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Within the context of reigniting post crisis macroeconomic growth, income inequality has emerged as a topic of significant interest for both academics and policymakers (Bastagli, Coady, and Gupta, 2012) This study builds on past literature on fiscal decentralization suggesting that redistribution is most effectively carried out at sub-central levels of government. Using the IMF's multi-sector Government Finance Statistics Yearbook database, this paper tests the impact of decentralized redistribution on income inequality for a globally representative sample of countries since 1980. The findings

Cover -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Part 1 Introduction -- 1. Toward a Framework for the Study of Local Opposition -- Part 2 Electoral Trends -- 2. Electoral Change in Japan: An Overview -- 3. Political Opposition and Big City Elections in Japan, 1947-1975 -- 4. Opposition in the Suburbs -- 5. National and Local Voting Trends: Crosslevel Linkages and Correlates of Change -- Part 3 Citizens' Movements -- 6. Citizens' Movements: The Growth and Impact of Environmental Protest in Japan -- 7. Political Socialization Through Citizen's Movements -- 8. Civic Protest in Mishima: Citizens' Movements and the Politics of the Environment in Contemporary Japan -- Part 4 Progressive Local Administrations -- 9. Progressive Local Administrations: Local Public Policy and Local-National Relations -- 10. Political Choice and Policy Change in Medium-Sized Japanese Cities, 1962-1974 -- 11. Opposition in Power: The Development and Maintenance of Leftist Government in Kyoto Prefecture -- Part 5 Conclusion -- 12. The Partisan Politicization of Local Government: Causes and Consequences -- List of Contributors -- Index.

Child-friendly cities (KLA) are districts/cities that have a child rights-based development system through the integration of government, community and business commitments and resources, which are planned in a comprehensive and sustainable manner in policies, programs and activities to ensure the rights and protection of children in the future. front . There are still many children whose civil rights have not been fulfilled, the lack of facilities and infrastructure to reach a child-friendly city. As well as the lack of an active role from several implementers. To Realize a Child Friendly City (KLA) Kampar Regency through the PPKBP3A Office has made several programs/activities related to child-friendly city-based development (KLA) in 2020. These programs/activities are based on policies that have been issued by the central government and are based on 5 points of fulfillment child. This study examines how the implementation of child-friendly city development in Kampar Regency. This research is descriptive using qualitative methods. Informants selected using purposive sampling method. The result of the research that the researcher got is that the implementation of Child Friendly City development policies in Kampar Regency has not run fully optimally. This is due to the involvement of all sectors, both the government, private and community sectors in this policy, so that the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) is slow. So that it has an impact on the understanding of Child Friendly Cities and the lack of skills and capacity of the regional apparatus who carry out this policy.

AbstractThe authors examine the impact of political party control of government on the restrictiveness of a U.S. state's abortion policy, measured by the enactment of a parental involvement law. The empirical results show that (1) institutional control of a state's legislative and executive branches of government by the Republican Party increases the likelihood a state will enact a parental involvement law, while Democratic Party control decreases this likelihood; (2) the more conservative state public opinion is on abortion rights, the more likely a state is to enact a parental involvement law; (3) public anti-abortion attitudes do not act as a moderating force on the link between political party control and the enactment of a parental involvement law; and (4) the impact of political party control on the enactment of a parental involvement law has grown larger over time.

The aim of the paper is to find out what is the effect of different types of government spending and taxes on economic growth in developed economies. The analysis is performed on a sample of 27 OECD countries in the period 1997-2011. It is based on the neoclassic growth model extended with the level of human capital and fiscal variables. Those include particular types of government spending (according to the COFOG classification) and taxes (according to the OECD classification), and state budget deficit. From a methodological point of view, panel data estimation is used. We support the view that only some types of government spending are growth-enhancing, and only if they are financed through indirect taxes. However, the results show that only expenditure on defense, education and health, and general public services may be labeled as productive. In addition, we show that direct taxes, especially corporate taxes, negatively affect the growth, also in case they are used to finance productive spending. Adapted from the source document.

Despite an international consensus on the importance to limit State aid spending, large amounts of resources are still devoted to a wide variety of subsidies to firms. A sizable literature studies the relationship between general government spending and the proximity of elections, mostly documenting a positive link. In addition, other studies verify whether this strategy of increasing government expenditure pays off in terms of number of votes. We focus on one type of government spending that can be quite vulnerable to becoming 'targeted spending', i.e. subsidies to firms. We empirically test the relationship between the amount of subsidies granted to firms at the local level and local support for incumbent parties in the regional government. To that end, we make use of subsidy data derived from financial statements on 2008 and Flemish election results of 2004 and 2009. We find that the total amount of subsidies as well as subsidies per capita granted in 2008 positively correlate to support for incumbent parties 2009, meaning that voters appear to reward subsidy granting politicians.

