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Abstract
This essay foregrounds the hermeneutic purchase of totality in contemporary literary criticism. Responding to the recent proliferation of the "gig work" novel, the essay takes up two interrelated lines of inquiry: How might we rethink the conceptual affordances of "totality" for the ongoing project of the critique of political economy? What would a rethinking of totality's position in the conceptual architecture of literary criticism offer in the way of new heuristics for the analysis of the novel? Through recourse to G. W. F. Hegel's Science of Logic and Michael Theunissen, Hans-Friedrich Fulda, and Rolf-Peter Horstmann's Critical Presentation of Metaphysics: A Discussion of Hegel's "Logic" (Kritische Darstellung der Metaphysik: Eine Diskussion über Hegels "Logik"), this essay proposes a method of literary analysis that approaches the formal aspects of the novel as defined through the historical-material conditions for the writing of the text. The essay then puts a close reading of Hilary Leichter's Temporary in conversation with Sarah Brouillette's account of the decline of the English-language literary novel to suggest how the formal properties of the contemporary gig work novel respond to the general crisis of novel production in the twenty-first century.

This article examines the impact of landholding and differences in local economies on age at marriage, on frequency of service and on household size and structure in Norway, Sweden, Finland and Iceland in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Particular stress is placed on the role of economic rather than cultural factors as determinants of regional variations in marriage age and household structures. Households were more complex whenever land, the accumulation of capital and multiple occupations were required for economic activity. Conversely, wage work – whether in fishing or agriculture and regardless of geographical location (for example in eastern as well as western Finland) – favoured the formation of small nuclear households. Some aspects of the family system (servanthood and a late age at marriage) fit the characteristics of the north-west European household system as delineated by John Hajnal and Peter Laslett better than others (frequency of complex households). It is concluded that there is no inevitable correlation between geographic location and the characteristics of a society's family system and that the model of the north-west European household system does not accommodate those societies where people were in a position to build strategies based on the continuous possession of land.

Partant des aspects démographiques de la proto-industrialisation, on examine le processus de transition qui mène soit à une industrialisation réelle, soit au contraire à un retour aux travaux des champs. Deux villages des Pays-Bas sont etudies à cette fin, situés dans la région de Twente, où domine une industrie textile enracinée dans l'agriculture. L'organisation de Pagriculture subit au début du 19e siècle des changements structurels, accompagnés d'une intervention de l'Etat dans l'économie régionale, avec pour conséquence un boom du tissage à domicile, ce qui, dans certaines communautés, conduit à l'industrie mécanisée et dans d'autres au contraire à un retour à la terre. La reconstitution des families permet à l'auteur de suivre le comportement démographique tant à l'époque de la protoindustrialisation qu'après, suivant l'un ou l'autre processus d'évolution. II s'avère que ni la proto-industrialisation, ni l'industrialisation, ni le retour à la terre n'ont, dans les deux villages étudiés, d'influence profonde sur le comportement démographique. II n'y a en effet pas de différences spectaculaires quant à l'âge au mariage ou à la dimension de la famille complète, entre groupes professionnels ou entre communautés; il n'y a pas non plus de changement majeur en ce domaine au long de la période étudiée.

En este artículo trato de explicar una conducta que a menudo resulta incomprensible desde el punto de vista de la ética y que permea las actuaciones de personas con posiciones opuestas en el espectro de preferencias políticas, filosóficas y religiosas: el vaciamiento de los juicios morales sobre aquellos que se consideran pertenecientes a otro bando. Mi objetivo es explicar este vaciamiento de los juicios morales al aplicarse a las acciones que recaen sobre sujetos que pertenecen a otro bando desde el punto de vista del emisor del juicio y criticar el resultado de esta operación. Varios de los ejemplos que se presentan a lo largo del texto provienen de la realidad colombiana y cualquier lector que haya residido en el país recordará casos en que ha escuchado juicios de vaciamiento sobre hechos similares a los aquí utilizados. Es precisamente las reiteradas ocasiones en que se presentan este tipo de juicios, su proliferación en diferentes esferas de la vida cotidiana y el uso del recurso por integrantes de diversos grupos sociales y del espectro político lo que motiva este análisis. ; In the article I try to explain an incomprehensible behavior from the ethics perspective. This behavior is encroached in the daily lives of people with different political, philosophical and religious views: the voiding of moral judgments upon those perceived as belonging to the other "side". My objective is to explain how this voiding works when it is applied to the judgment of actions committed against subjects considered to belong to the other side and to criticize the outcome of this operation. Much of the examples that I used come from the Colombian political context. Any reader with some knowledge about the reality of Colombia has heard these judgments. It is precisely because of its extended use and proliferation in all aspects of life and the use that some do of the voiding in the political context that I present this analysis.

