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In theory, the art of war can meet different approach to the characteristics of the phenomenon of war and peace. Until recently the phenomenon of war and peace could be compared to a magnet, creating a single entity, but having two opposite poles. The new realities of social, economic, political and military relationships between the phenomena of war and peace can be compared to the spectrum of visible light, where peace and war still represent opposite poles, but in between there is the phenomenon (concept) intermediate. Study aims to analyze the situation in the Persian Gulf in the twenty-first century. The article consists of three parts. The first presents the results of research on the origin of the conflict and the assumed political and military objectives. In the second, the conclusions of the Iraqi Freedom operation have been formulated in the context of the goals achieved and their impact on peace-building in the Gulf region. In the last one, an attempt was made to answer the question whether the military intervention of coalition forces in Iraq has led to a solution of the crisis, or rather it has been the beginning of the current problems Europe is facing. ; W teorii operacji wojskowych, sztuce wojennej oraz naukach politycznych można spotkać różne podejścia do pokoju i wojny. Do niedawna jeszcze oba zjawiska porównywano do magnesu, tworzącego jedną całość, posiadającego jednak dwa przeciwstawne bieguny. W nowych realiach społecznych, ekonomicznych, politycznych i militarnych wzajemne relacje pomiędzy wojną i pokojem można porównać do widma światła widzialnego, gdzie oba nadal stanowią przeciwstawne bieguny, ale pomiędzy nimi pojawiły się zjawiska (pojęcia) pośrednie. Celem artykułu jest analiza sytuacji konfliktowej w Zatoce Perskiej w XXI. Artykuł składa się z trzech części. W pierwszej przedstawiono wyniki badań dotyczących genezy konfliktu oraz zakładanych celów politycznych i militarnych. W drugiej, sformułowano wnioski z przeprowadzonej operacji Iracka Wolność, w kontekście sposobów osiągania tychże celów i ich wpływu na kształtowanie pokoju w regionie Zatoki Perskiej. W ostatniej, zaprezentowano próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie: czy interwencja zbrojna sił koalicyjnych w I raku doprowadziła do rozwiązania kryzysu, czy raczej stała się początkiem obecnych problemów z jakimi zmaga się Europa.

Over the past 15 years the genre now referred to as Sport for Peace and Development (SPD) has seen various policy initiatives in many theatres of conflict. Those in this field include variously non-governmental organisations (NGOs), charities, world organisations, sporting governing bodies, national governments, commercial entities, individual foundations and academics. The opportunities for debate on this issue are endless and have provided platforms for the most earnest humanitarians as well as the self-aggrandising and delusional. In the elusive search for world peace and reconciliation in war-damaged societies people will understandably try various means of bringing about reconciliation. In such circumstances two objectives dominate the political process. The first is that armed combat is prevented and peace – however tenuous –is sustained. Secondly, future stability has to be sought and promoted both by those who seek to keep the peace and by those that began or participated in the conflict. There are various issues integral to such pursuits. The most obvious concerns the best way of achieving such desired outcomes and begs the supplementary question as to the people best placed to pursue them. What follows permits an ethnographic account to consider the promotion and delivery of specific SDP projects in post-conflict Liberia, West Africa which provides for a micro-study SDP in action Such delivery can be positioned variously as both the intentional use of sport –more specifically football – for rehabilitation and peace-building and as an everyday practice and national obsession that presented opportunities to intersect the game of football with moral, social and politically motivated interventions focused towards building a peaceful civil society. A challenge in a country like Liberia, that is scarcely visited by its funders and often instils fear amongst those academics tasked to monitor projects, is regulating practices and evaluating impact in a meaningful way. Liberia often presents a seductive narrative and image to the SDP apparatachiks. But, we might ask, at what consequence to the local populations whose primary focus is daily sustenance and survival? Do such interests do no harm?

