Suchergebnisse

The Philippines held its national elections last May 2019. During the election campaign, several religious groups organized electoral slates or supported particular political candidates. Among these groups were the Iglesia ni Cristo (INC) with its Alagad Party, the Jesus is Lord (JIL) Movement with its CIBAC Party, the El Shaddai with its Buhay Party, and the Kingdom of Jesus Christ which supported all of the candidates backed by the Duterte government. On the other hand, the dominant Roman Catholic Church did not support any political party or candidate as a bloc but emphasized the need for the electorate to use their conscience and vote wisely. Some Roman Catholic priests, however, openly supported the opposition Otso Diretso slate for the Senate.This paper looks at the interesting link between religion and politics in the Philippines, especially in its recent political history, i.e. from 1986 up to the present. In particular, this paper will attempt to answer the following questions: What role do the various religious groups in the Philippines play in the field of the political arena? Do Filipinos vote based on their religious affiliation?

As part of the work on my dissertation on religion and politics in Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden I examine the party platforms from all parliamentary parties in these countries from 1988, 1998 and 2008 or ones that are as close to those years as possible. In my paper I try to show an overall change from a more or less mono- religious political discourse to a more multi-religious one. But I will also try to point to differences between these Nordic countries in that respect. I will also try to map what kinds of secularism that are being expressed within these platforms and how religion is being portrayed as a positive resource respectively as a (potential) problem. ; Impact of Religion ; NOREL

The article is an analysis of the early (published in the 1730s) and late (published in the 1750s) editions of The Querist by George Berkeley. It is aimed at showing differences in Berkeley's suggestions for improving the wellbeing of the inhabitants of Ireland as regards the religious and political diversity in the country in the first half of the 18th century. The article consists of two parts. In the first part Berkeley's attitude towards Catholics and Protestants is studied. The second part includes an analysis of his understanding of the political relationship between Ireland and Great Britain in the 1730s and 1750s.

The article is an analysis of the early (published in the 1730s) and late (published in the 1750s) editions of The Querist by George Berkeley. It is aimed at showing differences in Berkeley's suggestions for improving the wellbeing of the inhabitants of Ireland as regards the religious and political diversity in the country in the first half of the 18th century. The article consists of two parts. In the first part Berkeley's attitude towards Catholics and Protestants is studied. The second part includes an analysis of his understanding of the political relationship between Ireland and Great Britain in the 1730s and 1750s.

The article is an analysis of the early (published in the 1730s) and late (published in the 1750s) editions of The Querist by George Berkeley. It is aimed at showing differences in Berkeley's suggestions for improving the wellbeing of the inhabitants of Ireland as regards the religious and political diversity in the country in the first half of the 18th century. The article consists of two parts. In the first part Berkeley's attitude towards Catholics and Protestants is studied. The second part includes an analysis of his understanding of the political relationship between Ireland and Great Britain in the 1730s and 1750s.

AbstractThis article analyses the history of the military clergy and contrasts its role in the Argentine and Chilean dictatorships on the basis of new, previously inaccessible sources. It is argued here that, in addition to its ideological orientation, two further factors explain differences in the influence of the military clergy on the two regimes: first, the structural position that the Military Vicariates occupied between the Church and the armed forces, and, second, the two dictatorships' different needs for legitimisation. The analysis provides information relevant to understanding the public role of the Catholic Church and the dimensions of violence during the regimes.

For several years now, Russia has been trying to justify her neo-imperialist policies towards Ukraine, promoting the vision of a common "Orthodox civilization," in reference to the religious and cultural spheres. The Russian Orthodox Church is an important element of "soft power," whose help the Kremlin authorities are seeking in conducting their policies towards the so-called "near-abroad." Ukraine comprises an exceptionally important place in this sphere. This book analyzes the role of religion and Eastern Christian communities in Ukrainian social and political life, and the political, social, cultural and civilizational conditions for the development of religious life in Ukraine. Particular attention is focused on the problem of institutionalizing Eastern Christian communities after the collapse of the USSR. This monograph presents the conditions under which this process in post-Soviet Ukraine is carried out and the way in which it is linked to the functioning of the Ukrainian political system. This allows one to gain a new perspective on this system and capture its essence more fully. Primarily, this concerns the question of its democratic or non-democratic character.The book is an interdisciplinary research monograph, and, as such, will be useful to researchers interested in the post-Soviet space from the perspective of various disciplines, including political sciences, history, sociology and religious studies.The research and editing of the book were supported by National Science Centre Poland - grant number 2011/01/B/HS5/00911.