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View the Executive SummaryFor more than 2 decades, Somalia has been the prime example of a collapsed state, resisting multiple attempts to reconstitute a central government, with the current internationally-backed regime of the "Federal Republic of Somalia" struggling just to maintain its hold on the capital and the southeastern littoral—thanks only to the presence of a more than 17,000-strong African Union peacekeeping force. Despite the desultory record, the apparent speedy collapse since late 2011 of the insurgency spearheaded by the Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen (Movement of Warrior Youth, al-Shabaab)—a militant Islamist movement with al-Qaeda links—has made it fashionable within some political and military circles to cite with little nuance the "Somalia model" as a prescription for other conflicts in Africa, including the fight in Mali against al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb and its allies. This monograph takes a closer look at the situation in order to draw out the real lessons from the failures and successes of the counterinsurgency effort in Somalia. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1512/thumbnail.jpg

Even in new theories of nation which claim that nations were invented in modern times by the intellectuals we still find some foundations for making the difference between »real« and »artificial« nations. This binarism usually introduces the »People« nations of the modernist first-corners, and »Volk« nations of all the others, as in »The Federalist Papers« introduction of representative democracy, and in Herder's »Ideas on the Philosophy of History of the Mankind«. In both cases, national art is treated as an artificial constructive pillar of the Nation and Nation-State. Comparing the case of Slovenia (the nation-founding story of »Martin Krpan« by Fran Levstik from 1858) with the cases of Greece as »the Dream Nation« and of new African nations, the author concludes that nations are not fictitious inventions of the intellectuals but necessary products of history, and that in their production art had an important position due to its aesthetic function. This function makes possible to bridge and to universalize on a territory without any certain grounds and limits, across the gap of any modernist binarism. ; Tudi pri novih teorijah nacije, ki trdijo, da so moderni narodi izum intelektualcev, še ostaja vidno razlikovanje med »pravimi« in »umetnimi« narodi. Ta binarizem običajno navaja razliko med nacijo, utemeljeno v ljudstvu, in nacijo, utemeljeno v narodu, tako kot med argumentacijo za nacionalno državo v ameriških »The Federalist Papers" in Herderjevimi idejami o zgodovini človeštva. Umetnost pa v obeh primerih predstavlja institucionalizirano podporo naciji in nacionalni državi. S primerjavo slovenskega primera (Levstikov »Martin Krpan«) z grškim primerom »sanjskega naroda« in z novimi afriškimi nacijami pridemo do zaključka, da narodi niso izmišljeni izumi intelektualcev, ampak proizvodi zgodovinske nuje, in daje pri proizvodnji nacij umetnost imela pomembno vlogo predvsem zaradi svoje estetske funkcije. Ta omogoča premostitev in zaokrožitev na terenu, kjer ni utrjenih podlag in meja, in takšen je teren modernističnih binarizmov.

State police forces in Africa are a curiously neglected subject of study, even within the framework of security issues and African states. This work brings together criminologists, anthropologists, sociologists, historians, political scientists and others who have engaged with police forces across the continent and the publics with whom they interact to provide street-level perspectives from below and inside Africa's police forces.

The Diplomatic Conference Convened by the Swiss Government on the reaffirmation and development of International Humanitarian Law applicable in armed conflicts opened in Geneva on 20 February 1974. Plenipotentiary representatives of 118 States including 29 African States, parties to the: Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 and Members of the United Nations, as well as many observers from inter-governmental and non-governmental organizations attended.

IN THEIR QUEST FOR MAJORITY RULE IN SOUTHERN AFRICA, THE ARMED LIBERATION GROUPS HAVE ENJOYED THE FIRM SUPPORT OF THE ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY AND SHARE WITH THAT MENTOR A BASICALLY AFRICAN NATIONALIST ORIENTATION, ONE WHICH SEEKS TO AVOID THE INJECTION OF EXTERNAL INFLUENCES INTO THE BATTLE TO LIBERATE THE WHITE-DOMINATED SOUTH.

AbstractIn considering how "radical" histories of ordinary whites under apartheid might be written, this essay engages with several traditions of historical scholarship "from" and "of" below. For three decades, Marxist-inspired social history dominated radical historiography in South Africa. It has, however, proved little able to nurture historiography of whites that is politically engaged and acknowledges post-Marxist currents in the discipline. I advocate a return to theory and suggest that new sources may be drawn from the academy and beyond. Historiographies "of" below need not necessarily be historiographies "from" below and this article proposes the idea of a "racial state" as an alternative starting point for a history of apartheid-era whites. It goes on to argue that Subaltern Studies, as a dissident, theoretically eclectic and interdisciplinary current in historiography offers useful perspectives for exploring the everyday lives of whites in South Africa. After suggesting a research agenda stemming from these theoretical and comparative insights, I conclude by reflecting on the ethics of writing histories of apartheid-era whites.

The administrative sciences have been dominated by a turn to managerial perspectives in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, and in the spirit of this turn, 'New Public Management' (or NPM) promises to produce efficient, responsible and client-oriented public services. The reforms carried out in the pursuit of New Public Management are often accompanied by great optimism and rapid, enthusiastic steps toward implementation. Even in highly developed industrial countries, however, these fundamental reforms often overlook the political and cultural contexts of the implementing country. New Public Management in Africa: Emerging Issues and Lessons provides much-needed theoretical foundations for NPM reforms in the African context and reflects on the success of existing reforms in the development of several African states. The individual contributions in this timely volume provide important analyses of academic discourse, practical policy, achievements, and desiderata. The book as a whole, however, provides a valuable impetus for public administration research in and on African states, sharing findings on the results of reforms to date and adjustments required for these reforms to succeed. For public administration researchers outside of Africa, this book offers a review of New Public Management case studies that are unavailable or difficult to find elsewhere, contributing much to the exchange between African and Western administration science research, and demonstrating that African administrative research is well-prepared to help resolve global challenges.

Lorrain Hansberry as a young African American playwright, serves blacks political issue against racism by her play Les Blancs . Racism affects blacks and it becomes an intractable political issue. The play deals with the revolt against European colonialism in an African state, modeled on Kenya. It represents both a denunciation of colonialism in Africa and criticizing race relations in early1960s in America. So from this point, Hansberry in Les Blancs provokes both Americans and Africans by exposing the danger of civil war as it frequently generates racism and Black's plundered rights by radicalism. Les Blancs examines a problem of the twentieth century which is the problem of color line. Hansberry believes that the oppression of human by human needs to be cure, so she presents oppression in a new manner by creating aware characters of races. She tries to describe the difficulties of Africans and Africans Americans when they resist European rules to gain freedom. This paper exposes how does Hansberry prove the excessive oppression of white's liberalism and colonial militarism in that makes Blacks lose their identity under the lie of democracy.