How can Islam be reconciled with the modernization process in Malaysia, and how can its values be promoted without alienating the non-Muslims? What are the significances of race, religion, and language for Malaysian dealings with China and Indonesia? These are some of the questions of the complex interactions of tradition, modernization, and ethnicity in Malaysia illuminated in this book. (DÜI-Sbt)
This book is an examination of the influence of Christianity and Islam on traditional African society and values, and a throrough analysis of contemporary African thought on the question of African identity. Post-colonial Africa has inherited three different traditons: the native African, the Arab-Islamic, and the Euro-Western Christian. The author argues that traditional Africans shared a community of values which defined their attitudes toward life, self, history and community
G. K. Chesterton's anti-Semitism has attracted much scholarly attention, but his views on Islam have largely passed without comment. This article situates Chesterton's writings in relation to historical views of Islam in Britain and the political, cultural and religious context of the early twentieth century. Chesterton's complex and contradictory opinions fail to support easy conclusions about the immutability of prejudice across time. His views of Islam are at times orientalist and at other times critical of imperialism and elitism. As well as drawing on medieval Catholic ideas about the "heresy" of Islam, Chesterton also links Islam with Protestant Christianity. From another perspective, his views of Islam draw on liberal traditions of humanitarian interventionism and democratic patriotism. Finally, he also used Islam as a symbol of a corroding modernity. This study suggests the need for a historically sensitive genealogy of the evolution of anti-Muslim prejudice which is not predetermined by the politics of the early twenty-first century.
"In the popular imagination, Islam is often associated with words like oppression, totalitarianism, intolerance, cruelty, misogyny, and homophobia, while its presumed antonyms are Christianity, the West, liberalism, individualism, freedom, citizenship, and democracy. In the most alarmist views, the West's most cherished values - freedom, equality, and tolerance - are said to be endangered by Islam worldwide. Joseph Massad's Islam in Liberalism explores what Islam has become in today's world, with full attention to the multiplication of its meanings and interpretations. He seeks to understand how anxieties about tyranny, intolerance, misogyny, and homophobia, seen in the politics of the Middle East, are projected onto Islam itself. Massad shows that through this projection, Europe emerges as democratic and tolerant, feminist, and pro-LGBT rights - or, in short, Islam-free. Massad documents the Christian and liberal idea that we should missionize democracy, women's rights, sexual rights, tolerance, equality, and even therapies to cure Muslims of their un-European, un-Christian, and illiberal ways. Along the way he sheds light on a variety of controversial topics, including the meanings of democracy - and the ideological assumption that Islam is not compatible with it while Christianity is - women in Islam, sexuality and sexual freedom, and the idea of Abrahamic religions valorizing an interfaith agenda. Islam in Liberalism is an unflinching critique of Western assumptions and of the liberalism that Europe and Euro-America blindly present as a type of salvation to an assumingly unenlightened Islam."
'Die Studie bietet eine Bestandsaufnahme des politischen Islam in Indonesien, Malaysia und den Philippinen. Sie berücksichtigt zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen, politische Parteien und militante Organisationen sowie deren Abgrenzung untereinander. Sie analysiert darüber hinaus die Rolle des regionalen Terrornetzwerks Jemaah Islamiyah und überprüft Verbindungen zum internationalen Terrorismus. Im Oktober 2001 hatten die USA in Südostasien eine 'zweite Front' ihres Kampfes gegen den internationalen Terrorismus proklamiert. Es bedurfte jedoch der Anschläge von Bali ein Jahr später, um die indonesische Regierung zur entschlosseneren Mitarbeit in der internationalen Anti-Terror-Koalition zu bewegen. Nicht nur die vornehmlich nichtmoslemischen Staaten Singapur, Thailand und die Philippinen hatten deutlicher Position bezogen, sondern auch das mehrheitlich moslemische Malaysia, dessen Verhältnis zu den USA vor dem 11.09.2001 gespannt gewesen war. Die Studie kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Mehrzahl der südostasiatischen Moslems und ihrer Organisationen gemäßigt ist. Es gibt keine Belege für die Existenz aktiver Al-Qaida-Zellen in der Region. Dass der Versuch internationale Terror-Organisationen, die fragile sicherheitspolitische Lage in Teilen der Region zu nutzen, bisher nur bedingt erfolgreich war, ist zum einen auf die Marginalisierung extremistischer Kräfte zurückzuführen, zum anderen darauf, dass die meisten untersuchten militanten Gruppen wenig Interesse daran haben, sich die westliche Welt zum Gegner zu machen. Solange jedoch lokale Konflikte der Jemaah Islamiyah Rückzugsräume eröffnen und personellen wie materiellen Nachschub verschaffen, ist diesem regionalen Terrornetzwerk mit militärischen und polizeilichen Mitteln nicht beizukommen.' (Autorenreferat)
