Suchergebnisse

Offers eight theses regarding how a cosmopolitan perspective of globalization would redefine power, dominance, & authority. (1) The world economy, as a metapower to the state, expresses power not by military threat or conquest, but deterritorially & exterritorialy through transnational trade & activity in digital space. (2) As transnational cooperative ventures & organizations become quasi states, relying on trust for legitimation, neoliberals look to the state to enact their standard of economic goals. (3) Paradoxically, neoliberals need a minimalist state to adjust to global norms of capital flow, but a strong state to stop a comparable mobility of labor. (4) Potential state metapower must break with neoliberalism & nationalism to create new transnational potentials of politics & control. (5) A reduction in national autonomy in order to share sovereignty can increase security, stability, & cooperative problem solving. (6) Cosmopolitan sovereignty could protect diversity & fundamental human rights. (7) New cosmopolitan federations could reconstitute power at the intersection of global, regional, & local systems of governance. (8) Both groups, the opponents of neoliberalism & the cosmopolitan faction of capital, may find the cosmopolitan state the best political answer to the resulting pluralist conflicts over political identities & ethnic fragmentation. L. A. Hoffman

Over the last 50 years there has been a paradigmatic shift in the climate of ideas and governing orthodoxy from Keynesian-corporatism to neoliberalism. Such paradigms provide the philosophical goals that are pursued by policy and practice and determine what are considered to be the legitimate means of attaining those goals. We use evolving policy and practice relating to the protection and management of street trees as a vehicle for examining the relations between the competing paradigms of corporatism and neoliberalism, and the ways that they are expressed 'on the ground'. In doing so we highlight the tensions between the amenity value and the economic value of street trees and between techniques for their estimation. The legitimacy of measures of the former, such as Helliwell and CAVAT, that embody corporatist concepts are subject to continuing challenges based on their (lack of) scientific rigour or economic principle. The strengths of measures of the latter, such as i-Tree, are emphasised on the same grounds. Such is the success of these efforts that the equation of the value of a street tree with an estimation of the price that people will pay for the ecosystem services it delivers is not seen as controversial.

Im Unterschied zu aktuellen Lektüren von Foucaults Gouvernementalität, die sich vor allem auf die Logik des Ökonomischen beziehen, werden in diesem Band die politischen Dimensionen seiner Theorie in den Vordergrund gerückt. Die Analyse der gegenwärtigen Sicherheitsgesellschaft dient als Ausgangspunkt für eine kritische Revision von Foucaults Machttypologie von Souveränität, Disziplin und Regierung. Die Beiträge konturieren gegenwärtige Aspekte der Gouvernementalität, indem sie aktuelle Sicherheitskonzepte und ihr Verhältnis zu Migration, Geschlecht, Bio-Sicherheit, Gewalt, postkolonialer Subjektivität und staatlicher Legitimation problematisieren. Mit Beiträgen von Alex Demirovic, Dominique Grisard, Susanne Krasmann, Katherine Lemons, Filippa Lentzos, Katrin Meyer, Sven Opitz, Katharina Pühl, Patricia Purtschert, Nikolas Rose, Yves Winter.

(Un-)Sicherheit ist weltweit zu einem Megatrend der Stadtentwicklung geworden. Die öffentliche Hand und die Privatwirtschaft etablieren neue Sicherheitspolitiken: Überwachungs- und Kontrolltechniken, städtebauliche Veränderungen, Formalisierung sozialer Kontrolle. Mit steigender Kriminalität kann dies jedoch nicht erklärt werden. Die Beiträge aus Stadtforschung und Kritischer Kriminalgeographie zeigen, dass die Differenzierungen von sicheren und unsicheren Orten das Ergebnis sozialer und diskursiver Konstruktionen sind und legen Strategien und Mechanismen zur Konstruktion von (Un-)Sicherheit offen. Dies ermöglicht neue Perspektiven auf den Zusammenhang von (Un-)Sicherheit und Stadt.