การวิจัยนี้มีวัตถุประสงค์เพื่อ 1) ศึกษาพัฒนาการทางอารยธรรม และการปะทะทางอารยธรรมในกระบวนทรรศน์ต่าง ๆ 2) วิเคราะห์การปะทะระหว่างอารยธรรมในโลกปัจจุบันผ่านงานเขียนของแซมมวล ฮันทิงทันในหนังสือ การปะทะทางอารยธรรมและการจัดระเบียบโลกใหม่3) สังเคราะห์แนวทางสร้างสันติภาพโลก ด้วยกระบวนทรรศน์หลังนวยุคสายกลาง ใช้ระเบียบวิธีวิจัยเชิงคุณภาพ ด้วยวิธีการวิจัยทางปรัชญาแบบวิภาษวิธี (Dialectic) และการแลกเปลี่ยนวิจารณญาณเชิงปรัชญา (Philosophical Discursion) ผู้ให้ข้อมูลสำคัญคือ แซมมวล ฮันทิงทันผ่านผลงานเขียน เครื่องมือทางปรัชญาที่ใช้ในการวิจัยคือการวิเคราะห์ การสังเคราะห์ และการวิธานทางปรัชญาอย่างเป็นระบบ(Philosophical Systemic Analysis, Synthesis and Application)การวิจัยพบว่า 1. โลกได้พัฒนากระบวนทรรศน์และความขัดแย้งมา 5 ยุคแล้ว คือ 1) กระบวนทรรศน์ยุคดึกดำบรรพ์ที่มีความขัดแย้งประปรายระหว่างเผ่า 2) กระบวนทรรศน์ยุคโบราณที่มีการต่อสู้กันในทางปรัชญาทั้งในกรีก จีน และอินเดีย 3) กระบวนทรรศน์ยุคกลางที่เกิดสงครามครูเสดเพื่อแย่งดินแดนศักดิสิทธิ4) กระบวนทรรศน์นวยุคที่ก่อสงครามล่าอาณานิคม สงครามโลกครั้งที่ 1, 2 และสงครามเย็น 5) กระบวนทรรศน์หลังนวยุคที่มีสงครามกับความยากจนและโรคร้ายเพื่อคุณภาพชีวิต และสงครามเรียกร้องความเป็นธรรมนานาชาติ 2. การปะทะทางอารยธรรมเพราะความแตกต่างทางศาสนาที่ฮันทิงทันแนะนำเป็นกระบวนทรรศน์ยุคกลาง ไม่อาจเป็นไปเพื่อสันติภาพในโลกหลังนวยุคได้ และคำแนะนำที่ว่าให้ประเทศผู้นำสะสมความแข็งแกร่งทางทหาร การเมือง เศรษฐกิจและการจัดการ เพื่อจะได้เป็นผู้นำอารยธรรมและถ่วงดุลอำนาจกันนั้นเป็นกระบวนทรรศน์นวยุค ซึ่งการกระทำดังกล่าวได้ก่อให้เกิดสงครามมามากไม่อาจเป็นไปเพื่อสันติภาพในโลกหลังนวยุคได้ 3.กระบานทรรศน์หลังนวยุคสายกลางเป็นระบบปัญญาที่มุ่งพัฒนาอารยธรรมแห่งความสุขแท้ให้แก่มนุษย์ด้วยการพัฒนาปัญญา คุณภาพชีวิตที่ดี ระบบที่ชอบธรรม และสันติภาพโลก ดังสูตรนี้ [ความเจริญ = ปัญญา (คุณภาพชีวิต + ระบบอันชอบธรรม + สันติภาพโลก) สุขแท้] โลกกำลังก้าวเข้าสู่กระบวนทรรศน์ที่ 5 ดังกล่าวนี้The purposes of this research were to study 1) The evolution of civilization and conflicts2) The clash of civilization in the today world through Samuel Huntington's work The Clash of Civilization and the Remaking of World Order 3) Peace building strategies with moderate postmodernism. This research was run through qualitative research methodology with the philosophical techniques of dialectics and discursion. Key informant was Samuel Huntington through his work. The research instruments were philosophical systemic analysis, synthesis and application.The findings were as follow: 1.The world has evolved through five paradigms and conflicts within; they were 1) Primitive paradigm with several conflicts among tribes 2) Ancient paradigm with fights among philosophical ideologies in Greek, China and India 3) Medieval Paradigm with crusade wars, fights for a holy land4)Modern paradigm with colonial war, World War 1 & 2 and cold war 5)Postmodern paradigm with war against poverty and disease for improving quality oflife, and war against unfair system for international just system. 2.The clash of civilization based on religious differences suggested by Huntington was a medieval paradigm concept, not applicablefor world peace in postmodern world. Huntington's suggestion to strengthen military, polity, economy and management in order to lead the world civilization and to balance all powers in order were modern concepts which had already created many wars, not applicable for world peace in postmodern world. 3.The moderate postmodernism was the latest mankind wisdom system aiming to develop civilization of authentic happiness with wisdom development, quality of life, just system and world peace as formulated [Growth = wisdom (QOL + Just System + World Peace) authetic happiness]. The world is developing toward this scenario of postmodern paradigm.