International audience ; Opposing in many ways the fiscal ascendancy led by a monarchy on its way to absolutism, the 1648 Fronde-the one whose dynamics address political and social stakes-intends on the contrary on these aspects to turn towards a mythified past, genuinely regarded as a Golden Age. The tax system it dreams of belongs to the Middle Ages, a time when royal taxation was defined within an extraordinary and temporary framework. To the authoritarian tax system which has prevailed since the beginning of the XVIIth century, the first Fronde opposes the gift consented by the taxpayer following a negotiated process. This vigorous protest against the strengthening of an administrative monarchy finds within the mazarinades a forceful juridical support. In this corpus of politically-oriented lampoons, published during the four years of struggling between the Prime Minister on one hand, and the Parliament, the princes and the Parisian bourgeoisie on the other hand, what shows through are effectively a general theory of the royal right to impose, its conditions of existence and the limits to its implementation, namely the consent of the inhabitants of the kingdom. ; S'opposant à de multiples égards à l'emprise fiscale menée par une royauté en marche vers l'absolutisme, la Fronde de 1648-celle dont la dynamique concerne les enjeux politiques et sociaux-entend au contraire en la matière se tourner vers un passé mythifié conçu comme un véritable âge d'or. La fiscalité dont elle rêve est celle du Moyen Age, époque à laquelle l'impôt royal relevait d'un cadre extraordinaire et temporaire. A la fiscalité d'autorité qui triomphe depuis le début du XVII e siècle, la première Fronde oppose le don consenti par les contribuables à l'issue d'une procédure négociée. Au sein des mazarinades, cette vigoureuse protestation contre l'affermissement de la monarchie administrative trouve un support juridique de poids. Dans ce corps de pamphlets d'allure politique publiés pendant les quatre années que dura la lutte entre le premier ...

This open access book explores the organization and evolution of Finland's Cold War cultural diplomacy (1945-1975) as the basis for a reflection on the country's foreign relations, the link between culture and politics, small states' autonomy during the Cold War, and the porosity of the East-West divide.The book offers a historical survey of the development of Finland's cultural diplomacy as part of the Finnish state's foreign activities. In its empirical parts, it focuses on archives drawn from the Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Education in order to explain Finland's cultural diplomacy as the result of the country's foreign policy orientations, interactions between domestic and foreign policy, and the expansion of state activities in the artistic, educational, and cultural sectors. Various reflections and reports on foreign cultural relations highlight the role of identity concerns, cultural relations, geopolitics and economic imperatives in the development of a specifically Finnish cultural diplomacy. Furthermore, the book focuses on specific aspects and events, considering for instance the organization and evolutions of Finland's cultural relations with the USSR, the role of cultural treaties, academic exchanges and scientific cooperation, "cultural exports" and the marketization of culture, overlaps between cultural relations and high politics

1968 Italian mobilizations were long-lasting, and influenced newly and deeply on behaviours, mentalities, cultures and ways of life. At the same time, state bodies' violent reaction made evident the limits of a political system whose inability to integrate external stimuli turned out to be a constant feature in republican history. According to this perspective, the present article intends to analyse the reasons, origins, consequences and developments of the Italian "anomaly", developing political and cultural questions opened by the protests and going over some of its most significant aspects. ; Los movimientos de 1968 tuvieron en Italia una duración muy larga y una inédita capacidad para influir en lo profundo de comportamientos, mentalidades, culturas y estilos de vida. A la vez, la violenta reacción de los órganos del Estado evidenció los límites de un sistema político cuya incapacidad de integrar los estímulos externos se revelaría como una constante en la historia republicana. El artículo trata de analizar según esta perspectiva las razones, las raíces, las consecuencias y los desarrollos de la "anomalía" italiana, desarrollando las cuestiones políticas y culturales abiertas por la contestación y recorriendo algunas de sus facetas más significativas.

