktivitäten unserer eigenen Generation die Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten der folgenden Generationen beeinträchtigen könnten, wurde die Forderung nach einer nachhaltigen gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung ein wesentliches politisches Ziel. Ein politischer Meilenstein wurde 1987 durch den Brundtland Report "Unsere gemeinsame Zukunft" gesetzt. Dieses entscheidende Ereignis verstärkte das öffentliche Bewusstsein, dass substantielle Änderungen im Konsumverhalten zukünftig notwendig sind. Seit der Veröffentlichung des Brundlandt Reports beeinflusst das Thema der Nachhaltigkeit weltweit viele Agenden von Forschergruppen. Die Umsetzung einer nachhaltigen gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung erfordert eine Einnahme einer holistischen Perspektive sowohl für die operationelle als auch für die strategische Entscheidungsfindung in der Gesellschaft. Prinzipiell ist eine integrale Berücksichtigung der Präferenzen, Bedürfnisse und Fähigkeiten der heutigen und der zukünftigen Generationen über alle Nationen und alle Sektoren hinweg notwendig, wenn eine Steuerung hin zu einer nachhaltigen gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung erfolgreich sein will. Es muss erreicht werden, dass Entscheidungen zur Förderung der nachhaltigen Entwicklung einer Gesellschaft nicht nur unter Berücksichtigung monokausaler Zusammenhängegetroffen werden, z.B. die Verringerung von schädlichen Emissionen, sondern auch unter Berücksichtigung der direkten und indirekten Umverteilung globaler Ressourcen, der Neubewertung von Lebensstilen und nicht zuletzt der Qualität des Lebens in der globalen Welt. Der Grossteil der verfügbaren wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema Nachhaltigkeit fokussiert auf einzelne Aspekte, die für eine nachhaltige Entwicklung notwendig sind. Ein genereller Rahmen, der die gemeinsame Betrachtung des mehrdimensionalen Problems der Nachhaltigkeit erlaubt und gesellschaftliche Entscheidungsträger unterstützen kann, fehlt bisher noch. Die Entwicklung eines solchen Rahmens ist die relevanteste Aufgabe, die die Forscher im Bereich der nachhaltigen Entscheidungsfindung zu bewältigen haben. Es ist nicht abzusehen, dass in naher Zukunft in diesem Bereich eine Lösung gefunden wird. Dennoch ist derzeit der Druck gross, Methoden zur Verfügung zu haben, die es Entscheidungsträgern aus allen Bereichen ermöglicht, die "nachhaltigste" Handlungsalternative zu identifizieren. Der Ausdruck " nachhaltigste" impliziert, dass die Handlungsalternativen konform sind zu den Massnahmen, Regulierungen, Prinzipien, Ethiken und allen anderen Gegebenheiten in einer Gesellschaft, die als "beste Praxis" für die Umsetzung der nachhaltigen Entwicklung in einer Gesellschaft gelten. Diese vielschichtigen Aspekte waren die Motivation für diese Arbeit, die sich auf den Bereich des Bauingenieurwesens bezieht. Zwei wesentliche Ziele werden in dieser Arbeit verfolgt. Das Erste ist, den klassischen Ansatz des Konzeptes zur Optimierung der Lebenszykluskosten, der im Bereich des Bauingenieurwesens als das Entscheidungsprinzip betrachtet wird, so umzuformulieren, dass Aspekte der Nachhaltigkeit im Entscheidungsprozess Berücksichtigung finden können. Die Aspekte der Nachhaltigkeit, die insbesondere Berücksichtigung in der Neuformulierung finden sind das Prinzip der intergenerationellen Gleichheit und der Allozierung von beschränkten Ressourcen. Für die Anwendbarkeit in realen Entscheidungssituationen wird eine Plattform für die Modellierung und Optimierung von Entscheidungsproblemen vorgeschlagen, die auf Bayes'schen Probabilistischen Netzen basiert. Dies ermöglicht es, die Einschränkungen, die durch die Aspekte der Nachhaltigkeit gegeben sind, im Entscheidungsprozess zu berücksichtigen. Das zweite Ziel ist, einen fundamentalen Ansatz vorzustellen, der es ermöglicht, strukturelle Zuverlässigkeit von baulichen Infrastrukturen in allgemeinen ökonomischen Modellen zu berücksichtigen, so dass nachhaltige Entscheidungen in Bezug auf den Entwurf und den Unterhalt solcher Anlagen von einer makroökonomischen Perspektive aus identifiziert werden können. Zwei Typen von Entscheidungsanalysen im Ingenieurwesen wurden in dieser Arbeit unterschieden, um das Ausmass der Konsequenzen aus Entscheidungen klar herauszustellen; es werden sowohl marginale Entscheidungsanalysen als auch nicht-marginale Entscheidungsanalysen beleuchtet. In der marginalen Entscheidungsanalyse im Ingenieurwesen wird angenommen, dass das wirtschaftliche Wachstum exogen gegeben ist und die Konsequenzen, die aus Entscheidungen resultieren, keinen Einfluss auf das wirtschaftliche Wachstum haben. Das Konzept der Optimierung der Lebenszykluskosten von baulichen Infrastrukturen ist ein Beispiel für eine marginale Entscheidungsanalyse. Damit kann das zuvor genannte erste Ziel dieser Arbeit als Formulierung von Entscheidungsproblemen im Hinblick auf Nachhaltigkeit im Kontext der marginalen Entscheidungsanalyse gesehen werden. Im Gegensatz dazu kann das zweite formulierte Ziel als ein Rahmen für Entscheidungen gesehen werden, die einen nicht-marginalen Einfluss auf das Wirtschaftswachstum haben. Die vorliegende Arbeit gliedert sich in acht Kapitel. Kapitel 1 stellt die Ziele der Arbeit vor, grenzt die Arbeit ab und erläutert die Hintergründe zu dieser Arbeit. Im ersten Teil wird ein Überblick über die Literatur in den relevanten Gebieten der Wirtschaftswissenschaften und des Bauingenieurwesens, insbesondere in den Bereichen Formulierung und Optimierung von nachhaltigen Entscheidungsproblemen, gegeben. Der Kern dieser Arbeit besteht aus sechs Kapiteln (Kapitel 2 bis 7). Jedes dieser Kapitel (mit Ausnahme von Kapitel 7) repräsentiert einen Teil meiner Forschungsarbeiten während des Doktorats, die bereits veröffentlicht sind oder zur Veröffentlichung akzeptiert sind. Kapitel 2 behandelt den allgemeinen Umgang mit Unsicherheiten in der Entscheidungsanalyse im Ingenieurwesen und stellt die philosophische Basis für die Entscheidungsfindung im Ingenieurwesen unter Unsicherheit dar. Kapitel 3 bis 5 untersucht die Modellierung und Optimierung von Entscheidungsproblemen unter Berücksichtigung der zuvor genannten Aspekte der Nachhaltigkeit. Kapitel 6 stellt einen Ansatz vor, mit dem die strukturelle Zuverlässigkeit baulicher Infrastrukturen in allgemeinen wirtschaftswissenschaftlichen Modellen und Modellen zur Beschreibung des Wirtschaftswachstums berücksichtigt werden kann. Dieser Ansatz korrespondiert zu nicht-marginalen Entscheidungsanalysen. In Kapitel 7 wird dieser Ansatz an einem einfachen wirtschaftswissenschaftlichen Modell angewendet, um zu zeigen, wie die optimale Zuverlässigkeit baulicher Infrastrukturen identifiziert werden kann, und eine nachhaltige Strategie in Bezug auf den Entwurf und den Unterhalt verfolgt werden kann. Dazu wird eine Zielfunktion in einem nicht-marginalen Kontext hergeleitet, die grosse Unterschiede zur Zielfunktion aufweist, die im klassischen Ansatz zur Optimierung der Lebenszykluskosten verwendet wird. Der Grund für diese Unterschiede liegt in der Formulierung des Problems im marginalen und im nicht-marginalen Entscheidungsraum. In diesem Kapitel wird auch auf die klassischen Annahmen und Einschränkungen eingegangen, um die Unterschiede in diesen beiden Ansätzen beleuchten zu können. Kapitel 8 schliesst die Arbeit. In der Neuformulierung des klassischen Lebenszyklusansatzes wird die praktische Anwendbarkeit unterstrichen. Daher können die Methoden, die in den Kapiteln 3 bis 5 vorgestellt werden, direkt in praktischen Problemen angewendet werden. Hierzu werden in diesen Kapiteln praktische Beispiele gegeben. Auf der anderen Seite ist der Ansatz, der in Kapitel 6 und 7 vorgestellt wird, ein relevanter Baustein für die weitere Entwicklung eines allgemeinen Rahmenwerks für die nachhaltige Entscheidungsfindung, wobei wissenschaftliche Einblicke gegeben werden, wie nachhaltige Entwurfs- und Unterhaltsstrategien an baulichen Anlagen in einem makroökonomischen Kontext untersucht werden können.

Changing the Course of AIDS is an in-depth evaluation of a new and exciting way to create the kind of much-needed behavioral change that could affect the course of the global health crisis of HIV/AIDS. This case study from the South African HIV/AIDS epidemic demonstrates that regular workers serving as peer educators can be as--or even more--effective agents of behavioral change than experts who lecture about the facts and so-called appropriate health care behavior.After spending six years researching the response of large South African companies to the epidemic that is decimating their workforce as well as South African communities, David Dickinson describes the promise of this grassroots intervention--workers educating one another in the workplace and community--and the limitations of traditional top-down strategies. Dickinson's book takes us right into the South African workplace to show how effective and yet enormously complex peer education really is. We see what it means when workers directly tackle the kinds of sexual, gender, religious, ethnic, and broader social and political taboos that make behavior change so difficult, particularly when that behavior involves sex and sexuality.Dickinson's findings show that people who are not officially health care experts or even health care workers can be skilled and effective educators. In this book we see why peer education has so much to offer societies grappling with the HIV/AIDS epidemic and why those interested in changing behaviors to ameliorate other health problems like obesity, alcoholism, and substance abuse have so much to learn from the South African example.

Croatia has been facing a population decline, mainly due to a low birth rate and the emigration of young and qualified workers. Considering the historical and dynamic aspects of emigration (Draženović, Kunovac and Pripužić, 2018), leading to depopulation, it is necessary to investigate all contributing factors in Croatia and explore potential models and measures to mitigate these unfavourable processes. Apart from Germany, Croatian citizens have emigrated mostly to Ireland and Austria since the country acceded to the EU (Pokos, 2017). Research confirms that the number of Croatian citizens who immigrated to Germany, Ireland and Austria in 2016 was, on average, 62% higher than the official data reported by the Republic of Croatia (Jerić, 2019). The increasingly intensive emigration of the young and able-bodied population additionally contributes to a rapidly ageing population, exerting strong pressure on the sustainability of the pension system (Družić, Beg and Raguž Krištić, 2016) and underscores the importance of investigating the reasons for emigration and the factors essential for return. Migration is also an important area of interest for the European Union due to its exceptional impact on all aspects of society. Increased opportunities for mobility, advances in technology that provide access to information sources, and societal changes strongly suggest the need for policymakers to examine the micro, meso, and macro drivers that influence migration or potentially influence a person's decision not to migrate or remigrate. Governments require migration analysis to create informed migration policies, including citizen participation in the policy development process. The perspectives of migrants and their behaviour should be taken into account when creating policies to better understand the key success factors needed for the desired outcomes of migrants (European Commission, 2020). According to Fargues (2017), migration is a complex process that is constantly changing as a result of various local, international, and global situations, highlighting the need for con¬tinual investigation and repeated surveying of the population. Within the current demographic climate, the World Youth Alliance Croatia (SSMH) launched the project "Network 2050 – Demography, From Challenges to Answers", co-financed by the European Social Fund. The project is based on intersectoral cooperation, identified as necessary for improving collaborative efforts to address the effects of negative demographic trends on the social and economic development of Croatia and develop measures for demographic revitalisation. This paper will present the data and analysis of the empirical results of the research conducted by the Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies. The study focuses on emigrants' opinions and perspectives regarding the factors that influenced their decision to migrate. This includes their own perceptions of the situation in Croatia, as well as abroad in their host country, which played a role in their decision-making process and continues to potentially impact them. Additionally, the paper explores the emigrants' perception of their current life circumstances. The target group comprised Croats currently living as expatriates in European countries. A total of 497 respondents, Croats currently living abroad, most of whom left Croatia between 2016 and 2021, took part in the survey. Three main research questions guided the investigation: 1) What are the key drivers of migration at the micro, meso, and macro levels that influence the decision to emigrate or stay, according to the perception of emigrants from Croatia?; 2) What factors influence the decision of Croats to stay abroad?; and, 3) What are the key factors that influence the decision to return to Croatia? For the purposes of this paper, the general results related to research questions 1 and 2 will be presented. The instrument used for data collection was an online questionnaire that respondents filled out independently. The questionnaire consisted of 62 questions, mostly closed-ended, with only a few open-ended questions to accommodate additional information if participants chose to elaborate on their perceptions. Including this option also allowed for the possibility of results that were not expected by the research team. The questions were divided into five thematic chapters: sociodemographic data, migration status, socioeconomic status, returnee motivational status, and identity and value system. The questionnaire was administered with special attention to the time of completion, clarity, and appropriateness of the questions. The data collection process included advertising the research project and posting calls for participation on various social media networks across platforms managed by members of various Croatian dias¬pora groups. Additionally, advertising was conducted through social groups and institutions, as well as using the snowball method. Data was collected during the period from July to October 2021. At the beginning, the purpose of the questionnaire was explained, and respondents were informed that their participation was voluntary with the possibility to withdraw at any time. Consistency in the questionnaire administration was achieved by exclusively offering it online. A total of 500 responses were received, of which 497 were valid, while three questionnaires were partially filled. Only key socio-demographic information was collected and, together with the respondents' personal perceptions, it was examined in relation to the key drivers of emigration. Their perception is the key feedback that can help state authorities and policymakers in designing measures aimed at retaining the population and attract¬ing potential returnees. Their perception was viewed as potentially showing indica¬tors of migration drivers, push and pull factors, as well as demonstrating public perception around key issues and policies, and the type of information (including its accuracy) used to inform migration. Respecting the perception of the general public when creating policies is in line with the concepts promoted by the EU Parliament (2020), which encourages the participation of citizens in decision-making. According to the obtained sociodemographic data, 208 respondents (41.9%) were female, and 289 respondents (58.1%) were male. The most represented age category (39%) was 30–39 years old. Additionally, 24% of respondents were between 40 and 49 years old, 22% were between 18 and 29 years old 9.5 % were between 50 and 59 years old, 3.2% were 60–69 years old and 2% were between 70 and 81 years old. This indicates that the majority of respondents who leave are younger than 40, i.e. in the reproductive age group. The results obtained support the relevance of the research by Družić, Beg and Raguž Krištić (2016), who warn about the loss of the young population in Croatia, which results in population ageing. The majority (78.3%) were born in Croatia, and the next significant group (13.1%) was born in Bosnia and Herzego¬vina. The largest group of respondents, at the time of the questionnaire, lived in Germany, followed by the numerically significant groups in Great Britain, Ireland and Sweden. The trend shown by the majority of respondents coming from Germany is in line with the large wave of migration to Germany since 2013 when Croatia entered the EU, and since July 2015 when the labour market in Germany was opened to Croatia. Jurić (2022) and Pokos (2017) describe Germany as still the most desirable country for Croatian emigration. The results showed that macro-level factors related to working conditions and employment rates influence micro-level factors, such as socioeconomic status. Work opportunities and the working environment were perceived as somewhat important because respondents believe that these aspects affect their personal quality of life. An interesting result is that the number of respondents who stated that they were married or in a partnership doubled after moving. It is worth mentioning that Jang, Cast¬erline and Snyder (2014) warn that the longer the time spent abroad, the stronger the ties made, potentially leading to the establishment of family life connected to the host country. This could negatively affect the potential decision to return. The influence of this factor at the micro level requires further research to show the possible impact of marriages abroad on the mobility of new families and their possible return to Croatia, especially if Croatia's goal is to encourage the return of its emigrants. The results of this study, as well as the recommendations of researchers such as Kis, Ozdemir and Ward (2015) on the importance of improving working conditions and wages as a means of improving living conditions, are useful for formulating strategies for population retention. Additionally, certain political restrictions can negatively affect the achievement of the country's migration goals (Boswell, 2002), which, in the case of Croatia, involves return migration and population retention.