This unique collection of data includes concise definitions and explanations relating to all aspects of the European Union. It explains the terminology surrounding the EU, and outlines the roles and significance of its institutions, member countries, foreign relations, programmes and policies, treaties and personalities. It contains over 1,000 clear and succinct definitions and explains acronyms and abbreviations, which are arranged alphabetically and fully cross-referenced. Among the 1,000 entries you can find explanations of and background details on: ACP states Article 50 Brexit competition policy the European Maritime and Fisheries Fund the euro Greece Europol migration and asylum policy the Schengen Agreement the Single Supervisory Mechanism the Treaty of Lisbon Ukraine Ursula von der Leyen the Windsor Framework

Preface -- About the contributors -- Abbreviations -- List of figures -- List of tables -- Chapter 1. Introduction: drastic rural changes in the age of land reform -- Chapter 2. Land administration, chiefs, and governance in Ghana -- Chapter 3. 'We owned this land before the state was established': The state, traditional authorities, and land policy in Africa -- Chapter 4. Renewed patronage and strengthened authority of chiefs under the scarcity of customary land in Zambia -- Chapter 5. Land tenure reform in three former settler colonies in Southern Africa -- Chapter 6. Politics of land resource management in Mozambique -- Chapter 7. Land law reform and complex state-building process in Rwanda -- Chapter 8. Post-Cold War Ethiopian land policy and state power in land commercialisation -- Chapter 9. Traversing state, agribusinesses, and farmers' land discourse in Kenyan commercial intensive agriculture.

"Canada and the Middle East in Theory and Practice provides a unique perspective on one of the world's most geopolitically important regions. From the perspective of Canadian policy practitioners, diplomats, and academics who have been involved in the region, the book offers an overview of Canada's relationship with the Middle East and the challenges Canada faces there. The contributors, both academics and former diplomats, examine Canada's efforts to promote its interests and values - peace building, peacekeeping, multiculturalism, and multilateralism, for example - and investigate the views of interested communities on Canada's relations with countries of the Middle East." "Canada and the Middle East be useful to academics and students studying the Middle East, Canadian foreign policy, and international relations."--Jacket

In this work, ten American and Japanese specialists offer a comprehensive analysis of one of the most dramatic developments in Asia today: the reemergence of Vietnam - not as the belligerent champion of a militant ideology and socialist causes, but as an open, friendly country seeking a respected place in the world community. Basing their observations on five years of study, visits to Vietnam, and numerous interviews with knowledgeable officials, scholars, and businessmen there and in the United States and Japan, the authors evaluate the political, economic, social, and foreign policy changes that have been taking place in Vietnam over the past decade, trace the responses of the United States and Japan, and offer a policy prescription for responding to the challenges of the future.

IN RESPONSE TO GROWING CONCERN ABOUT GLOBAL WARMING, THE GERMAN GOVERNMENT ANNOUNCED ITS INTENTION TO REDUCE CARBON DIOXIDE EMISSIONS 25-30 PERCENT BY THE YEAR 2005. WHEN THE POLICY PROCESS THAT LED THE GERMAN GOVERNMENT TO ADOPT SUCH AN AMBITIOUS GOAL IS EXAMINED, IT CAN BE ARGUED THAT THE CORPORATIST TYPES OF ARRANGEMENTS FOUND IN GERMANY HAVE PROVIDED AN INSTITUTIONAL ARENA THAT ENABLED A CONSENSUS TO COALESCE AROUND THE VIEW THAT CLIMATE CHANGE WAS A SERIOUS THREAT THAT WARRANTED CONCERTED ACTION. THE POLICY PROCESS THAT HELPED FORGE THE POLITICAL CONSENSUS ON GLOBAL WARMING, HOWEVER, HAS NOT BEEN IMMUNE TO CHANGES IN THE BROADER POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT THAT HAVE MADE AGREEMENT ON SPECIFIC ACTIONS MORE DIFFICULT. THUS, WHETHER GERMANY WILL BE ABLE TO ACHIEVE ITS ANNOUNCED TARGET REMAINS IN QUESTION.

Starting with the assumption that the European Union has increasingly tended to present its major space achievements as a substantial contribution to a larger and more ambitious project of construction and legitimization of a political actor (common foreign and security policy/European security and defense policy), this study deals with the EU's international actorness regarding global space governance. Different criteria (authority, autonomy, and coherence) have been selected in order to measure the level of international actorness in a given sector. This original grid of analysis has been systematically tested on the EU in order to conclude if the EU is an actor in the space field or if it is simply present in the field. Adapted from the source document.

Reservations have long formed a fundamental tenet of affirmative action in India. Quotas for representation of various disadvantaged groups proliferate across public educational institutions and government jobs. However, elections to public office have largely escaped such quotas, except those that are caste-based. A shift in this status quo occurred in 1992 with the establishment of the Panchayati Raj system of grassroots governance. 34% of all seats under Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) were to be reserved for women under the 73rd amendment. Another constitutional amendment passed in September 2009 increased PRI quotas for women to 50%. This paper seeks to examine if the 2009 increase in mandated female representation in PRIs from 34% to 50% had an impact on female candidates' performance in Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections, where there continue to be no quotas for women. In doing so, I seek to understand if reservations indeed change underlying voter behavior—do descriptive changes in representation at one level motivate changes at another? Given that largely the same electorate votes for candidates at differing levels of government, it is likely that change in attitudes towards candidates at one level impacts elections to higher levels of government. This paper contributes to literature by examining the upward impact of quotas in PRIs on elections to levels of government that do not have reservations for female candidates, thus giving a better indication of underlying change in general voter behaviour. I found largely insignificant or slightly negative effects of female reservation on performance of female candidates in Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections immediately succeeding the imposition of these reservations in 2009. Even as female representation may signal the progressive nature of a society, there is some evidence of a backlash effect that may go away (or is simply difficult to assess over time). There is hazard in arguing the quotas can solve the problems of regressive social norms – mandating 34 to 50% quotas in communities where women take up less than 10% of political seats can lead to unforeseen effects, and reduce the quota to a form of token, statistical representation for women. However, the initial hesitancy and backlash can lead the way to a positive equilibrium and more equitable society in the long run, achieving change that would have otherwise taken decades to attain organically.