Eines der Hauptziele der UNO ist die Erhaltung des Weltfriedens. Um dieses Ziel zu erreichen werden immer wieder Friedensmissionen durchgeführt. Allerdings kommt es leider immer häufiger genau durch diese Missionen, aufgrund von Fehlverhalten der Soldaten, zu Schäden an der Bevölkerung und den Aufnahmestaaten. Kindesmisshandlung, Folter, Schmuggel, Zuhälter und andere Straftaten wurden Friedenssoldaten in den letzten Jahren vorgeworfen. Zu oft werden jene, die Frieden bringen sollen, selbst zum Täter. Aufgrund der starken Präsenz österreichischer Soldaten bei derartigen Missionen wächst die Wahrscheinlichkeit, dass auch einem österreichischen Soldaten solche und ähnliche Vergehen vorgeworfen werden. Daher ergibt sich folgende Kernfrage dieser Arbeit: Inwieweit ist Österreich für die schädigenden Handlungen entsandter Truppen im UNO Friedenseinsatz völkerrechtlich verantwortlich? Zuerst werden die Grundzüge des Peacekeeping und der völkerrechtlichen Verantwortlichkeit von Staaten sowie auch internationalen Organisationen dargelegt. Dann werden die Zurechnungsmöglichkeiten von Handlungen der UNO Soldaten detailliert besprochen. Im speziellen wird dann die Zurechenbarkeit auf den Staat Österreich geprüft. Dem folgend wird untersucht, ob und wie weit die UNO Soldaten während ihres Einsatzes an die Regelungen des humanitären Völkerrechts und die EMRK gebunden sind und welche Handlungen somit einen Völkerrechtsbruch darstellen. Zuletzt werden die Konsequenzen der völkerrechtlichen Verantwortlichkeit für den Staat als auch für den handelnden Soldaten aus völkerrechtlicher und nationaler Sicht dargestellt. ; One of the major aims of the UN is to preserve world peace. In order to achieve this aim they perform peacekeeping missions. Unfortunately, some of these missions harm the population and the states due to misconduct of peace soldiers. Thus, peace soldiers were blamed for various crimes in recent years. Too often, those who bring peace may itself become the violator. Because of the strong presence of Austrian soldiers in such operations, it is increasingly likely that Austrian soldiers are accused of such crimes. Hence, the core issue of this thesis is to what extent Austria is internationally responsible for damaging actions of troops deployed on a peacekeeping mission. The first chapter deals with the fundamentals of peacekeeping as well as the international responsibility of states and international organizations. In particular, the international responsibility of Austria regarding actions of UN soldiers is being examined. Furthermore, this thesis analyses whether and to what extent UN peace soldiers are bound on regulations of humanitarian law and human rights. Finally, the consequences of the international responsibility for the state and the responsible soldier are presented from a national and international perspective. ; von Tanja Messner ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2015 ; (VLID)1255608

La Justicia de Paz española está en crisis. El modelo portugués de
Juzgados de Paz puede constituir una alternativa aceptable desde nuestra perspectiva.
Las diferencias entre ambos modelos son notables: el Juez de Paz portugués
es un Juez profesional y titulado en Derecho; su ámbito competencial es amplio,
pero sólo en materia civil; la determinación del territorio de su jurisdicción es
flexible; el procedimiento ante el Juzgado de Paz es informal y flexible, y tiene por
objeto favorecer el acuerdo entre las partes; por ello, los Juzgados de Paz protagonizan
la implantación de métodos alternativos como la mediación o la conciliación.
En cada Juzgado existe un servicio de mediación intraprocesal con el objetivo
de favorecer el acuerdo entre las partes.
Espainiako bake-justizia krisian dago. Bake Epaitegien eredu
portugaldarra oso alternatiba egokia izan daiteke gure ikuspegitik. Bi ereduen arteko
ezberdintasunak nabarmenak dira: Portugaleko bake-epailea epaile profesionala
da, zuzenbideko tituluduna; hainbat alorretako eskumenak ditu, baina alor
zibilekoak denak; bere jurisdikzioaren barruko eremua malgua da; Bake Epaitegian
prozedura informala eta malgua darama, bi aldeen arteko akordioa laguntzea baitu
helburu, horregatik, Bake Epaitegiek bestelako metodoak erabiltzen dituzte Portugalen,
esate baterako, bitartekaritza edo adiskidetzea. Epaitegi bakoitzean prozesu
bitarteko bitartekari-zerbitzua dago, aldeei ados jartzen laguntzeko.
Spanish Peace Courts are in crisis. The Portuguese model of Peace
courts might be an acceptable alternative from our perspective. The differences
between both models are remarkable: the Portuguese judge is a professional who
holds a degree in Law; with a flexible determination of its territorial jurisdiction;
the procedure before the Peace Court is informal and flexible and it aims to favour
the agreement between the parties; therefore, the Peace Courts have the leading
role of introducing alternative methods like mediation and conciliation. In every
peace court there is an intraprocedural mediation service with the purpose of
favouring the agreement between the parties.