Les organisations - publiques, privées et à but non lucratif - sont responsables pour une large part des impacts environnementaux. Selon certaines estimations, les activités manufacturières représentent 30 % des émissions mondiales de CO2, alors que les services commerciaux et publics représentent 10 % de ces émissions. Étant donné que cette pollution est le résultat d'activités humaines au sein des organisations, une attention accrue doit être portée aux comportements individuels des employé(e)s. En favorisant et en encourageant les comportements plus écoresponsables chez les employé(e)s, il est possible de minimiser l'impact négatif des organisations et s'assurer d'un avenir plus durable. Cependant, la transformation des comportements individuels nécessite l'examen minutieux d'un grand nombre de facteurs, dont certains ont été peu ou pas explorés dans la littérature scientifique. Composée de trois études distinctes mais étroitement liées, cette thèse entend contribuer à la littérature sur les comportements individuels proenvironnementaux dans les organisations. Spécifiquement, la thèse est centrée sur la question de recherche suivante : Pourquoi certain(e)s employé(e)s sont-ils(-elles) plus enclins que d'autres à adopter des comportements verts dans leur milieu de travail et quelles mesures peuvent être prises par les organisations pour stimuler les initiatives pro-environnementales de leur personnel? Le premier article de la thèse propose une revue systématique de la littérature sur les comportements pro-environnementaux des employé(e)s. Cet article a démontré que peu d'études dans le domaine étaient basées sur les théories comportementales, ce qui est surprenant en considérant la nature comportementale du phénomène. Aussi, seulement quelques études ont été faites en dehors des entreprises, démontrant l'impossibilité de généraliser les résultats à d'autres contextes organisationnels. Finalement, les études démontraient également une séparation entre les suggestions pratiques et les barrières qui influencent les comportements, ce qui peut entraîner des actions promotionnelles inefficaces au sein des organisations. Les deux autres articles de la thèse répondent à ces lacunes à partir d'études empiriques. Ainsi, l'objectif du deuxième article est d'évaluer l'importance de chaque obstacle associé aux comportements verts des employé(e)s non académiques d'une université. Basée sur la théorie du comportement planifié, cette étude examine les croyances des employé(e)s envers deux types de comportements pro-environnementaux : l'utilisation des transports alternatifs et la suggestion d'idées écologiques. Les résultats de cette recherche démontrent qu'il est possible de prédire l'intention des individus d'exercer des actions vertes au travail, mais aussi de les amener à modifier iii ces actions grâce à des interventions. Plus important encore, les facteurs associés au milieu de travail, tels que l'opinion des collègues et la nécessité de remplir des formulaires officiels afin de changer les routines administratives, ont joué un rôle significatif dans les décisions des employé(e)s de s'engager à accomplir des comportements verts. Cela signifie que les organisations sont en mesure d'accroître la fréquence des comportements pro-environnementaux en ciblant ces facteurs à travers des pratiques de gestion qui sont expliquées dans l'article. En ce qui concerne le troisième article, celui-ci porte sur les facteurs qui entravent l'émergence d'innovations pro-environnementales de la part des employé(e)s dans des ministères et organismes publics québécois. Les résultats de cette recherche indiquent que deux aspects contextuels déterminent les facteurs qui influencent de telles innovations : le type d'organisation et l'initiateur de l'idée. En lien avec la littérature, les innovations initiées dans les organismes publics où le développement durable est profondément intégré dans les pratiques quotidiennes faisaient face à moins de barrières en comparaison avec les organismes où le développement durable est intégré de façon superficielle. Simultanément, contrairement à ce qui était initialement prévu, les employé(e)s travaillant sur des tâches en lien avec l'environnement ont eu plus de facteurs à considérer avant de lancer les innovations (par exemple, la nécessité d'être transparent(e)s aux yeux de la population et la prise en compte de l'agenda politique), comparativement aux employé(e)s qui travaillent dans d'autres départements. Cette recherche met en lumière deux types d'innovations proenvironnementales (proactives et contributives) et donne quelques conseils pratiques afin de favoriser l'émergence de ces idées. Bien que les trois recherches portent sur des contextes organisationnels différents, elles offrent des perspectives complémentaires au même phénomène. Généralement, les résultats de cette thèse sont les premiers pas vers une vue plus nuancée des comportements verts exercés par les employé(e)s, comportements qui ne doivent pas être considérés comme un seul type monolithique d'actions. ; Various types of organizations (public, private, non-profit) bear a large part of responsibility for the constantly deteriorating environment. According to some estimates, manufacturing activities account for 30% of global CO2 emissions, and commercial/public services account for 10% of such emissions. As this pollution is the result of human activities within organizations, an increased attention should be paid to individual behaviors of employees. Greening daily actions of employees can minimize negative impacts of organizations and lead to a more sustainable future. However, the transformation of individual behaviors requires a careful examination of a large number of factors, many of which have not been explored in the academic literature. In this context, this thesis, composed of three distinct but tightly connected studies, is dedicated to the following research question: Why some employees are more inclined to perform green behaviors in the workplace than others and what steps can be undertaken by organizations to increase the likelihood of voluntary pro-environmental activities among personnel? The first article of the thesis is a systematic review of the literature on pro-environmental behaviors in the workplace. It provides a comprehensive mapping of the literature on previously explored obstacles to such behaviors and managerial practices that are applied to encourage these individual actions. Also, this article points out several literature gaps that require further investigation, notably: the lack of studies based on behavioral theories (which is surprising given the fact that individual actions should be studied through the lens of psychological frameworks), the quantitative nature of most research in the domain (which means a relatively limited critical approach), the lack of articles with samples of employees working outside of the private sector (which points at the impossibility of generalizing results to other types of organizations), as well as the disconnection between practical suggestions and barriers that influence behaviors (which might lead to inefficient promotional measures within organizations and, as a consequence, useless expenditures). The two other articles of the thesis address these issues. The objective of the second article is to evaluate the relative importance of each obstacle associated with green behaviors of non-academic university employees. Based on the theory of planned behaviour, this study examines employees' beliefs towards two pro-environmental behaviors: the use of alternative transportation and the suggestion of ecological ideas at work. The results of this research demonstrate that it is possible to predict the intention of employees to perform green behaviors, and, as a consequence, they can be changed through an intervention. More importantly, v various factors linked with the workplace context (for example, the opinion of colleagues and the necessity to fill in forms to change administrative routines) played a significant role in the decision of employees to get involved in green behaviors. This signifies that organizations are capable of increasing the frequency of pro-environmental behaviors by targeting these factors through a range of managerial practices described in the article. Concerning the third article, it is based on a qualitative approach and discusses factors that impede the emergence of employee-driven pro-environmental innovations within ministries and public organizations in Quebec. The results of this research indicate that two contextual aspects determine which factors influence such innovations: the type of organization and the initiator of the idea. In line with the literature, innovations initiated in public organizations where sustainability was profoundly integrated in daily practices faced fewer barrriers in comparison with organizations where sustainability is taken into account superficially. At the same time, and contrary to the initial expectations, employees with environment-related duties have more factors to consider prior to launching innovations (for instance, the necessity of being transparent in the eyes of the population and the existence of the political agenda) in comparison with their colleagues from other departments. This study sheds light on two types of pro-environmental innovations (proactive and contributory) and the aspects that determine the likelihood of these ideas emerging in public organizations. Although the three studies of the thesis discuss different organizational contexts, they offer complimentary perspectives on the same phenomenon. In general, the results of this dissertation are one of the first steps towards a more nuanced view of workplace green behaviors that should not be considered as a monolithic type of individual actions performed by employees.

La figura de Jorge Cuesta es del todo desconocida en las letras hispánicas a este lado del Atlántico. Sin embargo, su talento crítico y su talante inquisitivo lo llevó a elucidar algunas ideas sobre la identidad mexicana que han resultado claves para legitimar el debate sobre la nación moderna -de su país y, por ende, la latinoamericana- y su derecho a participar en la cultura occidental y universal. El manifiesto desconocimiento y desinterés por su obra en el contexto español contrasta con la atención al alza que Jorge Cuesta ha experimentado en las últimas décadas en México. Es una figura que ha sido reiteradamente reivindicada por plumas incuestionables de generaciones posteriores, como el premio Cervantes José Emilio Pacheco, Carlos Monsiváis, Jorge Volpi, o el nobel Octavio Paz, que reconoce abiertamente que sus ideas sobre la identidad mexicana no hubieran sido posibles sin el magisterio de Jorge Cuesta. Pero también Jorge Cuesta es un poeta maldito, el primer poeta maldito de México, el único escritor mexicano dueño de una leyenda. Si las letras mexicanas necesitaban uno, Cuesta desde luego ofreció, como veremos, la oportunidad inmejorable para hacer de su persona y personaje el paradigma mexicano del malditísimo. Por otra parte tampoco su obra es ajena a este carácter de excepcionalidad: su poesía es compleja y por momentos inescrutable, glacial, deshumanizada, enmarañada en un tema obsesionante, el tiempo, y concluye con un monumental poema, el Canto a un Dios mineral, considerado de los más oscuros e indescifrables de la poesía moderna en español. Por otro lado, sus ensayos trataron temas que van desde la política, la economía, la educación, la universidad o la filosofía, pasando por la literatura, la pintura, la música y el teatro, hasta el sexo, el turismo o la química. A lo largo de este trabajo intentaremos sacar a la luz algunos aspectos de la obra en prosa de este pensadora fin de ofrecer una visión que huya de los panegíricos entusiastas, que hasta ahora han estado dominando en los comentarios sobre nuestro autor. Con objeto de encuadrar y contextualizar el comentario de la obra ensayística de Jorge Cuesta, en una primera parte de este estudio trataremos de trabajar sobre algunos conceptos que nos permitan mejor ubicar su pensamiento dentro de los márgenes de la modernidad. Sirviéndonos de trabajos en los que se ha tratado de acotar esta compleja noción estableciendo sus vínculos tanto con lo antiguo, como con la posmodernidad y con una así llamada antimodernidad, trataremos de establecer siquiera unas cuantas coordenadas básicas que nos permitan definir la modernidad occidental, al objeto de contar con unos márgenes teóricos conceptuales entre los que polémicamente podamos discutir la obra de Cuesta y en general la de los Contemporáneos, el grupo literario al que perteneció. Será interesante comprobar, bien que sea brevemente, cómo se ha desarrollado el proceso modernizador en América Latina y concretamente en México, puesto que una de las tareas conscientemente asumidas por las élites culturales y políticas en estos países ha sido efectivamente propiciar la modernidad y la incorporación de los mismos a las corrientes internacionales de circulación de ideas. Posteriormente a esta parte introductoria y conceptual trataremos brevemente algunos aspectos relacionados con los vínculos entre canon, desarrollo y literatura, para dirigirnos al que es el momento cuasi fundacional de la modernidad mexicana, la Revolución. Este es el hecho disparador de todas las narrativas que tratan de construir la identidad moderna de México y sólo a partir de aquí pueden entenderse los diversos acontecimientos cruciales que en el campo de la cultura implicaron a Cuesta y los Contemporáneos. Por último, la parte final del trabajo se dedica a hacer un repaso temático que no puede ser exhaustivo de las aportaciones de Jorge Cuesta a los diferentes aspectos de la cultura por los que se interesó. Hemos dividido esta sección quizá de un modo un poco artificial, pues a veces se hace difícil adjudicar un escrito de Cuesta a una temática específica, ya que en sus ensayos se lanzan numerosas sugerencias cruzadas entre ellos que los implican en un pensamiento complejo bastante poco susceptible de delimitaciones parciales. No obstante de esta dificultad nos hemos decidido a ordenar sus escritos posteriores a 1932 en ámbitos concretos que nos ayuden a entresacar algunas de sus ideas fundamentales sobre pintura, educación, música o literatura, pero sin dejar de atender a los vislumbres de esa coherencia, de esa cierta unidad no sistemática, que hace del pensamiento de Cuesta un objeto de investigación y estudio altamente estimulante, y que gira en torno a conceptos como desarraigo, clasicismo y universalismo. ; The figure of Jorge Cuesta is completely unknown in the Hispanic letters on this side of the Atlantic. However, his critical talent and inquisitive spirit led him to elucidate some ideas about the Mexican identity that have been the key to legitimize the debate on the modernnation -of his country and therefore of Latin America- and its right to participate in Western and universal culture. The obvious disregard and lack of interest on his work in the Spanish context contrasts witht he up ward attention Jorge Cuesta has experienced in recent decades in Mexico. It is a figure that has been repeatedly claimed by unquestioned writters of recent generations, such as the Cervantes Prize Jose Emilio Pacheco, Carlos Monsivais, Jorge Volpi, or Nobel Octavio Paz, who openly acknowledges that his ideas about the Mexican identity would not have been possible without the teaching of Jorge Cuesta. But Jorge Cuesta is a damned poet, the first damned poet of Mexico, the only Mexican writer who owns a legend. If Mexican letters needed one, Cuesta, of course, offered the opportunity, as we will see, to make his person and character the Mexican paradigm of the damned poet. On the other hand, his work is not strange to the character of exceptionality: his poetry is complex and inscrutable, glacial, dehumanized, tangled in a haunting theme: time, and concludes with a monumental poem, Canto a un diosmineal, considered the darkest and indecipherable of modern poetry in Spanish. More over, his essays covered topics ranging from politics, economy, education, university or philosophy, to literature, painting, music and theater, even sex, tourism or chemistry. Throughout this work we will try to bring to light some aspects of the prose work of this thinker to provide a vision that flees from enthusiast panegyrics, whichuntil now have been dominating the comments on our author. In order to frame and contextualize the commentary on the essays of Jorge Cuesta, in the first part of this study we will try cover some concepts that allow us to locate better his thinking within the margins of modernity. Making use of works in which the authors have tried to narrow this complex notion establishing tiesbothold and new, as postmodernism and a so-called anti-modernity, we will try to establish a few basic coordinates that allow us to define Western modernity, in order to have conceptual theoretical margins among which we can discuss the work of Cuesta and of Los Contemporáneos, the literary group he belonged to. It will be interesting to see, even briefly, how the modernization process in Latin America and specifically in Mexico was developed, since one of the tasks consciously assumed by cultural and political elites in these countries has been effectively to promote modernity and the incorporation to international flows of circulation of ideas. Following this introductory and conceptual part we will briefly discuss some aspects related to the links among canon, developmentand literature, to go the momental most founding of the Mexican modernity: the Revolution. This is the fact that initiate all narratives trying to build the modern identity of Mexico and only from here we can understand the various crucial developments in the field of culture implicated in which Cuesta and Los Contemporáneoswere involved. The final part of this work is dedicated to making a thematic review, that can not be exhaustive, of the contributions of Jorge Cuesta to different aspects of culture for which he was interested. We have divided this section, perhapsin a some what artificial way, because sometimes it becomes difficult to award a text of Cuesta to a specific subject, since his essays throw numerous crossed suggestions that involved themin a complex thought very little susceptible of partialdelimitations. Despite this difficulty we have decided to order his writings done after 1932 in specific areas to help us cull some of his fundamental ideas about painting, education, music or literature, but without neglecting the glimpses of that coherence, that certain unsystematic unit, that make the thought of Cuesta an object of research and study highly stimulating, and that deal with concepts such as uprooting, classicism and universalism.