International audience ; Cet article analyse les pratiques langagières des migrants sénégalais en France depuis une vingtaine d'années et leur évolution. Sont exposées dans un premier temps, les caractéristiques historiques, sociales, langagières des premières migrations sénégalaises vers la France qui influent sur les pratiques de transmission des langues premières aux enfants, comme la maitrise ou non du françcais et de la littératie, les aspects collectifs des migrations. Dans une seconde partie sont abordées les caractéristiques principales des évolutions : un accès au français et un investissement différencié à l'apprentissage de celui-ci des hommes et des femmes ; un maintien des langues africaines dans les familles dans une communication hybride avec le françcais. Les contacts de langues dans les familles prennent des formes différentes selon les caractéristiques sociales, linguistiques et culturelles. Ces évolutions sont mises en relation dans un troisième temps avec les changements concernant les représentations des parlers mixtes et de la valorisation de l'écrit selon les groupes au Sénégal et en Mauritanie pendant la même période.langagières et de transmission dans l'immigration sénégalaise en France (Leconte 1997 et passim). La période retenue : une vingtaine d'années permet de mettre au jour certaines dynamiques à l'oeuvre. Nous souhaitons d'autre part, relier les évolutions des pratiques langagières des normes qui régissent la communication dans les familles, dans l'immigration sénégalaise à l'évolution de celles-ci au Sénégal afin d'appréhender conjonctions et divergences. Toutefois, dans le cadre de cet ouvrage, issu d'un colloque en hommage à Caroline Juillard tenu à Dakar, nous mettrons l'accent particulièrement sur ce qui peut faire écho à ses propres travaux : l'hétérogénéité des plurilinguismes (Juillard 2005), les rôles et comportements langagiers différenciés des femmes et des hommes (Juillard et Dreyfus 2005) et les questions d'éducation, ici avec des modèles linguistiques et culturels différents. Par ailleurs, afin de mettre en relation les pratiques et représentations dans les deux espaces de référence que sont la France et le Sénégal, nous nous appuierons sur une conception circulante des langues mises en jeu dans les migrations (Deprez 2000). Cela permettra d'appréhender les influences réciproques entre les espaces de référence par le rôle des diasporas, l'influence des glottopolitiques et des représentations circulantes sur les langues. Ces contacts de langues sénégalaises avec le français en France interviennent dans un contexte d'approfondissement des contacts culturels, économiques, politiques et technologiques commencés avec la colonisation. D'un pays à l'autre, dans les bagages des migrants et les soutes des avions, circulent des biens, des objets, mais aussi des langues et des représentations langagières.

The decision to act or not to act in the face of a public problem is the central point that mobilizes governments, their resources and institutionality, to make public policy (Dye, 2011). The adoption of public policy by a government represents the set of priorities elected to pursue the collective interest. Public Choice Theory argues that public policies are sometimes captured by interest groups that alter their direction (Silvestre, 2010). The issue of housing has been understood in different ways, according to the dominant economic theory. Housing public policies, if considered from the perspective of social rights, represent a set of decisions and actions adopted by a government to promote social inclusion and the well-being of citizens (Maldonado, 2016). The objective of this research is to comparatively describe the evolution of public housing policy between Brazil and Portugal as an aspect of the political process. To do so, this paper analysed the context of the elaboration of the most forceful housing public policies: in 2009, the Minha Casa Minha Vida Program (PMCMV) in Brazil and, in 2018, the New Generation of Housing Policies (NGPH) in Portugal. The relevance of this comparison comes from the different stages in which these policies are: while in Brazil the PMCMV has been closed, in Portugal the NGPH is in the implementation phase. Thus, it is possible to observe development points for future actions. To organize the construction of the research, the methodology adopted considered the adoption of a plan with an interpretive paradigm, using the qualitative inductive method. The case study was used as an investigation strategy and the bibliographic and documental research was used as a research procedure. As results, it was observed that the Brazilian State oscillates in the prioritization of housing policies, depending on the current government strategies. Portugal for a long time considered that the responsibility for producing and providing housing belonged only to the individual (Agarez, 2020). In the case of Brazil, the PMCMV emerges as an anti-cyclical policy in the face of the economic crisis, while in the Portuguese case the strategic direction underpinning the NGPH is the emphasis on building requalification and territorial cohesion (Ferreira et al., 2019). In view of this, advances in access to the "home" element are recognized, even though contradictions and difficulties remain in the realization of the right to the city. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