Diskursive Aspekte spielen in der Globalisierungsforschung bisher eine eher untergeordnete Rolle. Vor diesem Hintergrund entwickelt Holger Rossow ein spezifisches Globalismus-Konzept, das in Abgrenzung zu den Begriffen Globalisierung und Globalität für die Rolle von Diskursen bei der Setzung der Globalisierungsagenda und der Konstruktion unserer gesellschaftlichen Realität steht. Seine konkrete Anwendung findet das Konzept des Globalismus bei der Untersuchung der Transformation der britischen Labour Party unter Tony Blair (1997-2007) - als einem Beispiel für eine sozialdemokratische Partei im Kontext der Herausforderungen, Chancen und Probleme der Globalisierung.

This paper investigates a greenfield mining project in a peripheral region in northern Sweden through the analysis of how different actor groups formed their own 'horizons of expectations' that temporally became fused, only to crumble together with the mining company in a short period of time. By focusing on the co-evolvement of expectations, we show how expectations are differentiated along geographical and temporal scales, reflect upon how these differences relate to interests and historical memory, and finally what these differences mean for the development of large-scale, long-term, raw materials-based projects devoted to industrial production in depopulating areas in an economy otherwise orientated towards neoliberal governance and post-industrial development. By doing so, we make a theoretical contribution to the literature on expectations through the introduction of the concept 'horizon of expectations', and a contribution to the literature on neoliberalism and its cultural-geographical implications. ; Vetenskapsrådet: Den svenska gruvpolitikens omvandling - Aktörer, möjliga världar och kontroverser

This paper argues that we are in the midst of a conflict-ridden convergence towards oligarchic, authoritarian rule across the globe. Today's global power structure is the result of very different processes of class formation on both sides of the historic divide between a liberal West and a series of contender states. This structure is itself dissolving as a result of the demise of the Soviet Union and the conversion of China to state capitalism and the mutation of liberalism to authoritarian oligarchic capitalism. The paper argues that corporate liberal capitalism, based on class compromise in the 1980s, was displaced by neoliberalism, which initially intended to restore systemic market discipline but increasingly degenerated into speculative, predatory forms which undermine the forces of stability in the global political economy and fosteroligarchic enrichment. A contradiction is identified between global oligarchic convergence on the one hand and conflict at the level of political (governing and state) elites on the other, which explains the current turbulence in the global political economy. Adapted from the source document.

Despite the abundance of research on Palestine, studies of Palestinian political subjectivity and agency tend to adhere to the dominant analytical frames of Nationalism and/or Islamism. This has led to the neglect of a variety of socio-economic and political developments that do not fit these frameworks. Working against the dominant trend, the present paper hopes to theorize Palestinian politics in relationship to the recent globalisation of neoliberalism by exploring a variety of discourses and struggles that have developed since the late 1990s around the topic of mobile telephony in Palestine. While mobile telephony epitomises a diversity of social processes and ideas that are associated with the globalisation of neo-liberal subjectivity and desire, a study of discursive and concrete developments within this field builds up an image of a Palestinian political subject that is increasingly individualised, hybridised, and irrepresentable within the dominant discourses of nationalism and/or Islamism. ; (Product of workshop No. 7 at the 11th MRM 2010)

The sustainability of the US's adoption of a militaristic foreign & security policy approach following the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks is contemplated. Domestic & global obstacles to the US's achievement of long-lasting hegemony & superpower status are identified; specifically, it is stressed that US involvement in global capitalism contradicts the US's policy of militaristic imperialism & that neoliberalism generates sundry social problems in developing countries. Informed by Antonio Gramsci's understanding of hegemony, it is stressed that hegemonic authority is unsustainable over the long term & that a legitimate political ideology is required to dominate large populations & establish global domination. Several additional factors that suggest the inevitable faltering of US global dominance are illuminated, eg, the tension between various national interests & the promotion of a unified hegemonic perspective & the gradual emergence of resistance & counterforce to US global militarism. Indeed, it is suggested that the George W. Bush administration's deployment of military forces following September 11, 2001, illustrates the overall weakness of the global militaristic model for guaranteeing security. J. W. Parker