Оба текста данного раздела посвящены социоэкономике. В первом социоэконо-мика рассматривается как междисциплинарная парадигма, развиваемая Международным обществом развития социоэкономики (SASE), и экономическая наука, которая призвана решать определенный комплекс практических задач, связанных с экономической оценкой двусторонних связей между экономикой и обществом. Кроме того, социоэкономика эго новая для российских вузов учебная дисциплина, включающая обе версии социоэкономики (расширенную междисциплинарную и собственно экономическую). Во втором тексте предложена концепция и программа учебного курса «Проблемы социоэкономики», который читается на факультете экономики ГУ-ВШЭ с 2004 г.1 ; In this paper socioeconomics is regarded both as an interdisciplinary paradigm developed by SASE (International Society for the Advancement of Socio-Economics) and economic science which should solve a number of practical tasks dealing with the economic assessment of bilateral bonds between economy and society (under social context). Further socioeconomics is also discussed as anew discipline for Russian universities which includes both versions of socioeconomics (advanced interdisciplinary and economic). The experience of its integration in learning process is analyzed and the concept and program of the learning course in State University Higher School of Economics are put forward. Supporting the importance of developing socioeconomics as an interdisciplinary paradigm the author aims to show, that the SASE-version of socioeconomics does not use up its full interpreting potential. It can be substantially extended with the use of «particular» sciences within interdisciplinary paradigm and developing another version of socioeconomics as an economic science. This version aims at solving practical tasks inherent in advanced stable socio-economic systems as well as in many of the transforming economies and societies. The basics of socioeconomics as an interdisciplinary paradigm are well described by the well-known «minimum-platform» SASE (1991) and have been recently made more precise by its author A. Etzioni (2003). While this paradigm is still under development and being discussed by scientific association (Piore, Wrong, Streeck, Hollingsworth, Abell, Swedberg), the author also identifies those features of the socioeconomic paradigm of SASE, which reduce its expository and predicting power but have not yet become subject to discussions: 1. Reverse influence of economic values on the non-economic ones is not taken 2.into account (the dependent value is always an economic one), which reduces the 3.possibility of learning real interactions and patterns of economic and social development 4.within different levels of social reality macro-, mesoand micro. 5. The range of independent variables gradually shortens due to the exclusion 6.(more often a forced one) of economic variables. Presently it is accepted, that a dependent 7.variable is an economic one, while all of the independent variables are non-economic. 8.No doubt, that to emphasize, that there should be at least one non-economic variable 9.among the independent ones, is somewhat unconvincing. Basically it is correct to 10.retreat from such claims,because interdisciplinary approach underlies its methodological 11.principles. But it is as well unconvincing to reduce the independent variables to 12.purely non-economic ones. 13.The socioeconomic paradigm of SASE fairly signifies moral obligations, social 14.expectations and power relations which influence the behavior of economic actors. A 15.lot is said about the role of morality and collectivity («we»), density of social bonds 16.between individuals, group norms on individual behavior. It is not often, but mentioned 17.that the state and big corporations have a greater (with respect to other market 18.participants) influence on economic behavior of the ordinary actors. Meanwhile it 19.is necessary to accentuate, that different economic actors differ not only by their value 20.orientations, but also by the scale and structure of the resources they possess. As far as 21.individual actions are multisided the individual's behavior is influenced not only by 22.economic or cultural and professional resources, but other different resources: political, 23.managerial, power, social (including status), etc. The level of the individuals' social 24.status defines the scales of both their constructive and destructive influence on the 25.functioning of the economic system. We can compare, for example, the pilfering of the 26.people which lie at the lowest level of social hierarchy (as a means for their physical 27.survival) and the financial fraud of the higher state officers (as a means for their 28.personal enrichment at the cost of the rest of society). The resource potential differs 29.significantly between rural residents and capital citizens, residents of labor-abundant 30.and labor-lacking regions, men and women, young and old, well-educated and low31.educated, etc. Thus today socioeconomics of SASE doesn't use up the potential of «particular» sciences. Their integration under SASE usually applies within economic sociology and economic psychology. The weaker role of other sciences doesn't allow us to use the full potential of the interdisciplinary approach. And even, perhaps, economics belongs to that list, though theorists of SASE call upon its further integration with social sciences. The author stresses her attention on the negative outcomes of the economists unwillingness to integrate with SASE. One of the most important extensions of socioeconomic paradigm of SASE (and by no means the only one) is to develop its new version socioeconomics as an economic science. Its development can become that very «bridge» which would facilitate the integration of economic science into interdisciplinary version of the SASE-socioeconomics. But what is it exactly, this version of socioeconomics? 792Summaries Under the constant meshing of social and economic life, acceleration of changes, increasing losses from unconsidered interactions between social and economic aspects of the functioning of macro-, mesoand microsystem (both, social and economic) there emerges a greater necessity in a special science which could assess the interaction between the economy and the society (social context) in terms of measuring and comparing costs and outcomes. Socioeconomics (in its economic version) studies bilateral bonds between economic and social aspects of social reproduction at different levels of social reality (macro-, mesoand micro) and attempts to assess these bonds economically through comparing widely understood costs and outcomes under definite social constraints. The fact, that a wide range of social phenomena, institutions and processes greatly influences the economy, is a major thesis of SASE-socioeconomics. But with such application its influence has no economic assessment (in perfection, a monetary one), i. e. it is not considered in terms of gains and losses of economic actors and systems at different levels. Economic version of Socioeconomics extends the approach of SASE in studying the influence of the social context on the economy (it is primarily a contribution of economic sociology and economic psychology) with economic assessment of this influence. What are, for example, economic losses from growing alcoholism and drug addiction among the youth in rural towns and villages? Where, say, economic sociology ends with uncovering of dominating strategies of saving behavior, its factors and restrictions, Socioeconomics would use it only as a foundation for further research attempting to measure its economic gains/losses (of banks, individuals, economic system as a whole). Another major distinction of the proposed version of Socioeconomics from its SASE-version is the idea that it has to study reverse effects from the economy's influence on the society and provide it, again, with economic assessment. In other words, economic version of Socioeconomics proceeds from the assumption, that social domain (as an entity of social relations and institutions) as well as other social processes do not only influence the economy, but are also «submerged» in it, depend on it. No doubt, every human life is priceless. But with financing public health under 3% of GDP it becomes necessary to anticipate the economic loss, to which such «saving» would bring in future. The author also shows that in developing the economic version of Socioeconomics in modern Russia there is a clear practical necessity. It can facilitate the search for more effective solutions to a wide range of practical problems, which are faced by the actors at different levels. In particular, the important analytical and expert part of Socioeconomics in modern Russia lies in complex valuation of consequences of introduction of chargeable services in a number of public branches, as well as in measuring the effectiveness of government expenditure on free public services. At firms' level there also emerges a number of tasks: measuring the effectiveness of human capital investment, intangible assets, different elements of the intellectual capital (human, structural, market (goodwill, consumer relations, insiders, etc.)). Without thorough assessment of such close interconnection between economic and social aspects it is barely possible to avoid unfavorable consequences at most of levels of social reality.

This report presents selected data generated from the migrant worker and household surveys carried out within the project Research and Policy Dialogue Initiative on Migration and Remittances in Nepal, implemented by the International Organization for Migration (IOM), Mission in Nepal, and financed by IOM Development Fund. Stakeholder workshops and review of secondary literature/data complemented this primary data. Where relevant, it provides a comparative analysis with the results of similar surveys conducted in other South-Eastern and Eastern European (SEEE) countries since 2006. This comprehensive and multistage approach was carried out by adapting concepts and methodologies developed by the International Agency for Source Country Information Migration (IASCI), in collaboration with the Center for Sociological, Political and Psychological Analysis and Investigations (CIVIS), to Nepali context in close coordination with IOM, IIDS and the Project Steering Committee. The aim of the project Research and Policy Dialogue Initiative on Migration and Remittances in Nepal is to assist the Government of Nepal in developing evidence based policies to harness effectively the link between migration and development. To achieve this, it is necessary to increase awareness among key stakeholders on the nature, use and impact of remittances entering Nepal, to describe migrant workers' and their households' overall financial behaviour, including savings and consumption, as well as to assess the overall impact of migration on the country's socio-economic development.

In the last year or so there have been two books published on Althusser and Spinoza. Juan Domingo Sánchez Estop's Althusser et Spinoza: Detours et Retours and now Jean Matthys Althusser lecteur de Spinoza: Genèse et enjeux d'une éthico-politique de la théorie. This is perhaps not surprising, after all Althusser confessed to being a Spinozist famously in 1972, but I would argue that there are still some surprises to be found in terms of this combination. First, and most fundamentally, it is surprising to see two full length studies on Althusser and Spinoza since as much as the name and concepts of Spinoza played fundamental or pivotal roles in Althusser's thought, underlying his own concepts of structural, or immanent, causality, symptomatic reading, and ideology, Althusser wrote very little on Spinoza. I have often thought that the Althusser Spinoza connection exists more in its effects, in what it made possible in the writing of  Macherey and Balibar, to name just two proximate effects, rather than in Althusser's thought. Estop and Matthys both contest such an interpretation, arguing for a Spinozism that is more immanent and more consistent in Althusser's works than the few times he is mentioned by name. That is not the only surprise. As I mentioned in my review of Estop's book, it is perhaps surprising that Althusser once stated in an interview that "the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus is the Capital of Spinoza, because Spinoza is preoccupied above all with history and politics." One would think that Althusser, who drew from the Ethics in terms of his theory of ideology and immanent causality, would focus more on the Ethics and Capital, two works that are systematic and complete. However, Althusser's invocation of the TTP suggests that it is less Spinoza's system than his particular intervention in a specific conjuncture that matters. To this point Matthys adds another somewhat surprising, even paradoxical consideration, that Spinoza is less a foundation of Althusser's thought than the critical destruction of any such foundation. As Matthys writes, "With respect to Althusser the principle political virtue of spinozism is found paradoxically in its radical critique of any foundation, of any purity of knowledge, and of any originary and transcendental position which supposed to guarantee political action in its course, its end and means, and to reassure its subjects of a form of self-identity in action, supported by an instance of definitive and overwhelming truth. The paradox is doubled in that, if is precisely in not founding, in not delimiting a priori a philosophical guarantee of a true politics that spinozism can produce its properly political effects, it only seems to be able to free political practice from its imaginary guarantees by investing in the most literally "dogmatic" position in the kampflatz which is the fortress of metaphysics."For Althusser Spinoza is a question of theory of its conditions and limits. Matthys argues that this not only makes it possible to read a trajectory through Althusser's thought in which the question of theoretical practice is central, but it also distinguishes Althusser from the two primary orientations to Spinoza today, a rationalist and structuralist orientation in Lordon and a vitalist and ontological orientation that can be found in Deleuze and Negri. Althusser (and to some extent Macherey and Balibar) would represent a third orientation. It might be easy to call this orientation epistemological, since it would seem to be primarily concerned with knowledge, and the division between ideology and science, but I think that misses the way in which the question of knowledge is thoroughly implicated with that of practice in the works of Althusser. Matthys uses the phrase the "ethico-political of theory" to express this third orientation. With respect to the former, the trajectory of Althusser's thought, the formulation "without origin or end" is familiar to any reader of Althusser, and he made this idea central to his understanding of not only Marx's idea of history, as a process without origin or end, but his understanding of philosophy. Origin and end remained for Althusser fundamentally theological questions taken up by philosophy, but fundamentally alien to it. As Althusser writes in Philosophy for Nonphilosophers, "Philosophy inherited this question of questions, the question of the Origin of the World, which is the question of the World, humanity and God." This is a latter text, written in the late sixties and early seventies, but published posthumously. Matthys demonstrates that the question of the origin can be found at the origin of Althusser's thought, from his early text on Hegel onward. Althusser is not so much searching for an origin, a foundation, in the sense of an archimedean point, but trying to think without origin and guarantee. Spinoza in some sense resolves the question of origin by splitting it into two. We begin at once with imagination, with our immediate knowledge, which is necessarily distorted and inadequate. This immediate knowledge is necessary ideological. However, as Matthys argues, the illusions of ideology are also allusions, they always allude to the very social conditions that they conceal and efface, which is to say that there is the condition of knowledge in our misrecognition. Or as Spinoza puts it, habemus enim ideam veram, we have a true idea. For Althusser this true idea is tied to practice, which is to say that truth must be produced from ideological conditions. We are always at once in our imaginary and ideological apprehension of the world and in our practical engagement with it. The question of knowledge is how to turn the latter against the former, to locate the orientation of a practical dimension in ideology. As Spinoza describes such a production in the Treatise on the Emendation of the Intellect, "But just as men, in the beginning, were able to make the easiest things with the tools they were born with (however laboriously and imperfectly), and once these had been made, made other, more difficult things with less labor and more perfectly, and so, proceeding gradually from the simplest works to tools, and from tools to other works and tools, reached the point where they accomplished so many and so difficult things with little labor, in the same way the intellect, by its inborn power, makes intellectual tools for itself, by which it acquires other powers ... until it reaches the pinnacle of wisdom." (This is a passage that is essential to Macherey's reading, I also write about it here)This probably won't be the cover but speaking of Spinozaand tools, Spinoza and Marx. I thought I would throw in a plug for my forthcoming book. As Matthys argues this idea of knowledge as a kind of production is what connects Marx and Spinoza. As Matthys writes, "That to read, to know, is always to produce: this is the first lesson that Althusser retains from Spinoza, projecting it to Marx and applying it to his own reading of Marx." Althusser's "symptomatic reading" is situated in between the theory of reading put forward by Spinoza in the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus and Marx's practice of reading political economy. Matthys juxtaposes this practice of producing knowledge, a practice that always begins with its specific and determined position, with ideology that begins with the subject. Reading, the production of knowledge, what Althusser calls science, is infinitely productive, capable of new knowledge because it begins from its finite position; in contrast to this ideology is infinitely repetitive and limited because it believes that it can immediately grasp everything. Two things are most striking about Matthys book. First, even though it is exhaustive in its survey of Althusser's writing, begin with the thesis on Hegel from 1947, it is unapologetically a book about what could be considered "peak" Althusser, the period between 1965-1972 when the concepts of symptomatic reading, structural causality, theoretical practice, and ideological interpellation where developed. This is the period in which Althusser is most influenced by Spinoza, thinking through in his own way, the Spinoza/Marx conjunction. This is also the period that came under the most criticism, as ahistorical, functionalist, determinist, etc., or, in terms of Althusser's own self-criticism, as theoreticist. Theoreticism as Althusser defined is reducing all  of the demarcations between Marxism and political economy, as well as between Marx and the young Marx to a distinction between "truth and error," overlooking the social, historical, and political dimensions of Marx's transformation. This brings us to the second aspect of Matthys book, Matthys argues that what Althusser dismissed as too rational and theoretical has, at its core, a hidden ethico-political dimension. This is perhaps surprising. What does the critic of humanism have to say about ethics, that human, all too human of disciplines. Althusser's interest in Spinoza never seemed to touch on the title of his most important book. As André Tosel argued in his Du Matérialisme de Spinoza, "the Althusser of Spinoza has lost all ethico-political dimensions." It is hard to see immediately what the ethical dimension to Althusser's theoretical interventions are, and it is hard not to agree with Tosel. Tosel proves to be quite important to the final section of the book, however, not in terms of his criticism but in terms of important points of overlap between Althusser and Tosel. (Matthys is also the also the author of a great series of essays on Tosel). In some sense it is Tosel who provides the concepts to make sense of the ethical dimension of Althusser's theoretical interventions. As I have argued, here, and elsewhere, Tosel argues for a "finite communism," that is in sharp contrast to capital's dreams of endless accumulation as well as Marxist ideas of a thoroughly rational mastery of the productive forces.  Matthys argues that Althusser can be understood as a thinker of finitude. That the very idea of theoretical practice was to think the limited efficacy of theory as practice, to situate  it within other practices. As Matthys writes, "Practice in the Althusserian sense would be from this point of view analogous to the Spinozist mode, in the sense that it cannot be conceived by itself, but it can only exist, produce effect and be known in that it is articulated differently with different instances of the field." Finitude is understood here not as some particular relation to death, an all too human definition, but to be finite is to exist in and through relations with other finite things. Similarly, Althusser's famous statement about the lonely hour of the last instance is a statement about the finitude of Marxism as a theory. It will always be necessary to think the causality of the structure through its effects, to recognize the overdetermination of any essence or any essential contradiction. As Matthys writes,"Thinker of the limit, certainly, but if one prefers: a thinker of finitude. Because if Althusser tries to think the limit between marxism and its outside, between science and ideology, between materialism and idealism, it means that this line of demarcation necessarily through the heart of Marxism itself." Althusser's demarcations are not divisions accomplished once and for all, as in the epistemic break, but are produced again and again, and that finitude, that incomplete status, is precisely what makes them productive, creating new knowledge. I feel like I could go on and on about this book, but blogposts are definitely finite and limited in what they can do, so it seems necessary to conclude. The merits of Matthys book are multiple. To begin with the last, Matthys puts two of the most important Marxist philosophers of the second half of the twentieth century, Althusser and Tosel, in dialogue, using one to expand the insights of the other. Second, it is a thorough study of the "Spinoza effect" in Althusser's thought, how much Althusser was transformed by his engagement with Spinoza. Spinoza cannot be reduced to the few citations in Lire le Capital and Elements of Self-Criticism, but is immanent in its effects throughout Althusser. Matthys, like Estop referred to above, as well as Morfino, Montag, Sharp, Stolze, etc. recognizes that Althusser is as much a Spinozist as a Marxist. Thus, all of Althusser's deviations of the sixties, deviations labelled "theoreticism," "structuralism," "functionalism," have to be understood as not just fidelity to Marx and Spinoza, but ultimately as conditions for new theoretical production. 