La present tesi és un treball interdisciplinari en què es troben la filosofia política, els estudis de moviments socials, la sociologia i els estudis científics i tecnològics, que aspira a plantejar la qüestió de l'emergència de les noves comunitats dissidents a espai(s) Occupy recuperat(s), a través de dades procedents del Moviment Gezi, mitjançant les observacions participatives realitzades durant la mobilització, les entrevistes amb activistes i l'anàlisi de les actes de les assemblees. Aquesta tesi té com a objectiu proporcionar un relat empíric de l'experiència viscuda de la mobilització, per tal d'ocupar-se de l'emergència d'aquests col·lectius, seguint les pràctiques, la instauració i les actuacions de vida/protesta durant el desenvolupament del moviment. Parar atenció a l'experiència viscuda d'un moviment controvertit, específicament d'un moviment Occupy en què la creació d'un espai per a viure dins dels espais públics recuperats esdevé política, requereix que els aspectes corporals i afectius de fer-se comunitat siguin tinguts en compte correctament. ; La presente tesis es un trabajo interdisciplinario en el que se encuentran la filosofía política, los estudios de movimientos sociales, la sociología y los estudios científicos y tecnológicos, que aspira a plantear la cuestión de la emergencia de nuevas comunidades disidentes en espacio(s) Occupy recuperado(s), a través de datos procedentes del Movimiento Gezi, mediante las observaciones participativas durante la movilización, y a través de las entrevistas con activistas y el análisis de las actas de las asambleas. Esta tesis aspira a dar un relato empírico de la experiencia vivida de la movilización, para atender a la emergencia de estos colectivos, siguiendo las prácticas, la instauración y las actuaciones de vida/protesta a lo largo del movimiento. Atender a la experiencia vivida de un movimiento controvertido, específicamente de un movimiento Occupy donde la creación de un espacio para vivir dentro de los espacios públicos recuperados se convierte en política, requiere que los aspectos corporales y afectivos de hacerse comunidad se tomen debidamente en consideración. Proporciona, pues, los medios para reflexionar sobre la emergencia de nuevas comunidades de Gezi como encarnación que suma para convertirse, es decir, un proceso dinámico que señala encuentros en espacios públicos recuperados donde las capacidades afectivas de los cuerpos, es decir, la fuerza, se incrementan en forma de nuevas alianzas. ; This thesis is an interdisciplinary work that combines political philosophy, social movement studies, sociology and science and technology studies. It aims to problematize the issue of the new dissident communities emerging in the reclaimed Occupy space(s) based on data from the Gezi Movement, compiled through participatory observations during the mobilization, interviews with activists and an analysis of assembly minutes. Through this study, the thesis aspires to give an empirical account of what the mobilization was like for participants so as to better understand how these collectives emerge. To do so, we tracked the the life/protest-making practices, enactments and performances throughout the course of the movement. In order to correctly analyse people's experience of a controversial movement, especially one like Occupy, where making a living space in reclaimed public space(s) becomes political, the bodily and affective aspects of community-making must be taken into consideration.

A qualitative and quantitative analysis of the Sars-CoV-2 pandemic, verifying evidence of Misthanasia, even in territories with no lack of human and economic resources, due to the prioritizing of economic stabilization and the naturalization of deaths within the national public policies. As an observational territory, the United Kingdom has had its data produced and communicated in an official manner, in relation to the COVID-19 pandemic, analyzed according to analog and comparative criteria. It was possible to follow the pandemic phenomenon's evolution through time, in virtue of regular collecting and executed under relatively standardized conditions, which allowed us to create an in-panel analytical exposition, having as a comparative model the data collected in Germany, during the same period. The origin of the data sources produced come from the Institute of Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME); Worldometer Coronavirus. Therefore, it concludes that Misthanasia characterized the course of public policies and the attitudes of the UK's government in sight of the Sars-CoV-2 contamination, exposing citizens to the risks of a disease that shows no class predilections and disrespects estates, and has a strong impact on those who are vulnerable. The naturalization of death configures itself on the primordial aspect of necropolitics and necropower, placing economy over health in different States, in the pandemic phenomenon of global scale. ; Un análisis cualitativo y cuantitativo de la pandemia Sars-CoV-2, verificando evidencias de Misthanasia, incluso en territorios sin escasez de recursos humanos y económicos, debido a la priorización de la estabilización económica y la naturalización de las muertes dentro de las políticas públicas nacionales. . Como territorio de observación, el Reino Unido ha tenido sus datos producidos y comunicados de manera oficial, en relación con la pandemia COVID-19, analizados según criterios analógicos y comparativos. Fue posible seguir la evolución del fenómeno pandémico en el tiempo, en ...