This paper intends to examine the political rationality of neoliberalism through theDepression Era film Cinderella Man (Ron Howard, 2005). While neoliberalismhas been widely mapped out, critiqued, and debated in a host of academicdisciplines, the myriad forms American film has articulated, represented, andintegrated neoliberal narratives remains a largely understudied issue within thefield of cultural studies. The present contribution addresses, through a close filmicanalysis, the set of discursive strategies by which neoliberalism reenacts andrenarrativizes previous ideological, political, and cultural heritages. I argue thatCinderella Man 'neoliberalizes' the Great Depression, highlighting individualismand resilience while totemic questions such as class identity, the legitimacy ofderegulated capitalism, and the specific causes and origins of the Depression arerendered either invisible or peripheral. Taking the notion of Gramscian hegemonyas the overarching theoretical principle, I draw on a variety of theorists that haveinquired into the underpinnings and logics of neoliberal thinking —namely WendyBrown (2016), Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval (2014), and David Harvey(1990). Thus, the aim of this article is to analyze Cinderella Man as a neoliberalfilmic text which significantly departs from the normative ideological, political,and cultural imaginaries historically associated with the Great Depression. ; Este artículo pretende analizar el neoliberalismo como racionalidad política a travésde la películaCinderella Man(Ron Howard, 2005), centrada en la Gran Depresión.A pesar de que el neoliberalismo ha sido ampliamente categorizado, evaluado ydebatido en una multitud de disciplinas académicas, existe una importante carenciade estudios culturales que indaguen en las múltiples formas en que el cineestadounidense ha articulado, representado e integrado los relatos del neoliberalismo.El presente trabajo aborda, a través de un exhaustivo análisis fílmico, el conjunto deestrategias discursivas por medio de las cuales el neoliberalismo reconstruye y re-articula narrativamente legados ideológicos, políticos y culturales anteriores.Sostenemos queCinderella Man'neoliberaliza' la Gran Depresión, poniendo derelieve el individualismo y la resiliencia mientras que se opacan o minimizancuestiones centrales como la identidad de clase, la legitimidad del capitalismodesregulado y las causas y orígenes específicos de la Gran Depresión. Tomando lanoción de hegemonía Gramsciana como principio teórico sustentante, haremos usode una serie de teóricos que han investigado las bases y lógicas del neoliberalismo—fundamentalmente Wendy Brown (2016), Pierre Dardot y Christian Laval (2014), y David Harvey (1990). Así, el objetivo de este artículo es analizarCinderella Mancomo un texto fílmico neoliberal, significativamente escindido de los imaginariosideológicos, políticos y culturales asociados históricamente a la Gran Depresión.

Cover -- Copyright -- Contents -- So You're Interested in Politics? -- Part 1: The Horse Race -- Center (N.) -- Centrist (ADJ., N.) -- Democracy (N.) -- Filibuster (N.) -- Folks (N.) (PL.) -- Kitchen Table (N.) -- Partisan (ADJ.) -- Partisanship (N.) -- Policy (N.) -- Progressive (ADJ., N.) -- Pundit (N.) -- Part 2: Structures -- Class (N.) -- Conservative (ADJ., N.) -- Economy (N.) -- Ideology (N.) -- Inclusion (N.) -- Intersectionality (N.) -- Intersectional (ADJ.) -- Liberal (ADJ., N.) -- Materialist (ADJ., N.) -- Neoliberalism (N.) -- Neoliberal (ADJ.) -- Racism (N.) -- Racist (ADJ.)

Defining and describing the right -- The right, the rise of the influence of neoliberalism and globalisation in school education policy -- The right, government school fiscal austerity and school education policy -- The right and the privatization of school education -- The rise of the Christian right and its role in school education -- The right and the media shaping school education policy -- The right and religious freedom in schools -- Conclusions: Bringing it all together.