Ympäristökysymys ja aseveliakseli on tutkimus suomalaisen kaupunkiympäristön politisoitumisesta. Väitöskirja vastaa kysymykseen miten ympäristöstä tuli politiikkaa? piirtämällä tarkan kuvan neljästä ympäristön politisoitumisen vuosikymmenestä 1960-luvulta lähtien, kasvukonsensuksesta ympäristökiistoihin. Tamperelaisia ympäristökiistoja ja paikallista politiikkaa käytetään teoksessa laboratoriona, jossa tiivistyy laajempia suomalaisen lähihistorian muutostrendejä. Paikallisten ympäristöongelmien synty kietoutuu muuttuvan yhteiskunnan arvostuksiin ja puhetapoihin sekä sukupolvien välisiin jännitteisiin. Erityisesti teos analysoi jännitteitä, joita voimistuva ympäristöliikehdintä synnytti haastaessaan Tampereella pitkään vaikuttaneen valtakoalition, ns. aseveliakselin, paikallisen hallintatavan. Ympäristökysymys ja aseveliakseli sukeltaa ympäristön politisoitumiseen viiden tamperelaisen tapauksen kautta: 1. Pyynikin moottoritiehanke (1959 - 1974) 2. Näsijärven saastuminen ja vedenoton siirtäminen Roineeseen (1960 - 1972) 3. Kauppahallin virastotalon purkamiseen liittynyt kiista (1972 - 1983) 4. Epilän kivihiilivoimalahankkeeseen liittynyt kiista (1981 - 1984) 5. Tampellan alueen kaavoituskiista (1989 - 1995) Tapaukset kertovat ympäristöongelmien yhteiskunnallisesta muotoutumisesta ja oman aikansa toiveista, tavoitteista ja ristiriidoista. Ympäristön pilaantumisen ja -suojelun nousu yhteiskunnalliseksi kysymykseksi liittyy kiinteästi Suomen ja Tampereen sodanjälkeiseen kehitykseen ja vaurastumiseen, jonka kääntöpuolena ympäristöhaittoja voidaan pitää. Useamman paikallisen tapaustutkimuksen yhdistäminen paikallisen hallintatavan analyysiin tuo uuden näkökulman ympäristöongelmien ja paikallisen poliittisen kulttuurin historiallisen rakentumiseen. Ympäristöongelmia käsitellään yhteiskunnallisina ongelmina, joille toimijoiden väliset jännitteet ja määrittelykamppailut sekä erilaisten vaatimusten esittäminen ovat ominaisia. Politisoitumisen analyysissä tukeudutaan sosiologi Pierre Bourdieun ja politiikantutkija Kari Palosen käsitteisiin. Politisoitumisen käsitteellä ei viitata puoluepolitiikkaan, vaan pikemminkin vakiintuneiden ajatus- ja toimintamallien kyseenalaistumiseen. Tutkimus etenee teoreettisten ja metodologisten lähtökohtien kautta tapaustutkimuksiin, joiden lomassa taustoitetaan ympäristöliikehdinnän historiaa paikallisella tasolla. Tapausten jälkeen käsitellään paikallisen hallintatavan teoreettista näkökulmaa ja paikallisen hallinnan historiallisia muotoja Tampereella. Ympäristön politisoituminen tapahtui Tampereella vaiheittain. Ensimmäiset ympäristöliikehdinnän merkit näkyivät Tampereella ns. ympäristöherätyksen myötä 1960- ja 70-luvun taitteessa. Ympäristöliikkeen jakautuminen oikeisto-vasemmisto -ulottuvuudella kuitenkin jarrutti ympäristöjärjestöjen kasvua 1970-luvun puolivälissä. Vuosikymmenen lopulta lähtien alkoi uusi ympäristöprotestien vaihe. Jännite suoraviivaisen johtajakeskeisen hallintavan ja uusien, rauhan aikana kasvaneiden sukupolvien edustajien ­ kuten vihreän liikkeen ­ välillä kävi ilmeiseksi paikallisissa ympäristökiistoissa 1980-luvun alusta alkaen. Tämä jännite huipentui tutkimuksen viimeisessä tapauksessa, Tampellan kiistassa 1980- ja 90-lukujen taitteessa. Sosiaalidemokraattien ja Kokoomuksen muodostaman kunnallispolitiikan valtakoalition, aseveliakselin, näkökulmasta ympäristöprotestit näyttäytyivät vastustuksena, ei uutena yhteiskunnallisena kysymyksenä. Väitämme, että tämä johtui sekä aseveliakselin historiallisesti muodostuneista arvostuksista ja suhtautumistavoista että tamperelaisen politiikan kentän jakautumisesta aseveliakselikoalition ja sen vastustajien välillä. Nämä tekijät vaikeuttivat ympäristökysymysten nostamista paikallisen päätöksenteon piiriin ja supistivat ympäristöliikehdinnän toimintatilaa. Ympäristön politisoituminen ilmeni Tampereella useammalla ulottuvuudella, joista ensimmäisenä voi pitää ympäristöherätyksen synnyttämää uutta tulkintakehystä. Se antoi kaikupohjaa paikallisille ympäristön muuttamista politisoiville vaatimuksille. Luonto politisoitui ympäristöksi ja ympäristö politisoitui yhteiskunnalliseksi protestiksi ja kritiikiksi, joka ilmeni vaatimuksina paikallisissa ympäristökiistoissa. Toiseksi politisoiminen liittyi yksittäisten ympäristön muutoksia koskevien suunnitelmien kyseenalaistamiseen. Tätä tapahtui Tampereella 1970-luvulta alkaen ja selvemmin 1980-luvun ympäristökiistoissa. Määrittelykamppailut koskivat esim. Kauppahallin virastotalon tapauksessa paitsi talon purkusuunnitelmia, myös talon esteettistä arvoa kaupunkimaisemassa. Tampereen kasvoja voimakkaasti muuttanut modernisaatiokehitys ei enää näyttänytkään väistämättömältä. Samalla voidaan puhua myös laajemmasta kaupunkimaiseman muutosten kyseenalaistumisesta. Ympäristöherätys ja yksittäiset tapahtumat kuten Verkatehtaan purkaminen 1970-luvun lopulla muuttivat tamperelaisten tapaa katsoa kaupunkiaan. Kolmanneksi kiistoissa nousi esiin tiedon ja asiantuntemuksen politiikka. Tiedon politiikka ilmeni selvästi 1980-luvun kiistoissa, joissa (tieteellisen) tiedon ja asiantuntijuuden rooli kyseenalaistui. Kauppahallin virastotalon kiistassa kyseenalaistettiin rakennusten huonokuntoisuuden kriteerit. Epilän voimalakiistassa politisoitui asiantuntijoiden tuottama tieto voimalavaihtoehtojen edullisuudesta. Tampellan kiistassa kriisiytyi kaupunkisuunnittelijoiden asiantuntemus ja rooli yleisen edun vaalijoina. Neljäs politisoitumisen ulottuvuus koskee yksittäisten kysymysten toimintavaihtoehtojen kyseenalaistamisen laajenemista koskemaan koko paikallista hallintatapaa ja paikallista poliittista kulttuuria. Selvimmin yksittäiseksi hallintatavan kyseenalaistumisen tapaukseksi muodostui tutkimuksessamme Tampellan tapaus, jossa suuret rakentamissuunnitelmat ja paikallisten poliittisten eliittien toimintamallit joutuivat ennen näkemättömän kritiikin kohteeksi. Paikallinen hallintatapa ei kyseenalaistunut vain ympäristökysymysten vaikutuksesta, mutta ympäristökonfliktit näyttäytyvät kiinnostavina teollisuuskaupungin perinteiden rapautumista ilmentävinä tapahtumina. Viidenneksi ympäristön politisoituminen kosketti laajemmin kaupungin habitusta ­ kaupunkimaiseman, paikallisen perinteen ja itseymmärryksen tasoilla. Kyse ei ole vain ympäristökohteista vaan laajemmin paikallisesta kulttuurista ja identiteetistä. Paikalliset ympäristöliikkeet toimivat kuten yhteiskunnallisilta kaupunkiliikkeiltä voidaan odottaa: ne synnyttivät konflikteja ja muuttivat osaltaan kaupungin merkityksiä. Kaupungin habituksen muutokseen liittyy selvästi perinteisen tamperelaisen ns. savupiipputeollisuuden hiipuminen. Jälkiteollistuvan kaupungin ympäristökonfliktit olivat sekä tämän yhteiskunnallisen murroksen indikaattoreita että sen katalysaattoreita. Teollisuuskaupungin traditioiden kyseenalaistuminen voidaan nähdä osana laajempaa yksinkertaisen modernin projektin kritiikkiä. Tutkimus perustuu laajaan asiakirja- ja lehtiaineistoon sekä ympäristökiistojen ytimessä vaikuttaneiden kansalaisaktivistien ja paikallisten päättäjien haastatteluihin. Paikallisen historian kuvauksessa on käytetty sekundaarilähteitä ja haastatteluja, tapaustutkimukset perustuvat pääasiassa lehti -ja asiakirja-aineistoihin ja haastatteluihin. Tapausten käännekohtia on lisäksi analysoitu määrällisellä sisällönerittelyllä sekä diskurssi -ja argumentaatioanalyysin keinoin. ; ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES AND THE "BROTHERS IN ARMS AXIS" POLITICISATION OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN TAMPERE FROM 1959 TO 1995 This study examines the politicisation of the environment in the context of one Finnish locality, Tampere. It is a study on the politics of the environment, i.e. the historical developments and contestations that preceded the institutionalisation of environmental policy. The politics of the environment is examined at the local level in the context of the tension between the rise of environmentalism and the traditions of local politics and governance. The locality of Tampere, thus provides a laboratory for understanding how environmentalism took place and what kind of tensions it caused. Theoretically the study draws on both sociology and political science. The theoretical frame is set by combining Kari Palonen s terminology of politics and Pierre Bourdieu s theory of action. Politicisation is a central notion in the study. It is understood as a process of questioning the rules of the game, i.e. claiming something to be playable and contingent. In Bourdieu s terms this implies a process of questioning the givenness of the doxa and provoking orthodox arguments from the political elite. Politicisation may take place at different scales, from the local disputes to broader patterns of governance and political culture. The central research question was the following: ·How has the environment become politicised at the local level? This question was divided into the following questions: ·What events have contributed to the politicisation of the environment? ·What kinds of disputes and actor coalitions emerged in these events? ·How did the patterns of local governance influence the definition of environmental problems? And, vice versa, how did the environmental problems effect local governance? ·What was the role of environmental movements in the politicisation of the environment? The research was carried out in the form of five case studies, all in the same locality, touching on different aspects of environmental issues, and covering the temporal scope of the study, from the 1960s to the 1990s. The cases studied were the following: 1. The Pyynikki highway construction plan (1959-1974) 2. The pollution of lake Näsijärvi by a local pulp plant and the moving the municipal water intake to lake Roine (1960-1972) 3. The dispute over the planned demolition of the old Jugendstil Office block in the city center (1972-1983) 4. The dispute over the plan to build a coal power plant in Epilä (1981-1984) 5. The conflict over the planning of the Tampella industrial area in the city center (1989-1995) The cases cover the time from the pre-history of environmentalism, i.e. when the environment was still a non-issue, through the rise of environmentalism (the so called environmental awakening ) to the institutionalisation of environmental issues in the 1990s. The research data comprised sources on local history including archives and official documents, newspaper materials and 35 interviews of local actors. Methodologically, the study was structured in relation to different levels: 1) in the context of local history (secondary sources on local history and interviews), 2) the case studies ­ using thick description ­ out of which, 3) detailed instances of discourse analysis, especially argumentation (or claims-making ) were extracted. Environmental problems were studied in a contextual constructivist frame as social problems constructed in processes of claims-making, involving argumentation and discursive struggle. Local environmental movements were studied as urban social movements whose activities affect the collective production of the city while being aimed at contesting and challenging the prevailing social order. The local movements in Tampere were key actors in politicising the environment, contributing to a change whereby previously undisputed environmental change and related social practices were no longer seen as inevitable or normal. Movements created new meanings not only for their participants, but for the larger community, also extending beyond the time frame of their most active presence. Since the late 1960s, the rise of environmentalism became manifest through locally based movements and organizations. The purely scientific orientations of local conservationist associations were challenged by more socially and politically oriented civic activities and associations. An important milestone was the founding of Pirkanmaa nature conservation association in 1969. Since 1970, environmentalism gathered momentum with rapidly growing membership figures and local initiatives. It soon suffered, however, from ideological divisions in the mid-1970s, as the radical left-wing students took over the nature conservation association. The divisions started to recede when the Koijärvi bird lake conflict (in Forssa) marked the rise of the Finnish green movement. This had its effect in Tampere as well: the ideological divisions between right- and leftwing environmentalists were reconciled in the early 1980s, which marked the beginning of an active period of environmental contestation. The emergence of the Finnish Green movement in the 1980s made such contestation increasingly visible at the local level. In Tampere, the first greens were elected in the local council in 1984. During the different disputes beginning from the 1970s, but especially in the 1980s, environmental protest challenged local political traditions and political culture, especially the traditions of the local governance. In Tampere, the scene of local politics in Tampere had virtually ever since the Second World War been dominated by a particular, unofficial institutional arrangement, which was commonly known as the brothers-in-arms axis. Adopted in the mid-1950s, the notion referred to the co-operation between the conservative National Coalition party and the Social Democrats in local politics and municipal government. This coalition was held together through a shared habitus based on wartime experiences and held a promise of welfare. The brothers-in-arms axis became an important player in local politics in the 1960s when the central figures of the coalition gained important position in city government. The study examines both the processes that enabled the stabilization of this co-operation into a local growth regime and those that have, especially since the 1980s, contributed to its weakening. The politicisation of the environment was a novelty in the modernist political landscape of Tampere. In the eyes of the governing coalition, however, environmental protest was perceived as mere opposition, not as a new issue on the agenda. We argue that this was due to the local traditions of an industrial city, divided between left and right ­ and a political sphere divided between the brothers-in-arms coalition and the communists, which allowed little space for new social movements. Environmental protest, however, was not the only factor to challenge the regime. The regime was also weakened through the loosening of ideological division s between the left and the right, as the communists had gradually lost political ground. The politicisation of the environment gathered momentum in the late 1970s when the growth of Tampere had slowed down and when there was a growing discrepancy between the mode of governance and its increasingly postindustrial social environment. This tension, and the inertia of the closed style of governance, became visible in the Tampella dispute in 1989, the biggest local environmental conflict to date. The politicization of the environment took place at different levels. It happened both at the level of individual disputes as alternatives were demanded to the straightforward mode of local planning, but it also expanded into a broader critique of local governance. Furthermore, we argue that the politicisation of the environment was not only an agent-driven phenomenon, since it depended on the cultural resonance of claims presented in local disputes. The study allows us to indicate critical events in the politicization of the environment. These were events sine qua non, i.e. events that set the stage and sensitized local actors for future contestations. The demolition of the old broadcloth factory (Verkatehdas) in 1976 and the dispute over Tampella were critical events in this sense. The former was retained in the memory of then activists-to-be and the latter both signaled the crisis of the closed-style decision-making and served to stabilize the local greens as a credible political alternative. Finally, the contestations, together with the restructuration of the locality, resulted in altering the modern industrial habitus of the city.