Children educated in Catalonia are growing in a multilingual environment. Catalan is their school language but not necessarily their home or social language. Our goal was to track the presence of such multilingual input in the written lexicon of 2,436 students throughout compulsory schooling. Participants were asked to write down as many names as they remembered of five semantic fields and to produce 6 types of text. The two corpora were tapped for the presence of non-Catalan and hybrid constructions. Unexpectedly, these accounted for only 3% of the total number of lexical forms in the corpora

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication Page -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Introduction: How Inefficiency Can Be Beneficial -- 2. Idling Workers I: Convicts and Women -- 3. Manufacturing for International Markets -- 4. Environmental Limits: Food and Water -- 5. Environmental Limits: Food and Warming -- 6. Functional Inefficiency in Transportation -- 7. Functional Inefficiency in Healthcare -- 8. Consumerism and Individual Discontent -- 9. Consumerism, Competition, and Social Disaffection -- 10. Idling Workers II: More Vacations and Paid Leaves, Fewer Hours, and Earlier Retirement -- 11. Physical Infrastructure and Public Goods -- 12. Human Infrastructure -- 13. The Service Sector and Indefinite Economic Growth -- 14. Summary and Conclusion -- Notes -- Index.

The aim of the article is to show how in Italy the traditional inequalities in class, gender and geography have been matched by an inequality linked to immigration, whose causes, forms and social consequences I will analyse here. In so doing I will underline how such inequality linked to immigration is an integral part of the system of social inequalities existing at global level and in particular it is part of the globalization of inequality linked to immigration. Over the last few decades, there has been a deep social transformation at world level which has changed the system of inequalities; new inequalities were created, among which, the inequality linked to immigration is rather important. Historically, this is certainly nothing new, yet we are witnessing a globalization of inequality linked to immigration, which refers to disparities and social advantages that affect immigrant populations and citizens with migratory background. This phenomenon has several causes, but it is mainly due to two elements: the systematic use by several countries of an exploited and stigmatised migrant workforce, kept in a condition of social inferiority and with half the rights of the rest of the population; the globalisation of selective, restrictive and repressive immigration policies. Such process is quite visible in Italy, where inequality based on immigration is the result of the combined action of labour market, legal system, and mass media, which have pursued rationales, which led to the social inferiority and segregation of immigrants. Such inequality involved specific generative mechanisms such as the selection, precarisation and differential exploitation of migrant workers, the creation of a special legislation, the systematic stigmatisation of immigrant populations in the public discourse, the comeback of the rhetoric of assimilation. Such inequality is multidimensional as, from work to health, from living to education, from public images to legal conditions, it affects all aspects of the social life of immigrants; and it is a challenge to social citizenship. ; The aim of the article is to show how in Italy the traditional inequalities in class, gender and geography have been matched by an inequality linked to immigration, whose causes, forms and social consequences I will analyse here. In so doing I will underline how such inequality linked to immigration is an integral part of the system of social inequalities existing at global level and in particular it is part of the globalization of inequality linked to immigration.Over the last few decades, there has been a deep social transformation at world level which has changed the system of inequalities; new inequalities were created, among which, the inequality linked to immigration is rather important. Historically, this is certainly nothing new, yet we are witnessing a globalization of inequality linked to immigration, which refers to disparities and social advantages that affect immigrant populations and citizens with migratory background. This phenomenon has several causes, but it is mainly due to two elements: the systematic use by several countries of an exploited and stigmatised migrant workforce, kept in a condition of social inferiority and with half the rights of the rest of the population; the globalisation of selective, restrictive and repressive immigration policies.Such process is quite visible in Italy, where inequality based on immigration is the result of the combined action of labour market, legal system, and mass media, which have pursued rationales, which led to the social inferiority and segregation of immigrants. Such inequality involved specific generative mechanisms such as the selection, precarisation and differential exploitation of migrant workers, the creation of a special legislation, the systematic stigmatisation of immigrant populations in the public discourse, the comeback of the rhetoric of assimilation. Such inequality is multidimensional as, from work to health, from living to education, from public images to legal conditions, it affects all aspects of the social life of immigrants; and it is a challenge to social citizenship.

"Locke scholarship has been flourishing in Japan for several decades, but its outputs are largely unknown and inaccessible to the West. In this collection the fruits of recent Japanese research is made available in English for the first time, opening up the possibility of advancing Locke studies on an international scale. Covering three important areas of Locke's philosophical thought - knowledge and experimental method, law and politics, and religion and toleration - each chapter criticizes established interpretations and replaces them with novel alternatives, breaking away from standard narratives and providing fresh ways of looking at his relationship with thinkers such as Boyle, Berkeley and Hume. Contributors select topics that continue to have important contemporary moral and political implications, from constitutionalism and tolerationism to marriage and the death penalty. Applying Locke's views to 21st-century questions about society, they present provocative readings of the defining aspects of Locke's philosophical thought, stimulating current debates and heralding a new era of collaborative work for Locke scholars around the world"