The article traces the impact and relevance of the service delivery and poverty alleviation strategies introduced by the African National Congress (ANC) led provincial government in the Free State Province. This was in line with the promises made by the ANC during its electioneering campaigns of a "better life for all". South Africa was confronted with the challenge of transforming a racially and ethnically fragmented and unequal public service delivery system into one that would be able to meet the demands from a newly enfranchised citizenry for economic, social and political development. The legacies of apartheid, combined with widespread poor budgetary and financial management, a massive backlog in basic services and infrastructure, race and regional inequalities in provision, and sometimes tense social relationships, tended to limit opportunities for social development and expanded delivery. South Africa's new Constitution guaranteed human rights and democratic governance, promised efficient delivery of services and implemented a number of reforms aimed at achieving equity, access and the redistribution of resources. I argue in this article that the appointment of Winkie Direko, as the Premier of the Free State for the period 1999 to 2004 heralded a new dispensation for service delivery and poverty alleviation projects in the province. Therefore,the article seeks to highlight some of her initiatives as the province's Premier in fast-tracking service delivery and poverty alleviation programmes. In order to achieve the above, Direko introduced a structure which became known as the Premier's Economic Advisory Council (PEAC). This article reflects the role played by the PEAC in advising Direko as Premier on the economic development of the Free State Province. It presents the reflections, analysis, and recommendations of the research projects undertaken under the auspices of the PEAC. Furthermore, it highlights the use of the PEAC as one approach to enhance stakeholders' contribution to the economic development of the province, albeit within the limitations of time and funding from the Free State provincial government. Direko's PEAC ceased to function after the change of the provincial political leadership in April 2004 general election. Therefore, the article discusses the period 1999 to 2004.

The Trento War, which hit the Saint-Empire between 1618 and 1648, a war of religion, was no doubt for contemporary people. From the outset, its challenge was the establishment of a state capable of supporting the sectarian difference. And it is in the strong sense of this challenge — the invention of a state based on a peace of religion — and not in the weak sense of a confessional war confronting Catholic and Protestant that the Trento War was perceived as a war of German religion with foreign interests. Consequently, it was constantly accompanied by reflections on the purpose of the mixture; the battle of swords and guns was constantly accompanied by a battle of feathers on the concept of peace of religion, which sometimes anticipated it, sometimes emphasised it, and sometimes cautiona. However, the men who spoke about the future peace were not just the heroes of the feather, but held religious and political functions. The purpose of this contribution is to show how they thought the war they lived and projected peace, how they sometimes, through their writing on war and peace, opened up conditions for fighting, how they sometimes try to curb the event, how they sometimes went beyond it. How, therefore, the theorising of war is ANCRA in political practices, situations and conflicts. ; Que la guerre de Trente ans, qui secoua le Saint-Empire entre 1618 et 1648, soit une guerre de religion, ne faisait aucun doute pour les contemporains. D'emblée, son enjeu fut la mise en place d'un État apte à supporter la différence confessionnelle. Et c'est au sens fort de cette gageure - l'invention d'un État fondé sur une paix de religion -, et non au sens faible d'une guerre confessionnelle affrontant catholiques et protestants que la guerre de Trente ans fut perçue comme une guerre de religion allemande greffée d'intérêts étrangers. En conséquence, elle fut constamment accompagnée de réflexions sur la finalité de la mêlée ; le combat d'épées et de canons fut constamment doublé d'un combat de plumes sur la notion de paix de ...