This guide accompanies the following article: Christian Fuchs, 'New Media, Web 2.0 and Surveillance', Sociology Compass 5/2 (2011): 134–147, [DOI]. 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2010.00354.xIntroductionThe Internet has become part of our everyday lives. Many of us use it for work, hobbies, entertainment, politics, staying in touch with friends and family, learning to know new people and other cultures, for getting all kind of information, etc. In the past 10 years, we have seen the emergence of platforms like Facebook and Myspace (social networking sites), Wordpress and Blogger (blogging) Twitter (social networking, microblogging), YouTube (video sharing), Wikipedia (wiki‐based encyclopaedia), or the Pirate Bay (filesharing index site). The notions of 'web 2.0' and 'social media' have been used by some scholars to describe features of such sites such as community‐building and maintenance, continuous communication, user‐generated content production and diffusion, collaborative authoring, and distributed content classifications (the latter mechanism is also called folksonomy). Most web 2.0 platforms collect, store, and share a lot of personal user data and data about usage behaviour. Therefore, questions about privacy violations and online surveillance have arisen in public discussions, especially concerning Google (for example the discussions about Google targeted advertising, Google Street View, Google Buzz, etc.) and Facebook (for example the discussions concerning Facebook targeted advertising, Facebook beacon, the Facebook privacy policy, Facebook places, etc.). The field of web 2.0 surveillance studies critically asks questions about the data protection aspects and power dimensions of the contemporary Internet. It is crucial for students and scholars, who are interested in the contemporary media landscape, and who study in fields such as media/communication studies, cultural studies, political science, law, computer science, social informatics, information science, sociology, business studies, advertising, marketing and public relations, philosophy, ethics, science and technology studies etc., to also engage with web 2.0 surveillance studies.Recommended readings Fuchs, Christian. 2010. 'Labour in Informational Capitalism and on the Internet'. The Information Society 26(3): 179–96. doi: 10.1080/01972241003712215 Christian Fuchs discusses in this article the political economy of the contemporary Internet. He does so by giving first an introduction to Karl Marx's analysis of capitalism that is then applied for understanding aspects of the exploitation of the users of contemporary commercial Internet platforms like Facebook. Fuchs uses Dallas Smythe's notion of the audience commodity for critically discussing the business models of web 2.0. He coins the notion of Internet prosumer labour in this context. He concludes that on commercial web 2.0 platforms, user activity tends to become exploited and is unpaid labour. Surveillance is situated in the framework of this analysis. Andrejevic, Mark. 2002. 'The Work of Being Watched'. Critical Studies in Media Communication 19(2): 230–48. doi: 10.1080/07393180216561 Mark Andrejevic argues in this article that contemporary commercial forms of interactive media make use of surveillance for exploiting consumers. He introduces in this context the notion of 'the work of being watched'. This concept is based on Sut Jhally's concept of the work of watching. Andrejevic also introduces the notion of the digital enclosure and gives very good examples for online surveillance. Albrechtslund, Anders. 2008. 'Online Social Networking as Participatory Surveillance'. First Monday 13(3). [online]. Retrieved on 1 March 2011 from: http://www.uic.edu/htbin/cgiwrap/bin/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/2142/1949. In this article, Anders Albrechtslund introduces the notion of participatory surveillance. Other than Fuchs and Andrejevic, Albrechtslund has a rather positive concept of surveillance, he focuses on the description of potentially empowering aspects of social networking sites and other web 2.0 technologies. Albrechtslund stresses the social dimension of web 2.0, its ability for enabling communication, sharing, and community‐building. Mathiesen, Thomas. 2004. Silently Silenced. Essays on the Creation of Acquiescence in Modern Society. Winchester: Waterside Press. In this short 100 page book, Thomas Mathiesen discusses mechanisms and examples of how political opposition is silently silenced, that is ideologically forestalled. The work is a masterpiece of contemporary ideology critique. Mathiesen identifies mechanisms of how silent silencing works and gives many examples. In chapter 8, it is discussed how the corporate Internet works as system of silent silencing or what Mathiesen terms the synopticon. Mathiesen's work is influenced among others by Foucault and Frankfurt School ideology critique. Campbell, John E. and Matt, Carlson M. 2002. 'Panopticon.com: Online Surveillance and the Commodification of Privacy'. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 46(4): 586–606. doi: 10.1207/s15506878jobem4604_6 In this paper, Campbell and Carlson discuss the usefulness of Michel Foucault's notion of the panopticon as technology of surveillance for explaining how Internet advertising and marketing work. They employ a political economy framework and argue that Internet advertising and marketing commodify users' private data and their privacy.Online materialsThe following online journals are very good sources for further papers about critical internet studies, information society studies, surveillance studies, and privacy studies:

tripleC: Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society. http://www.triple‐c.at
Surveillance and Society. http://www.surveillance‐and‐society.org
First Monday. http://firstmonday.org/
Journal of Privacy and Confidentiality. http://repository.cmu.edu/jpc/

Sample syllabusTopics for Lectures and DiscussionWeek I: Foundations of surveillance studiesReadings:Foucault, Michel. 1977. 'Panopticims.' (Part 3). Pp. 195–228 in Discipline and Punish. New York: Vintage.Lyon, David. 1994. 'Surveillance in Modern Society' (Chapter 2). Pp. 22–39 in The Electronic Eye. Cambridge: Polity.Lyon, David. 2007. 'Explaining Surveillance' (I.3). Pp. 46–70 in Surveillance Studies. An Overview. Cambridge: Polity.Week II: Foucault's surveillance theory and the panopticon: criticism and defenceReadings:Lyon, David (ed.) 2006. 'Pre‐ and Post‐Panopticism: The Search for Surveillance Theories.' Pp. 3–20 in Theorizing Surveillance. Portland, OR: Willan.Haggerty Kevin. 2006. 'Tear Down the Walls: On Demolishing the Panopticon.' Pp. 23–45 in Theorizing Surveillance, edited by David Lyon. Portland, OR: Willan.Fuchs, Christian. 2010. How Can Surveillance Be Defined? Remarks on Theoretical Foundations of Surveillance Studies. Vienna: Unified Theory of Information Research Group. SNS3 Research Paper No.1. ISSN 2219‐603X. http://www.sns3.uti.at/wordpress/wp‐content/uploads/2010/10/The‐Internet‐Surveillance‐Research‐Paper‐Series‐1‐Christian‐Fuchs‐How‐Surveillance‐Can‐Be‐Defined.pdfWeek III: What is web 2.0?Readings:Fuchs, Christian. 2010. 'Social Software and Web 2.0: Their Sociological Foundations and Implications.' Pp. 764–89 in Handbook of Research on Web 2.0, 3.0, and X.0: Technologies, Business, and Social Applications. Volume II, edited by San Murugesan. Hershey, PA: IGI‐Global.Castells, Manuel. 2009. 'Communication in the Digital Age' (Chapter 2). Pp. 54–136 in Communication Power. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Alternative to reading Castells (2009):Castells, Manuel. 2010. 'Communication Power: Mass Communication, Mass Self‐Communication, and Power Relationships in the Network Society.' Pp. 3–17 in Media and Society, edited by James Curran. London: Bloomsbury.Scholz, Trebor. 2008. 'Market Ideology and the Myths of Web 2.0.'First Monday 13(3). [online]. Retrieved on 1 March 2011 from: http://firstmonday.org/htbin/cgiwrap/bin/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/2138/1945.Week IV: Computing and surveillanceThe role of surveillance in the age of computingReadings:Marx, Gary T. 2002. 'What's New About the "New Surveillance"? Classifying for Change and Continuity.'Surveillance & Society 1(1): 9–29.Lyon, David. 1998. 'The World Wide Web of Surveillance. The Internet and Off‐World Power‐Flows.'Information, Communication & Society 1(1): 91–105.Clarke, Roger. 1988. 'Information Technology and Dataveillance.'Communications of the ACM 31(5): 498–512.Week V: The capitalist business and ideology of surveillanceReadings:Gandy, Oscar H. 1996. 'Coming to Terms with the Panoptic Sort.' Pp. 132–55 in Computers, Surveillance & Privacy, edited by David Lyon and Elia Zureik. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Mathiesen, Thomas. 1997. 'The Viewer Society. Michel Foucault's "Panopticon" Revisited.'Theoretical Criminology 1(2): 215–34. doi: 10.1177/1362480697001002003Week VI: The Internet prosumer commodityReadings:Smythe, Dallas W. 1981. 'On the Audience Commodity and Its Work.' Pp. 230–56 in Media and Cultural Studies, edited by Meenakshi G. Durham and Douglas M. Kellner. Malden, MA: Blackwell.Fuchs, Christian. 2010. 'Labour in Informational Capitalism and on the Internet.'The Information Society 26(3): 179–96. doi: 10.1080/01972241003712215Week VII: The work of watching and the work of being watchedReadings:Jhally, Sut. 2006. 'Chapters: Watching as Working. The Valorization of Audience Consciousness. The Political Economy of Culture'. Pp. 25–61 in The Spectacle of Accumulation. New York: Peter Lang.Andrejevic, Mark. 2002. 'The Work of Being Watched.'Critical Studies in Media Communication 19(2): 230–48. doi: 10.1080/07393180216561Week VIII: Economic online surveillance and web 2.0Readings:Mathiesen, Thomas. 2004. 'Panopticon and Synopticon as Silencing Systems' (Chapter 8). Pp. 98–102 in Silently Silenced. Essays on the Creation of Acquiescence in Modern Society. Winchester: Waterside Press.Fuchs, Christian, Kees Boersma, Anders Albrechtslund, Marisol Sandoval (eds) 2011. The Internet and Surveillance. New York: Routledge.

Chapter by Christian Fuchs: 'Critique of the Political Economy of Web 2.0 Surveillance.'
Chapter by Marisol Sandoval: 'A Critical Empirical Case Study of Consumer Surveillance on Web 2.0.'
Chapter by Thomas Allmer: 'Critical Internet Surveillance Studies and Economic Surveillance.'

Campbell, John E. and Matt, Carlson M. 2002. 'Panopticon.com: Online Surveillance and the Commodification of Privacy.'Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 46(4): 586–606. doi: 10.1207/s15506878jobem4604_6Focus questionsDiscussion in week 1:What different kinds of definitions of surveillance are there? Compile various definitions by making a literature search. Compare these definitions and discuss how surveillance should best be defined.Discussion in week 2:Discuss first in small groups of 3–5 and compare then the results of the group discussions in a general discussion.Consider the following list of information processing phenomena. Which one do you consider as surveillance, which one's not? Compare your results with the results of your colleagues. Discuss then if a Foucauldian understanding of surveillance fits your understanding of surveillance or not. Discuss pro and con arguments for 'demolishing' Foucault's notion of the panopticon. Discuss if using the notion of the panopticon makes political and theoretical sense in contemporary society or not.

teachers watching private activities of pupils via webcams at Harriton High School, Pennsylvania,
the employment of the DART system (Deep‐ocean Assessment and Reporting of Tsunamis) in the Pacific Ocean, the Atlantic Ocean, and the Caribbean Sea for detecting tsunamis,
the scanning of the fingerprints of visitors entering the United States,
consensual online video sex chat of adults,
parents observing their sleeping sick baby with a camera or babyphone in order to see if it needs their help,
the use of speed cameras for identifying speeders (involves state power),
the seismographic early detection of earthquakes,
electronic monitoring bracelets for prisoners in an open prison system,
the scanning of Internet and phone data by secret services with the help of the Echelon system and the Carnivore software,
the usage of a GPS‐based car navigation system for driving to an unknown destination,
the usage of full body scanners at airports,
biometrical passports containing digital fingerprints,
the use of the DoubleClick advertising system by Internet corporations for collecting data about users' online browsing behaviour and providing them with targeted advertising,
CCTV cameras in public means of transportation for the prevention of terrorism,
the assessment of customer shopping behaviour with the help of loyalty cards,
the data collection in marketing research,
the usage of smog and air pollution warning systems,
the publication of sexual paparazzi photos of celebrities in a tabloid,
the assessment of personal images and videos of applicants on Facebook by employers prior to a job interview,
drinking water quality measurement systems,
the collection of data about potential or actual terrorists in the TIDE database (Terrorist Identities Datamart Environment) by the US National Counterterrorism Center,
Passenger Name Record (PNR) data transfer from Europe to the United States in aviation,
the permanent electrocardiogram of a cardiac infarction patient,
the activities of radioactivity measuring stations for detecting nuclear power plant disasters,
Telekomgate: spying on employees, trade unionists, journalists, and members of the board of directors by the German Telekom,
measurement of meteorological data for weather forecasts
the video filming of employees in Lidl supermarkets and assessment of the data by managers in Germany,
the usage of a fire detector and alarm system and a fire sprinkling system in a public school,
watching the watchers: corporate watch systems, filming of the police beating of Rodney King (LA 1992), YouTube video of the police killing of Neda Soltan (Iran 2009)
systems for detecting and measuring temperature, humidity, and smoke in forest areas that are prone to wildfires.