Fundamentalism, although many associate it with Islam, in reality this concept is a global phenomenon. So that it can happen to every other religion and civilization. Then why is it associated with Islam? In fact, whenever there is violence that threatens the stability of security, the assumption is that the subject is the Islamic movement. This is because some people perceive Islam as a religion with Islamic fundamentalism as a political ideology. Huttington, for example, in his writing Clash civilization, is seen by Tibi as having ignored the crucial difference between Islam as a religion and fundamentalism as political Islam. It must be admitted that there are distortions in understanding the verses of the Al-Qur'an as well as the political orientation and violence which are the main characteristics of almost all movements known as Islamic fundamentalism, causing them to sometimes be trapped in violence. But making generalizations that violence or terrorism is always synonymous with Islamic fundamentalism is a simplistic and unwise conclusion. Violent fundamentalism can also occur in other religions such as the Serbian orthodox, and Hindu fundamentalism which wants to realize India as Hindustan. To avoid prolonged conflict, it is time to revive peace by improving the political, economic and social conditions that triggered the emergence of Islamic fundamentalism rather than taking violent action against them. The time to revive peace is not through jihad or military force as revenge. ; Fundamentalisme, meski banyak yang mengaitkan dengan Islam namun pada realitasnya konsep tersebut merupakan fenomena global. Hingga bisa saja dapat terjadi pada setiap agama dan peradaban lain. Lalu mengapa dikaitkan dengan Islam? Bahkan pada setiap terjadi kekerasan yang mengancam stabilitas keamanan muncul anggapan bahwa subjeknya adalah gerakan Islam. Hal ini dikarenakan sebagian orang menganggap sama antara Islam sebagai agama dengan fundamentalisme Islam sebagai idiologi politik. Huttington misalnya dalam tulisannya Clash civillization dipandang Tibi telah mengabaikan perbedaan yang krusial antara Islam sebagai agama dengan fundamentalisme sebagai Islam politik. Harus diakui adanya distorsi dalam memahami ayat-ayat Al-Qur'an juga orientasi politik dan kekerasan yang menjadi ciri pokok dari hampir keseluruhan gerakan yang disebut sebagai fundamentalisme Islam, menyebabkan mereka terkadang terjebak melakukan kekerasan. Tetapi membuat generalisasi bahwa kekerasan atau terorisme selalu identik dengan fundamentalisme Islam adalah kesimpulan yang simplisit dan kurang bijaksana. Kekerasan fundamentalisme dapat juga terjadi pada agama yang lain seperti ortodox Serbia, dan fundamentalisme Hindu yang ingin mewujudkan India sebagai Hindustan. Untuk menghindari konflik berkepanjangan saatnya menghidupkan kembali perdamaian dengan lebih memperbaiki kondisi politik, ekonomi, dan sosial yang menjadi pemicu munculnya fundamentalisme Islam ketimbang mengambil tidakan kekerasan terhadap mereka. Saatnya menghidupkan perdamaian bukan lewat jihad atau kekuatan militer sebagai balas dendam.
Dünya üzerindeki en büyük Müslüman azınlık gruplardan biri olan Çin'deki Müslümanlar, binyılı aşkın geçmişleriyle hem İslam tarihi hem de Çin tarihinin önemli bir parçasını oluşturmaktadır. Ancak Çin'deki Müslümanların tarihi çoğunlukla ihmal edilmiş olup bu alandaki araştırmaların genel olarak XX. yüzyıl itibariyle başladığı gözlemlenmektedir. Bu konudaki en erken çalışma 1910'lu yıllarda Marshall B. Broomhall öncülüğünde Batılı misyonerler tarafından hazırlandı. 1940'larda yaşanan çalkantılı dönemler araştırmaları sekteye uğratmışsa da 1980'lerde Çin'in kapılarını dünyaya açmasıyla alana dair araştırmalar yeniden filizlendi. Çin'in küresel bir aktör olarak öne çıkmaya başladığı 2000'li yıllardan itibaren belirli konulara odaklanan mikro çalışmalarda yükseliş gözlemlenmektedir. Ancak mikro araştırmaların öne çıkmasıyla Çinli Müslümanların tarihini bütüncül bir şekilde değerlendiren kitapların yazımı geri planda kaldı. Çin'deki Müslümanların VII. yüzyıldan bugüne kadarki tarihini güncel veriler ışığında ve bütüncül bir perspektifle değerlendiren James D. Frankel'in Islam in China adlı eseri, alandaki bu boşluğu doldurma yönünde önemli bir katkı sunmaktadır.
Islamismus, Fundamentalismus, Integrismus: Alle diese Begriffe implizieren den Vorwurf der Intoleranz, die angeblich charakteristisch ist für den modernen Islam oder gar den Islam an sich. Der Beitrag geht dem Verhältnis von Islam und Toleranz nach. Zunächst betrachtet der Autor das Verhältnis von Toleranz und Religion zur Zeit des klassischen Islams und verweist auf die Grenzen des islamischen Systems. Anschließend erfolgt ein historischer Rückblick auf Toleranz als Imperativ der Moderne in Europa und es wird der Frage nachgegangen, welche Herausforderungen sich für den Islam aus der Moderne ergeben. Vor dem Fazit betrachtet der Autor die heutige Situation in den islamischen Gesellschaften. (ICB2)
"Der Islam bietet ein zerrissenes Bild: Äußerliche Modernisierung kontrastiert vielerorts mit vormodernen Erscheinungen. Insbesondere die Vorstellung, der Islam habe in den Bestimmungen eines religiösen Gesetzes seine endgültige Gestalt gefunden, verhindert die eigenständige Dynamisierung dieser Kultur." (Autorenreferat)
The role of Islam in West African politics goes back to the beginnings of the encounter between Islamic culture and traditional African political leadership in the medieval period. When Arabo-Berber culture arrived in the West Soudan, African rulers in Ghana, Soudan, and other smaller kingdoms of the time were very much influenced by their traditional African world view. According to this world view, rulers were thought to be a link between the living and the dead, on the one hand, and between the temporal and the spiritual on the other. Indeed, it is because of this fusion of politics and primordial religion in the old Africa that the well-known American student of African religions, James W. Fernandez, wrote in the early 1960s that the "African, it can be argued, inherited a traditional disposition to shift back and forth from a political to a religious mode of address."
