Suchergebnisse

Using a unique application of Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL), this book provides a critical, interdisciplinary, examination of the contemporary practice of UN peacekeeping. Is peacekeeping intervention? Since its conception in the mid-1950s, peacekeeping has significantly evolved from traditional, lightly armed, passive operations to robust, multi-dimensional stabilisation peacekeeping operations. This raises questions as to whether this is simply a natural evolution of peacekeeping or whether it marks an expansion of the concept beyond its boundaries, pushing it into the realm of peace enforcement or intervention. In response, this book examines the frameworks which govern UN peacekeeping and seeks to understand the relationship between peacekeeping and the principle of non-intervention. Providing practical examples from the United Nations' operations in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and drawing upon interviews with key international actors including UN personnel, the book explores the boundaries of peacekeeping, contending that peacekeeping, at times, becomes a form of intervention. This, the book argues, is detrimental both to the concept of peacekeeping and to the host state, and it concludes by offering a series of recommendations to re-affirm peacekeeping's boundaries and amplify the effectiveness of contemporary peacekeeping.

We analyze democratic equity in council voting games (CVGs). In a CVG, a voting body containing all members delegates decision-making to a (time-varying) subset of its members, as describes, e.g., the relationship between the United Nations General Assembly and the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). We develop a theoretical framework for analyzing democratic equitability in CVGs at both the country and region levels, and for different assumptions regarding preference correlation. We apply the framework to evaluate the equitability of the UNSC, and the claims of those who seek to reform it. We find that the individual permanent members are overrepresented by between 21.3 times (United Kingdom) and 3.8 times (China) from a country-level perspective, while from a region perspective Eastern Europe is the most heavily overrepresented region with more than twice its equitable representation, and Africa the most heavily underrepresented. Our equity measures do not preclude some UNSC members from exercising veto rights, however.

"Trades of money for political influence persist at every level of government. Not surprisingly, governments themselves trade money for political support on the international stage. Strange, however, is the tale of this book. For, in this study, legitimacy stands as the central political commodity at stake. The book investigates the ways governments trade money for favors at the United Nations Security Council - the body endowed with the international legal authority to legitimize the use of armed force to maintain or restore peace. With a wealth of quantitative data, the book shows that powerful countries, such as the United States, Japan, and Germany, extend financial favors to the elected members of the Security Council through direct foreign aid and through international organizations, such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. In return, developing countries serving on the Security Council must deliver their political support... or face the consequences"--

The purpose of the study is to analyse how the United Nations has reacted to foreign military interventions and which factors can help explain the reactions. In order to carry out the investigation the term foreign military intervention is defined, criteria for the selection of cases are formulated, and cases selected. This is followed by an examination of the United Nations' reactions to the selected cases through the Security Council's and the General Assembly's responses to the interventions. The next step of the analysis is the formulation of a Hypothesis. This is done from a legal and normative approach to explaining the United Nations' reactions. The Hypothesis is operationalised and tested through the formulation of two specifications. The two specifications are analysed in the context of the United Nation's reactions to the selected cases. Based on this analysis the validity of the hypothesis is assessed.

Although terrorism continues to retain its localised nature in some respects, the threat has taken on an international character for some time now. Consequently, national efforts to curb terrorism are not sufficient in dealing with the threat, underscoring the importance of multilateral counterterrorism cooperation. The United Nations (UN) is perhaps the most visible and predominant international organisation for security issues and has thus built the prime case study for this research endeavour. The aim of this thesis has been to examine how the UN's response to terrorism has changed since the 1970s. In doing so, the project has provided an empirical overview of 50 years of UN counterterrorism efforts and has analysed the empirical data to identify patterns, continuities, and disruptions in the UN's response. The findings suggest that the United Nations has seen both change and continuity in its efforts to quell terrorist violence and it has been demonstrated that, while multilateral counterterrorism cooperation is possible at the UN, it is cumbersome and progress is best done away from the political limelight. The obstacles that have prevented swift action when the UN General Assembly first took up the issue in 1972 have remained remarkably consistent and are unlikely to be solved quickly. The step-by-step criminalisation of certain offences through treaty-making has however allowed the Assembly to make some progress. Following the Cold War, the Security Council has — although not spared from definitional short-comings — responded to terrorism in a more assertive (e.g. sanctions) and at times forceful manner. Finally, it has been highlighted that the politised nature of terrorism can greatly limit counterterrorism responses. Therefore, it has been suggested that future academic inquiry must explore the extent to which less politised organisations, those that are technical and regional in nature, might be better suited to address terrorism within their framework.

S. 41-118: Trade policy

Between October 1999 and May 2002, UNTAET exercised sovereign control over East Timor, and the state-building mission was viewed by many as a test case of governance. Although bearing in mind its so-called uniqueness, the aim here is to evaluate UNTAETs legacy, and to highlight the lessons from this experience. After reviewing major events at different levels, the article argues that, as far as legacy is concerned, the evidence is mixed. UNTAET was neither an astounding success nor a complete failure. As to possible lessons, it is argued that the problems faced by UNTAET must be placed into two different categories: efficiency; and accountability and legitimacy. UNTAETs experience suggests that, while it is feasible to fully overcome the first kind of difficulty, it is only possible to attenuate the second type of constraint. (Contemporary Southeast Asia/DÜI)

United Nat publications. Sales No. 1953.IV.5. ; "ST/SOA/15." ; Mode of access: Internet.