Discussion in week 3:Work in groups of 3–5 people. Compile a list of Internet platforms that you use. Based on the literature that you have read about web 2.0, try to identify key qualities of the communication processes that are supported by the Internet platforms on your list. Discuss if it makes sense to employ notions like 'web 2.0' and 'social media'. Discuss how the communication qualities of the platforms you listed are connected to/enable surveillance. Compare the results in a plenary discussion.Discussion in week 4:Work first in groups of 3–5 people. Discuss the meaning of the notions of the panoptic sort and the synopticon. Make a list of examples, where surveillance plays a role in the economy. Make a list of examples, where surveillance, the media, and information technology function as means for advancing ideologies. Discuss to which examples the notions of the panoptic sort and/or the synopticon can be applied. Discuss first in the small group and then in general with all colleagues in the seminar how useful the notions of the panoptic sort and the synopticon are for understanding the contemporary Internet and media landscape.Discussion in week 5:Work first in groups of 3–5 people. Find examples for the connection of computers and surveillance. Based on your list of examples and the read literature, try to identify key qualities of computer‐based surveillance. Compare the three articles of Marx, Lyon, and Clarke: What are the key characteristics of computer‐based surveillance for each of the three authors? How do the three approaches differ? What do they have in common? If you compare computer‐based and non‐computer based forms of surveillance, what are commonalities and differences? Can we speak in the case of computer‐based surveillance of a new form of surveillance?Compare the group discussion results to the results of the discussions in the other groups.Discussion in week 6:Work first in groups of 3–5 people. Discuss the meaning of the notions of the audience commodity and the Internet prosumer commodity. Find examples for how the audience commodity works in the area of advertising in newspapers and TV. Find examples for the Internet prosumer commodity in relation to web 2.0 platforms that you use. Discuss the role of surveillance in Internet prosumer commodification. Discuss if you as Interner prosumers that use Facebook, Google, YouTube, etc. are exploited by the companies owning these platforms or not. If you think you are exploited, what can be politically done in order to overcome the exploitation of labour on the Internet? Compare the results of the group discussions and conduct a general discussion about the crucial questions.Discussion in week 7:Work first in groups of 3–5 people. Discuss the meaning of the notions of the work of watching and the work of being watched. Discuss the role of surveillance in the work of being watched. Find examples both for the work of watching and the work of being watched. Compare Dallas Smythe's concept of the audience commodity to Sut Jhally's concept of the work of watching. Compare Fuchs's concept of Internet prosumer commodification to Andrejevic's concept of the work of being watched online. What are differences and commonalities? Compare the results of the group discussions. Discuss with all colleagues what the political implications of economic online surveillance are: How dangerous is economic online surveillance and online labour exploitation? What can be done about it politically?Discussion in week 8:Work first in groups of 3–5 people. Based on the read literature, make a list of qualities of economic surveillance on web 2.0. Identify which web 2.0 platforms you read most frequently. Read the terms of use and privacy policies of these platforms. Make a list, how each of these platforms exactly uses your data and usage behaviour data, for economic purposes. List for each platform what kind of data about you it stores, collects from other Internet platforms, which data it is allowed to sell for advertising purposes, and which data about you or that you upload becomes property of the platform owner. How does the organization model of Wikipedia differ from the ones of Facebook and Google? Inform yourself about the alternative web 2.0 platform Diaspora. What are its organizational principles, how do they differ from Facebook? Compare the results of the group work.Conduct a general discussion about the following questions: What are the problems of surveillance on web 2.0? What are the advantages and disadvantages of platforms like Facebook, Google, YouTube, Twitter? How can advantages and disadvantages be overcome? Do you see possibilities for creating a non‐commercial Internet or non‐commercial Internet platforms? What are advantages and disadvantages of a non‐commercial, non‐profit, commons‐based Internet?Seminar/project ideaInternet Studies in general and Critical Internet Studies and Web 2.0 Surveillance Studies are very young fields of studies. There are a lot of unexplored topics relating to the political economy of web 2.0 that have thus far not been pursued. Writing master's theses and dissertations in this area is not only interesting and important, but is also a lot of fun because one engages in research about those media that we have come used to utilize in our everyday life and work. Students may also consider to present chapters from their dissertations or theses at international conferences, like the PhD student workshops and conferences of the ICTs and Society Network (http://www.icts‐and‐society.net) or the annual conference of the Association of Internet Researchers (http://www.air.org).Research results can also be presented to the public in the form of blog postings or small articles for popular journals or newspapers. For writing for these more popular formats, it is good to connect more theoretical ideas to concrete events and phenomena in the world of the Internet (see the example writings on the NetPoliticsBlog: http://fuchs.uti.at/blog). One can also pursue writing an op‐ed piece for a daily newspaper.Social movements and groups that discuss Internet politics and want to foster a common and free access to knowledge and the Internet can be interesting discussion and co‐operation partners for scholars, which can give a more practical dimension to research.Short BiographyChristian Fuchs holds the chair in media and communication studies at Uppsala University's Department of Informatics and Media. He is also board member of the Unified Theory of Information Research Group, Austria, and editor of tripleC (cognition, communication, co‐operation): Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society. He studied computer science at the Vienna University of Technology in the years 1994–2000. He completed his PhD in 2002 at the Vienna University of Technology. In 2000–2006, he was lecturer for information society studies at the Institute of Design and Technology Assessment of the Vienna University of Technology. He was a research associate at the same department in the years 2002–2004. At the University of Salzburg, he was assistant professor in the years 2005–2007 and associate professor from 2008 to 2010 in the field of ICTs and society. His main research fields are: social theory, critical theory, critical political economy of media, information, technology; information society studies, ICTs and society. He is author of many academic publications, including the books Internet and Society: Social Theory in the Information Age (New York: Routledge, 2008) and Foundations of Critical Media and Information Studies (New York: Routledge, 2011). He is co‐editor of The Internet and Surveillance (edited by Christian Fuchs, Kees Boersma, Anders Albrechtslund and Marisol Sandoval). He co‐ordinates the research project Social Networking Sites in the Surveillance Society (2010–2013), which is funded by the Austrian Science Fund FWF and is management committee member of the EU COST Action Living in Surveillance Societies (2009–2013).

This dossier proposes the analysis of the relationship between local power and public management. Studies on local power have a long tradition in political thought, going back to authors such as Machiavelli, Tocqueville and Stuart Mill, sometimes emphasizing its role as a school of democracy, or else as a more efficient means of providing public services. The proximity between rulers and citizens was seen as fundamental for the constitution of political ties, a sense of collectivity and allocative efficiency.The Brazilian case is emblematic for understanding these relationships, since the municipalities were raised to the level of a federative entity, therefore, with their autonomies preserved. The municipalist discourse was in tune with decentralization and democratization, which became key words in the new Constitution.Local power always refers to the municipal sphere. However, this does not occur as a limit. The location is not restricted to municipalities. Whether because local power can be associated with intraterritorial dimensions that can be political subdivisions of the municipal space. Or because, the local power can cover more than one municipality, therefore, the local associated with the regional one.The municipality, the understanding of its management and its public policies are challenging scenarios that make it possible to verify ways in which local power occurs and, mainly, what impacts they generate on local state capacities and on municipal governance. The question that arises is that those two virtuous effects, in the view of modern political theorists, generated by local power, may not occur synergistically and simultaneously, and public management is part of this context. In other words, greater democratization may not have an effect on the quality of public service provision, and vice versa.In the Brazilian case, classical studies understood local power as efforts made by political actors for the preservation and predominance of their interests, which in general can be classified as private. In this context, local power can be seen as antagonistic to the notion of republican State if patrimonialist logics still persist in the functioning of local governments. These are issues that still impact Brazilian municipalities, especially micro and small ones, in which phenomena of oligarchization of power still exist, as is the case of families that succeed each other in command of local politics. This type of reality, if it does not prevent it, makes it more difficult to analyze them based on the references of urban policies that presuppose public debate and the participation of actors and processes that influence the production of policies in cities (Marques, 2018).Public management presupposes impersonal methods and specific rationalities for the conduct of the State in search of efficiency. In the context of patrimonial relations whose local power emerged, public management was unable to follow its bureaucratic paths, coexisting with precariousness and discontinuity. Thus, relations of conflicts and disputes between local power and public management were established.Local government gains evidence in these relationships, as it has the double challenge: (1) to create interfaces and connections between the porosity of local power, to be an executive representation of local political forces and (2) to promote the constancy that public management would presuppose, since the local government acts with defined purposes in a territorially delimited jurisdiction.This text, as well as those presented in the Dossier, seeks to advance the challenge of delimiting the relationships between the concepts of local power and public management. As such, the theme of local government becomes a cross-cutting theme that seeks to stitch together the analyzes and concepts.This text is organized into four sections, in addition to this introduction. The first part discusses the concept of local autonomy to understand central aspects related to politics. The second takes a brief look at local power in Brazil to understand historical and contemporary aspects of the concept. The third part presents a debate on the impacts that the relations between local power and public management generate on contemporary urban governance. Finally, the last part presents the texts that make up the Dossier. ; Este dossier propone el análisis de la relación entre el poder local y la gestión pública. Los estudios sobre el poder local tienen una larga tradición en el pensamiento político, remontándose a autores como Maquiavelo, Tocqueville y Stuart Mill, destacando en ocasiones su papel como escuela de democracia, o bien como medio más eficiente de prestación de servicios públicos. La proximidad entre gobernantes y ciudadanos fue vista como fundamental para la constitución de lazos políticos, sentido de colectividad y eficiencia distributiva.El caso brasileño es emblemático para comprender estas relaciones, ya que los municipios fueron elevados al nivel de una entidad federativa, por lo tanto, con sus autonomías preservadas. El discurso municipalista estaba en sintonía con la descentralización y la democratización, que se convirtieron en palabras clave de la nueva Constitución.El poder local siempre se refiere al ámbito municipal. Sin embargo, esto no se presenta como un límite. La ubicación no está restringida a los municipios. Ya sea porque el poder local puede estar asociado a dimensiones intraterritoriales que pueden ser subdivisiones políticas del espacio municipal. O porque, el poder local puede abarcar más de un municipio, por lo tanto, el local asociado al regional.El municipio, la comprensión de su gestión y sus políticas públicas son escenarios desafiantes que permiten verificar las formas en que se produce el poder local y, principalmente, qué impactos generan en las capacidades estatales locales y en la gobernabilidad municipal. La pregunta que surge es si esos dos efectos virtuosos, a juicio de los teóricos políticos modernos, generados por el poder local, no pueden ocurrir de manera sinérgica y simultánea, y la gestión pública es parte de este contexto. En otras palabras, una mayor democratización puede no tener un efecto sobre la calidad de la prestación de los servicios públicos y viceversa.En el caso brasileño, los estudios clásicos entendían el poder local como esfuerzos realizados por actores políticos para la preservación y predominio de sus intereses, que en general pueden clasificarse como privados. En este contexto, el poder local puede ser visto como antagónico a la noción de Estado republicano si aún persisten lógicas patrimonialistas en el funcionamiento de los gobiernos locales. Son cuestiones que aún impactan a los municipios brasileños, especialmente a los micro y pequeños, en los que todavía existen fenómenos de oligarquía del poder, como es el caso de las familias que se suceden en el mando de la política local. Este tipo de realidad, si no lo impide, dificulta su análisis a partir de los referentes de políticas urbanas que presuponen el debate público y la participación de actores y procesos que inciden en la producción de políticas en las ciudades (Marques, 2018) .La gestión pública presupone métodos impersonales y racionalidades específicas para la conducta del Estado en busca de la eficiencia. En el contexto de relaciones patrimoniales cuyo poder local emergía, la gestión pública no pudo seguir sus caminos burocráticos, conviviendo con la precariedad y la discontinuidad. Así, se establecieron relaciones de conflictos y disputas entre el poder local y la gestión pública.El gobierno local gana evidencia en estas relaciones, ya que tiene el doble desafío: (1) crear interfaces y conexiones entre la porosidad del poder local, ser una representación ejecutiva de las fuerzas políticas locales y (2) promover la constancia que la gestión pública presupondría, ya que el gobierno local actúa con fines definidos en una jurisdicción delimitada territorialmente.Este texto, al igual que los presentados en el Dossier, busca avanzar en el desafío de delimitar las relaciones entre los conceptos de poder local y gestión pública. Así, el tema del gobierno local se convierte en un tema transversal que busca hilvanar los análisis y conceptos.Este texto está organizado en cuatro secciones, además de esta introducción. La primera parte discute el concepto de autonomía local para comprender aspectos centrales relacionados con la política. El segundo analiza brevemente el poder local en Brasil para comprender los aspectos históricos y contemporáneos del concepto. La tercera parte presenta un debate sobre los impactos que las relaciones entre el poder local y la gestión pública generan en la gobernanza urbana contemporánea. Finalmente, la última parte presenta los textos que componen el Dossier. ; Esse dossiê propõe a análise das relações entre o poder local e a gestão pública. Os estudos sobre o poder local possuem uma longa tradição no pensamento político, remontando a autores como Maquiavel, Tocqueville e Stuart Mill, ora enfatizando seu papel como escola de democracia, ou então como meio mais eficiente de prover serviços públicos. A proximidade entre governantes e cidadãos era vista como fundamental para a constituição de laços políticos, senso de coletividade e eficiência alocativa. O caso brasileiro é emblemático para compreender essas relações, já que os municípios foram alçados ao nível de ente federativo, portanto, com suas autonomias preservadas. O discurso municipalista sintonizava descentralização e democratização que passaram a ser palavras-chave da nova Constituição. O poder local sempre remete à esfera municipal. Contudo, isso não ocorre como um limite. O local não está restrito aos municípios. Seja porque o poder local pode estar associado com dimensões intraterritoriais que podem ser subdivisões políticas do espaço municipal. Ou porque, o poder local pode abranger mais de um município, portanto, o local associado ao regional. O município, a compreensão de sua gestão e de suas políticas públicas são cenários desafiadores que possibilitam verificar maneiras como o poder local ocorre e, principalmente, quais os impactos que geram nas capacidades estatais locais e na governança municipal. A questão que se coloca é que aqueles dois efeitos virtuosos, na visão dos teóricos da política moderna, gerados pelo poder local, podem não ocorrer de forma sinérgica e simultânea e a gestão pública é parte desse contexto. Ou seja, uma maior democratização pode não gerar efeitos na qualidade da provisão de serviços públicos, e vice-versa. No caso brasileiro, os estudos clássicos compreenderam o poder local como esforços realizados por atores políticos para a preservação e o predomínio de seus interesses, que em geral podem ser classificados como privados. Nesse contexto, o poder local pode ser visto de forma antagônica à noção de Estado republicano se lógicas patrimonialistas ainda persistem no funcionamento dos governos locais. Estas são questões que ainda impactam os municípios brasileiros, principalmente os micro e pequenos, nos quais fenômenos de oligarquização do poder ainda existem, como é o caso das famílias que se sucedem no comando da política local. Este tipo de realidade, se não impede, torna mais difícil analisá-los com base nos referencias das políticas do urbano que pressupõem debate público e a participação de atores e processos que influenciam a produção das políticas nas cidades (Marques, 2018). A gestão pública pressupõe métodos impessoais e racionalidades próprias para a condução do Estado em busca da eficiência. No contexto das relações patrimonialistas cujo poder local emergia, a gestão pública ficava impossibilitada de trilhar seus caminhos burocráticos, convivendo com a precariedade e a descontinuidade. Ficavam assim estabelecidas relações de conflitos e disputas entre poder local e gestão pública. O governo local ganha evidência nessas relações, pois tem o duplo desafio: (1) criar interfaces e conexões entre a porosidade do poder local, para ser uma representação executiva das forças políticas locais e (2) promover a constância que a gestão pública pressuporia, já que o governo local atua com propósitos definidos em uma jurisdição territorialmente delimitada. Esse texto, assim como aqueles que são apresentados no Dossiê, busca avançar no desafio de delimitar as relações entre os conceitos de poder local e gestão pública. Como tal, o tema do governo local passa a ser um tema transversal que busca costurar as análises e conceitos. Esse texto está organizado em quatro seções, além desta introdução. A primeira parte discute o conceito de autonomia local para compreender aspectos centrais relacionados com a política. A segunda lança um breve olhar sobre o poder local no Brasil para compreender aspectos históricos e contemporâneos sobre o conceito. A terceira parte apresenta um debate sobre os impactos que as relações entre poder local e gestão pública geram na governança urbana contemporânea. Por fim, a última parte apresenta os textos que compõem o Dossiê.

Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa: Società, politica e istituzioni(XIX-XX Secolo) ; Una curiosa espressione di Jacques Delors, più volte utilizzata nel corso della sua carriera, definì le istituzioni comunitarie come un "O.P.N.I., oggetto politico non identificato". L'affermazione di Delors appare come un compromesso tra l'interesse a tutela dei diritti degli Stati e la necessità di attribuire al processo di integrazione europea istituzioni stabili e soprattutto autonome. In realtà, i caratteri di profonda instabilità mostrati dal modello di Comunità ne fecero scaturire due orientamenti interpretativi differenti. Il primo considerò il raggiungimento dell'obiettivo prefissato nella realizzazione di una unione politica; come sostiene Riccardo Perissich, "Ai limitati trasferimenti di sovranità già decisi, altri ne sarebbero seguiti, anche se sempre in modo graduale. Coerentemente con questo approccio, le istituzioni avrebbero dovuto evolvere verso un modello classico. La Commissione si sarebbe trasformata in un esecutivo federale; il Consiglio dei ministri in un "Senato degli Stati"; l'Assemblea parlamentare in un vero Parlamento federale"1. Il secondo orientamento si basò sull'idea che il principio di sovranità non potesse essere frammentato e che il conferimento di potere previsto dai Trattati fosse più di carattere tecnico che politico. Questa seconda interpretazione aumentò i dubbi e la diffidenza nei confronti della Commissione e ancor più del Parlamento. C'è da dire inoltre, che gli Stati firmatari dei Trattati si riconobbero più nella prima lettura del modello, con un necessario distinguo per la Francia che, all'epoca dell'entrata in vigore era presieduta dal generale Charles De Gaulle, fortemente contrario, come noto, all'idea di una qualsiasi minima cessione di potere a livello sovranazionale. A seguito della fusione di CECA, CEE ed EURATOM una sola Commissione unificò l'apparato amministrativo mentre al Parlamento europeo venne assegnato unicamente il compito di esercitare il potere in materia di bilancio, oltre ad una funzione meramente consultiva; l'elezione diretta del Parlamento fu contemplata nell'articolo n.138 del Trattato istitutivo della Comunità europea nel quale, oltre ad essere indicato il sistema di elezione dei parlamentari europei delegati come provvisorio, 1R. Perissich, L'Unione Europea una storia non ufficiale, Milano, Longanesi, 2008, p.54. venne previsto che il Parlamento avrebbe elaborato progetti volti alla realizzazione di una procedura di elezione uniforme per tutti gli Stati membri. Di fatto, negli anni che intercorsero tra il 1951 e il 1976, furono presentate numerose proposte orientate all'istituzione della procedura di elezione a suffragio universale diretto che, dopo molte difficoltà, trovarono soltanto nel 1979 la loro attuazione; questo risultato rappresentò l'inizio di una nuova era in cui l'importanza della comunicazione politico-istituzionale giocò un ruolo fondamentale per creare il necessario contatto con i cittadini, in previsione della loro partecipazione al voto europeo. Ricordiamo come nel 1974, al vertice francese presieduto da Valéry Giscard D'Estaing, venne adottata la decisione di istituire il Consiglio europeo e l'elezione diretta del Parlamento. L'evento avrebbe esercitato una notevole influenza nella dinamica istituzionale europea; nonostante il suo assetto di Assemblea diversa da quelle nazionali, il Parlamento europeo direttamente eletto avrebbe preteso un aumento della propria influenza politica così come del proprio peso istituzionale. Attraverso le elezioni, i cittadini europei avrebbero potuto accrescere progressivamente il loro interesse nei confronti dei temi comunitari riuscendo a percepire meglio l'esistenza di un'istituzione fino ad allora poco conosciuta. Su questo aspetto federalisti e "gradualisti" si collocarono su posizioni discordanti, in quanto i primi da sempre consideravano il Parlamento eletto come "Congresso del popolo europeo" e quindi come il potere costituente della futura Federazione europea. Personalità di spicco sui singoli piani nazionali, costantemente impegnate nella causa dell'integrazione europea (solo per citare alcuni nomi si ricordano Altiero Spinelli, Simone Veil, Helmut Kohl, Jacques Chirac), oltre ad esponenti politici ed intellettuali che interpretarono un ruolo di forte influenza all'interno dei loro partiti riguardo alla scelta europeista (per l'Italia ricordiamo Giorgio Amendola, Enrico Berlinguer, Mauro Ferri, Gaetano Arfè), si impegnarono con l'intento di legittimarne il ruolo rispetto alle altre istituzioni, in particolar modo la Commissione. I parlamentari eletti nel primo suffragio universale diretto si trovarono quindi ad affrontare temi che andavano dalla questione dei paesi comunisti ai rapporti con il Terzo mondo, alla progettazione di una televisione europea fino alla necessità di redigere una prima bozza di Costituzione europea. Il ricorso alle candidature di personalità politiche ben note all'opinione pubblica quali Enrico Berlinguer, Simone Veil, Willy Brandt, si pensò potesse offrire un maggiore potenziale all'organizzazione della propaganda. La campagna elettorale del giugno 1979, così come le altre due successive, fu tuttavia caratterizzata, soprattutto in Italia e Francia, da argomenti troppo spesso collegati alla dialettica politica della propria nazione. In ogni caso l'informazione data ai cittadini europei fu in grado di suscitare un inevitabile interessamento ai problemi comunitari, ma soprattutto alla realtà sovranazionale. L'affluenza al voto fu comunque inferiore rispetto alle elezioni nazionali. Nei motivi della scarsa partecipazione al voto, oltre l'assenza di dibattito propriamente europeo vi fu anche il fatto che le strategie dei partiti tesero ad una sorta di strumentalizzazione delle elezioni europee, puntando attraverso le campagne elettorali al perseguimento di obiettivi nazionali. Il primo scrutinio diretto fu in grado comunque di dare una ventata di novità al concetto di democrazia europea. La nuova legittimità consentì al Parlamento di consolidare nel tempo i propri poteri e di interpretare un ruolo all'interno del processo decisionale comunitario che all'epoca poteva dirsi quanto meno "nebuloso". Una volta fissato il periodo di svolgimento delle prime elezioni, le forze politiche nazionali dovettero sostenere una sfida che le avrebbe costrette a rimettersi in gioco, cercando di rinnovare gli argomenti e i temi individuati per le campagne elettorali nazionali. Una maggiore consapevolezza riguardo alla necessità di allargare l'orizzonte, senza trascurare tuttavia il contatto con i propri elettori e cercando le possibili somiglianze con gli altri partiti europei, avrebbe consentito di conciliare la propria ideologia in un contesto più ampio. Occorre tener presente come tra il 1975 e il 1979 si fossero create all'interno dell'Assemblea parlamentare non eletta, formazioni politiche rappresentative di partiti accomunati da un orientamento affine a quello nazionale. La diversità di ideologie, tuttavia rendeva queste coalizioni molto deboli, soprattutto per via della tanto difficile integrazione ostacolata dalla predominanza degli interessi nazionali anteposti a quelli comunitari. La primazia dei partiti nazionali ha sempre costituito un ostacolo all'autonomia di azione dei gruppi e delle federazioni lasciando, fino ad oggi, inattuata la costituzione di veri e propri partiti europei. All'indomani del primo suffragio universale diretto, tuttavia, il nuovo parlamentare europeo avrebbe assunto il ruolo di trait d'union tra il proprio elettorato, il proprio partito, la coalizione europea e il Parlamento stesso. I tratti caratterizzanti il percorso politico-istituzionale del Parlamento europeo sono stati oggetto di approfondimento nello studio dei casi relativi ai tre Paesi considerati rivelando le differenze che, per la natura stessa del ruolo giocato nel contesto sovranazionale, non hanno risparmiato il processo di integrazione e, nel caso specifico, la partecipazione alle elezioni dirette del Parlamento. Accomunando Italia e Francia, paesi fondatori della Comunità europea che si dimostrarono troppo intenti a trattare temi nazionali durante le campagne elettorali, nel Regno Unito l'idea di Europa si coniugò con la costante valutazione di tutti gli elementi che sarebbero risultati convenienti per partecipare, senza che tutto ciò costringesse a modificare o rinunciare a quanto già in possesso, atteggiamento che trovò nella linea di governo di Margaret Thatcher una perfetta interpretazione durata per l'intero decennio esaminato. Se per il primo suffragio universale diretto l'attività maggiore fu quella di approntare nuovi metodi organizzativi per le campagne elettorali, adatti alla ricerca di un consenso più ampio, diretto a legittimare l'istituzione sovranazionale, nella seconda e terza tornata le riflessioni delle forze politiche si resero necessarie per cercare di individuare le cause del progressivo calo partecipativo. I difetti di una comunicazione politica spesso basata su issues nazionali, soprattutto riguardo la Francia, ha di sicuro rappresentato una delle possibili cause, ma l'atteggiamento stesso dei partiti, apparso frequentemente poco incline a credere seriamente nell'importanza delle elezioni, ha lasciato percepire incertezza ai cittadini europei. Per altro verso, anche le campagne elettorali comunitarie, sebbene abbiano investito molte risorse per cercare di catturare il consenso dell'opinione pubblica, hanno mostrato la parziale efficienza dei mezzi messi in atto. Elezioni di second'ordine quindi? E' possibile parlarne ancora in questi termini? Da quanto emerso nel corso della ricerca condotta sul versante storico-politologico, il livello delle elezioni europee non risulta affatto secondario. Il dato partecipativo, anzi è inversamente proporzionale alla quantità di lavoro preparatorio sia dal punto di vista politico che amministravo-istituzionale, ben superiore a qualsiasi suffragio nazionale. Ci si chiede allora perché gli elettori non abbiano risposto con altrettanto entusiasmo. Qui le risposte trovano differenti possibilità da tenere nella giusta considerazione: la poca attenzione ai temi comunitari, la qualità della comunicazione, l'errore di propagandare l'evento troppo a ridosso delle date di svolgimento, l'eccessiva distanza tra istituzioni e cittadini, il livello culturale degli elettori, i giorni della settimana individuati per i suffragi spesso troppo vicini ad elezioni nazionali appena svolte, la classe politica poco convinta. In realtà tutti questi fattori rappresentano concause della scarsa partecipazione. Il cittadino europeo in mezzo a questo guazzabuglio è il personaggio principale di una performance in cui lui stesso determina la riuscita. Nonostante i numeri evidenzino una progressiva flessione nei dieci anni esaminati, i cittadini non sono rimasti indifferenti di fronte alle novità introdotte dal processo di integrazione europea. Spesso, soprattutto durante i sondaggi, accanto ad una percentuale di "indifferenti" o "euroscettici", molti intervistati hanno lamentato la poca autorità del Parlamento europeo nel contesto istituzionale comunitario2 confidando in ulteriori progressi strutturali. Il mancato raggiungimento di questo obiettivo, preannunciato già prima del 1979, insieme alle vicende politiche legate al proprio Paese, ha gradualmente provocato negli elettori reazioni di protesta attraverso il non voto o il voto negativo3, comportamenti capaci di delineare una partecipazione differente rispetto alla decisione di esprimere la propria scelta. Questo tipo di elettore ha mostrato di essere stato raggiunto dall'informazione diffusa durante le campagne elettorali e, sulla base di quanto appreso, ha deciso consapevolmente di non votare o di esercitare un voto diverso annullando o votando scheda bianca; quindi si è recato ai seggi, 2 Si vedano a questo proposito i risultati emersi nella pubblicazione della Commissione delle Comunità europee, Eurobarometro – L'opinione pubblica nella Comunità europea, Vol.1, 32/89, Direzione generale Informazione, comunicazione e cultura, Bruxelles, 1989. 3 Cfr. A. Gianturco Gulisano, La fenomenologia del non voto, in R. De Mucci (a cura di), Election day. Votare tutti e tutto assieme fa bene alla democrazia?, cit. non è rimasto inerte disinteressandosi di quanto stava accadendo. L'auspicio di un consolidamento istituzionale del Parlamento e di una maggiore coesione politica della Comunità europea non ancora raggiunti, anche per responsabilità delle politiche nazionali, ha posto l'elettore in condizione di negare il proprio contributo o protestare verso il mancato conseguimento dei risultati. L'accrescimento della conoscenza e del coinvolgimento, sebbene presenti, non sono andati di pari passo con la partecipazione. Elementi di insoddisfazione hanno caratterizzato il comportamento dell'elettore realmente europeista. I cittadini europei possono in realtà collocarsi in tre macro aree nelle quali si ritrovano gli europeisti, gli euro avversi e gli euroscettici. Se le aspettative degli europeisti sono rimaste deluse, gli euroavversi hanno parzialmente esercitato il diritto di voto alimentando quelle liste comunque presenti nella competizione europea. Gli euroscettici, invece hanno rappresentato il punto nevralgico dell'elettorato. Trovandosi in quella parte di popolazione attenta ad osservare quali e quanti cambiamenti sarebbero avvenuti a partire dal 1979 hanno avuto modo di consolidare la loro posizione continuando a percepire la Comunità ancora lontana e prevalentemente scomoda se non inutile. A differenza dell'europeista deluso che comunque ha continuato a partecipare, magari protestando, e dell'euroavverso che ha espresso il suo disappunto preferendo i partiti antieuropeisti, l'euroscettico ha proseguito nell'osservazione, affiancandosi agli incerti che sono rimasti a casa. A questo punto sono apparse inevitabili ulteriori valutazioni verso quegli elementi che caratterizzano le elezioni in genere. Ciò che attrae il cittadino ai seggi elettorali è prevalentemente il peso che le elezioni possono esercitare sui cambiamenti del governo nel proprio Paese. Il "less at stake" delle elezioni europee ha rappresentato sicuramente uno dei motivi scatenanti i sentimenti appena descritti; lo scenario si profila diverso, In such 'marker-setting' elections, voters have an incentive to behave tactically, but in a sense of the word 'tactical' that is quite different from what we see in National elections, where large parties are advantaged by their size. In a markersetting election the tactical situation is instead characterized by an apparent lack of consequences for the allocation of power, on the one hand, and by the attentiveness of politicians and media, on the other4. La mancanza di conseguenze sul livello nazionale garantita dalle elezioni europee ha "alleggerito" l'elettore della responsabilità di orientare con la propria scelta il corso della politica nazionale. Sebbene nel 1979 vi fu un'attività partitica a livello transnazionale, consentita anche dalla disponibilità di fondi in quel periodo, l'attenzione dell'elettorato fu minima. In termini di risultati transnazionali la percezione fu praticamente irrilevante; circa il cinquanta per cento dei votanti ammise di non aver idea di quali gruppi avessero ottenuto maggiori consensi. Altro aspetto da non sottovalutare si collega allo sproporzionato successo ottenuto dai partiti più piccoli rispetto ai grandi; è in questo caso che si può parlare di voto punitivo nei confronti della politica del governo nazionale. Molte le sfaccettature e tutte fondamentali per riuscire a capire il perché delle differenze comportamentali dell'elettorato, differenze che nei tre Paesi oggetto di studio si sono rivelate estremamente rappresentate. In linea con la tradizione, gli elettori dell'Italia e della Francia hanno mostrato una partecipazione considerevole, evidentemente legata alle vicende che hanno caratterizzato il dibattito politico nazionale negli anni 1979 – 1989. Il voto "pseudo-obbligatorio" dell'Italia ha mantenuto alta la percentuale dei votanti, ma i risultati hanno mostrato orientamenti variabili nelle tre tornate esaminate. Il caso francese ha mostrato una escalation della destra attraverso i consensi ottenuti dal Front National in risposta ad un importante declino del Partito comunista, anche in considerazione di una progressiva dispersione di voti dovuta alla presenza di numerose liste, in particolar modo nel 1989. Il caso anglosassone si colloca in una posizione particolare rispetto agli altri due Paesi, ma sarebbe più giusto dire rispetto a tutti gli altri. A fronte di un orientamento nazionale tendenzialmente contrario alla Comunità europea, fra le ideologie maggiormente rappresentative si è distinto un Partito conservatore desideroso di giocare un ruolo importante nel contesto europeo, consapevole quindi del significato che la competizione europea 4 C. Van der Eijk, M. Franklin, M. Marsh, What voters teach us about Europe-Wide Elections: what Europe-Wide Elections teach us about voters, in "Electoral Studies", vol. 15, n. 2, p. 157. avrebbe potuto assumere per la riuscita dell'intento. L'importanza del suffragio sovranazionale non fu invece immediatamente compresa dai Laburisti, che di fatto ottennero una pesante sconfitta nel corso del primo appuntamento con lo scrutinio europeo, ravvedendosi in seguito e riuscendo a superare i Conservatori anche grazie all'inizio del declino del governo Thatcher. Un elemento che ha accomunato tutti i Paesi della Comunità è stato rappresentato dalla progressiva affermazione dei Verdi. Lo studio effettuato attraverso una costante attenzione al dibattito politico di ciascun Paese, insieme alle strategie attuate dagli attori, consapevoli fin dall'inizio che la sfida europea li avrebbe impegnati non più o meno di quella nazionale, ma sicuramente in modo diverso, ha condotto ad un approfondimento verso il singolo cittadino che assumendo in sé il ruolo di attore principale ne ha determinato gli esiti. Le risultanze dei dati emersi dalle consultazioni avvenute negli anni 1979 – 1989 non possono considerarsi soltanto per il puro dato numerico. La molteplicità dei fattori che hanno influito sulla scelta di votare o meno ha mostrato un elettore che, pur appartenendo a paesi diversi e con differenti livelli culturali, è stato in grado di decidere basandosi su considerazioni affatto superficiali, operando un'attenta scelta dei numerosi elementi che avrebbero potuto favorire il rafforzamento politico-istituzionale europeo: una tacita selezione dell'elettorato, che inevitabilmente ha lasciato fuori tutti coloro che non hanno ritenuto importante impegnarsi per una consultazione ritenuta priva di un qualsiasi tornaconto. Classe politica poco convinta, informazione discutibile, scarsa conoscenza da parte dei cittadini riguardo al ruolo del Parlamento europeo, inefficacia della comunicazione, hanno contribuito a costruire un elettore diverso dal solito, più attento, in possesso di maggiore senso critico nei confronti di uno scenario nuovo e molto più complesso rispetto a quello nazionale5. Dalla pluralità di elementi emersi durante la ricerca attraverso il ricorso all'interdisciplinarietà per cercare di comprenderne maggiormente i significati, sono emersi dettagli che hanno stimolato ad ulteriori approfondimenti. 5 Cfr. Commissione delle Comunità europee, Eurobarometro – L'opinione pubblica e l'Europa, 9/89, Direzione generale Informazione, comunicazione e cultura, Bruxelles, 1989. Successivamente alle considerazioni storico – politiche , ciò che si è voluto sottolineare, attraverso l'analisi sociologica, riguardo alle elezioni europee nel loro complesso e nella loro perpetua considerazione di elezioni secondarie, è che tutti i fattori esaminati ne mostrano un'immagine differente, che non vuole assolutamente porsi in contrasto con l'interpretazione dei dati puri, ma vuole indurre a considerare maggiormente i numerosi fattori, che per la qualità e la quantità riscontrata permettono di ottenere un quadro più completo dei fatti, andando oltre al mero dato partecipativo sul quale, indubbiamente, la differenza con la partecipazione nazionale è di tutta evidenza. L'esame approfondito è apparso ancor più necessario alla luce del tortuoso processo di costruzione europea e del macchinoso assetto istituzionale comunitario, al fine di poter tenere nella giusta considerazione il maggior numero di elementi possibile, non tanto per giustificare i risultati, ma quanto, piuttosto, per riflettere su di essi cercando di distribuire una responsabilità policentrica a partire dalle forze politiche per finire al cittadino stesso. ; Jacques Delors used to talk about European institutions as an O.P.N.I Object Politique Non Identifié. His opinion appears a compromise between his interest to protect National rights and the need to give lasting and autonomous governance to the European integration process. Actually from the European Community model, two different ways of thinking the governance derived both influenced by the instability of the model itself. The first one aimed at a political union; as Riccardo Perissich says: "Ai limitati trasferimenti di sovranità già decisi, altri ne sarebbero seguiti, anche se sempre in modo graduale. Coerentemente con questo approccio, le istituzioni avrebbero dovuto evolvere verso un modello classico. La Commissione si sarebbe trasformata in un esecutivo federale; il Consiglio dei ministri in un "Senato degli Stati"; l'Assemblea parlamentare in un vero Parlamento federale"6. The second one tried not to neglect the sovereignty principle by transferring technical and political power according to the Treaties. This second view increased doubts and mistrust towards the European Parliament and Commission as well. European Member States agreed above all with the first view, except for the France of Charles De Gaulle who was still convinced of his idea of not giving power to supranational level. Following the unification between ECSC, EEC and EAEC there was a single Commission for the whole administrative system while the Parliament had competence on the European budget; direct election to European Parliament was referred to as "temporary" in Article 138 of the European Community Treaty; then the Parliament would plan the way for a single procedure election regarding all Member States. Between 1951 and 1976 there were many proposals to define a direct universal suffrage, but only in 1979 this target was achieved. This result meant a significant change also for the polical and institutional 6R. Perissich, L'Unione Europea una storia non ufficiale, Milano, Longanesi, 2008, p.54. communication that became fundamental to reach citizenship during the election campaign. In 1974, during the French summit chaired by Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, were both established the European Council and the direct election of the European Parliament. The European Parliament finally elected by European citizens would require an increase in both political and institutional influence. The direct elections would enhance popular interest in European affairs as well as raise people's awareness of the Parliament itself. This last aspect emphasized the differences between the federalist and the "gradualist" trend. The first one considered the direct elected Parliament as a "Congress of European People", that is to say the constituent power of the future European Federation. Many famous people were constantly engaged in the European integration cause as politicians and intellectuals did by committing themselves to legitimizing the role of the European Parliament in relation to other institutions, particularly the European Commission. Reference can be made to Altiero Spinelli, Enrico Berlinguer, Simone Veil, Helmut Kohl, Jacques Chirac, just to mention some of them. Members of the European Parliament (MEP's) began their job by addressing many issues such as the question of communist nations or planning for a European TV or preparing a draft for the European Constitution. Appointing political celebrities such as Enrico Berlinguer, Simone Veil, Willy Brandt was a way to make the propaganda more effective. The 1979 election campaign as well as the other two following ones was, however, characterized by arguments too often associated with the national political discourse. All the information given to European citizens succeeded in generating interest in supranational reality above all. The turnout was lower than in national elections and the reason has to be found in the behaviour of political parties in discussing mostly national issues aiming at national targets. In spite of this, the first direct election to the European Parliament gave a breath of fresh air to the meaning of European democracy. The newly acquired legitimacy gave the European Parliament the opportunity to consolidate its power by acting a definite role inside the European decisional process that was, at that time, nebulous to say the least. Once the electoral date was scheduled all the national political parties had to face a challenge that forced them to renew their themes and topics previously chosen in national campaign. There was greater awareness of the necessity to broaden the horizon without loosing contact with voters by looking for similarities in other European political parties. This is what would allow single ideologies to merge in a wider context. We must to consider that between 1975 – 1979 inside the European Parliament there were representatives of parties sharing outlooks similar to the national ones, but different ways of thinking made these coalitions too weak, above all because of the predominant national interests. The primacy of national parties has always been an obstacle to the autonomy of groups and federations, neglecting the implementation of European parties. After the first direct European elections the new MEP's were a kind of "trait d'union" with their own electorates, their own party, the European coalition and the Parliament as well. The peculiar features of the political-institutional path of the European Parliament concerning the three countries studied showed differences that have characterized their participation in European elections. While Italy and France, founding members of EC, were too busy to deal with national issues during electoral campaign, the UK was more attentive to evaluate the benefits of participation and Margaret Thatcher, who was Prime Minister from 1979 to 1990 was particularly suited for such an attitude. While during the first direct election there was a need to bring some new element in organizing the electoral campaign in order to reach a wider consensus, the following two elections made political forces more reflective about the decline in turnout. Too many national issues made the communication weak, particularly for the French campaign. What citizens perceived was the little confidence of political parties and that was the reason for such a large incertitude among the people. On the other hand, the Community campaign too showed a partial efficiency. So what kind of elections are we talking about? Still "second order" elections? This is not the picture that emerged from my research conducted on the historical and political fields. Participation is inversely proportional to the preparatory work, both from a political point of view and from an administrative-institutional one, which was far superior to any national suffrage. So, why didn't voters participate so enthusiastically? Many answers are possible because many are the causes of such an odd behaviour: little attention to European issues, quality of communication, propaganda too close to the election date, distance between citizens and istitution, the cultural level of voters, election dates too close to those of national elections, lack of confidence of the political class were all contributing factors in low participation. In the middle of this mess the European citizen becomes the protagonist for the success of such a performance. Despite numbers reveal a gradual decline in the ten years examined, European citizens have not remained indifferent to the changes introduced by the European integration process. Many surveys showed that in addition to a percentage of "indifferent" or "eurosceptical" people, there were citizens who asked for a stronger Parliament hoping that this result would be reached sooner or later. The failure to achieve this goal as well as the political events of each nation have gradually caused an outcry against the vote expressed either in nonvoting or in negative-vote; these different behaviours show a different way of participating . The voter who, though informed by the electoral campaign, decided not to vote or to give a different vote by cancelling his vote or returning blank−voting ballot, went nevertheless to the polling station and didn't stay at home ignoring what was happening. The unfullfilled hope for an institutional strengthening of the Parliament and for greater political cohesion of the European Community, due to political responsibilities, didn't allow the voter to contribute or protest against the non-achievement of results. Citizens' increased knowledge and involvement did not keep pace with the participation; some elements of dissatisfaction have characterized the behaviour of the pro-Europe voter. The three main groups in which European voters may be included are pro- Europe, anti-Europe and eurosceptics. Whereas the pro-Europe voters' expectations have been disappointed, the anti-Europe voters have partially exercised the right to vote feeding this kind of lists in the European competition. Eurosceptics, on the other hand were the centerpiece of the electorate. Being careful observers of which and how many changes have occurred since 1979, citizens have been able to consolidate their position by continuing to perceive the Community as still too distant and mostly uncomfortable if not useless. They have continued their observation by standing together with those uncertain people who stayed at home. At this point it appeared inevitable to assess also those elements that characterized the elections in general. What attracts people to the polling station is mainly the weight that elections may have on the governmental changes in their own countries. The "less at stake" of European elections surely showed one of the reasons just described. We are therefore facing a different context, In such 'marker-setting' elections, voters have an incentive to behave tactically, but in a sense of the word 'tactical' that is quite different from what we see in National elections, where large parties are advantaged by their size. In a markersetting election the tactical situation is instead characterized by an apparent lack of consequences for the allocation of power, on the one hand, and by the attentiveness of politicians and media, on the other7. The lack of consequences on the national level where European elections are concerned lightened voters by taking away their responsibility in directing the national political course. Although in 1979 there was a political activity at the transnational level, the electorate's attention was very scarce. The result showed 50% of voters admitting to their disinformation about the groups that achieved greater consensus. 7 C. Van der Eijk, M. Franklin, M. Marsh, What voters teach us about Europe-Wide Elections: what Europe-Wide Elections teach us about voters, in "Electoral Studies", vol. 15, n. 2, p. 157. Another issue is the large success gained by smaller parties; in this case it is possible to talk about a "punishment vote" against the policy of the national government. The three cases studied showed different ways of participating. Italian and French voters showed a considerable participation according to their tradition also because in the 1979 – 1989 period there was an interesting political debate. The Italian "pseudo-compulsory" vote kept the percentage of voters high, but the outcome showed changing directions during the above mentioned period. Looking at the outcomes got by the Front National the French case showed an escalation of the Right next to to a significant decline of the Communist Party. There was also a substantial dispersion of voting because of so many rolls, particularly during the 1989 elections. The British case is a special one for the particular behaviour towards the European integration process. The Conservative Party wanted to play an important role in the European context and for this reason European elections were considered as a way to succeed in it. On the contrary the Labour Party did not immediately understand the importance of such a crucial opportunity; the outcome of the 1979 European elections was disastrous and they met an evident defeat that therefore was useful to understand many things for future elections. All three countries have seen the progressive growth of the Green Party. The present study has paid constant attention to to the political debate in each country, and to the strategies implemented by the actors, who were aware from the beginning that the European challenge would engage them in different ways. It was, moreover, focused on the individual citizen's ability to determine the election outcome. Considering the outcome through the mere numerical data gives a partial view of the whole context. There are so many aspects that influenced the decision to vote or not. There was a selection among voters that showed citizens who desired a more political union operating a political and institutional strengthening in opposition to those who did not want to engage themselves in an election without any gain. An unconvinced political class, questionable information, lack of knowledge among citizens about the role of the European Parliament have built a different voter, a more attentive one, with a greater critical sense towards a newer context different from the national one. The diverse elements which have emerged from this interdiciplinary study have led to further insights. After historical considerations, a sociological analysis has been carried out on European elections as a whole and their "second order" perception. From these considerations a new picture has emerged, which is not in absolute contrast with the interpretation of the raw data. The quality and the quantity of so many factors allow a more complete picture of the facts, going beyond the mere participation on which, undoubtedly, the difference with the national presence is quite evident. Detailed examination appeared necessary in the light of the tortuous European building process, in order to take into account as many elements as possible, not only to justify the results, but rather because, to reflect on them trying to deploy a polycentric responsibility from the political forces to the citizens themselves.