Description based on: [No.] 8, 1946; title from verso of title-page. ; No. [1] issued as Western European series, no. 1; no. [4-6] issued as Eastern European series, no. 1-3. ; Each no. has also a distinctive title. ; no.1. France and the Tariff Act of 1922 -- no.2. Unclaimed estates in the Birtish Isles -- no.3. Unclaimed estates in the Netherlands -- no.4. Establishment of diplomatic relations with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics -- no.5. Recognition of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics -- no.6. The establishment of normal relations between the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics -- no.7. International transfers of territory in Europe -- no.8. The Spanish government and the Axis -- no.9. The problem of German political revival -- no.10. Trial of war criminals -- no.11. The present status of German youth -- no.12. The distribution of reparation in Germany -- no.13. Restatement of U.S. policy in Germany -- no.14. Foreign affairs outlines: building the peace, no.11. -- no.15. United States economic policy toward Germany -- no.16. Report of the United States education mission to Germany -- no.17. United States and Italy, 1936-1946 -- no.18. U.S. aims and policies in Europe -- no.19. The Nürnberg judgment, a summary -- no.20. The United States and economic collaboration among the countries of Europe -- no.21. Treaties of peace with Italy, Bulgaria, Hungary, Roumania, and Finland -- no.22. Soviet supply protocols -- no.23. Occupation of Germany: policy and progress -- no.24. Making the peace treaties, 1941-1947 -- no.25. European initiative essential to economic recovery -- no.26. The displaced-persons problem -- no.27. Directive regarding the military government of Germany -- no.28. Committee of European Economic Co-operation: volume 1, general report -- no.29. Committee of European Economic Co-operation: volume 2, technical report -- no.30. Foreign affairs outlines: building the peace, no.15. -- no.31. The problems of European revival and German and Austrian peace settlements. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Sound, music and storytelling are important tools of resistance, resilience and reconciliation in creative practice from protracted conflict to post-conflict contexts. When they are used in a socially engaged participatory capacity, they can create counter-narratives to conflict. Based on original research in three continents, this book advances an interdisciplinary, comparative approach to exploring the role of sonic and creative practices in addressing the effects of conflict. Each case study illustrates how participatory arts genres are variously employed by musicians, arts facilitators, theatre practitioners, community activists and other stakeholders as a means of 'strategic creativity' to transform trauma and promote empowerment. This research further highlights the complex dynamics of delivering and managing creativity among those who have experienced violence, as they seek opportunities to generate alternative arenas for engagement, healing and transformation

This open access book examines why Japan discontinued its quarter-century history of troop contribution to UN Peacekeeping Operations (1992–2017). Japan had deployed its troops as UN peacekeepers since 1992, albeit under a constitutional limit on weapons use. Japan's peacekeepers began to focus on engineering work as its strength, while also trying to relax the constraints on weapons use, although to a minimal extent. In 2017, however, Japan suddenly withdrew its engineering corps from South Sudan, and has contributed no troops since then. Why? The book argues that Japan could not match the increasing "robustness" of recent peacekeeping operations and has begun to seek a new direction, such as capacity-building support.

Cover -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- PART ONE: A NEW PARADIGM FOR ACHIEVING NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY -- 1 The Hopeful Science -- 2 Laying the Foundations -- 3 The Core Principles of Economic Peacekeeping -- 4 Making It Happen: Building a Peacekeeping Economy in the "Real World" -- 5 Making It Stronger: Organizations and Institutions -- 6 Does Globalization Contribute to Economic Peacekeeping? -- PART TWO: THE ECONOMICS OF DEMILITARIZED SECURITY -- 7 The Economic Promise of Demilitarized Security -- 8 Removing Barriers to Demilitarized Security: Managing the Transition -- 9 Extending Demilitarized Security: Economic Peacekeeping and Nonviolent Action -- 10 Demilitarized Security, Development, and Terrorism -- PART THREE: THE PEACEKEEPING ECONOMY -- 11 Bringing It All Together: Toward a More Prosperous and Secure World -- Notes -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- X -- Y -- Z.

In den letzten Jahren hat sich das öffentliche und wissenschaftliche Interesse am Gewalt- und Konfliktpotenzial von Religion verdichtet. Angesichts der politischen Ereignisse der letzten Jahre scheint es ausgemacht, dass religiöse Überzeugungen Konflikte fördern und Gewalt nach sich ziehen. Gründlichere Analysen zeigen jedoch, dass Religion für sich genommen nur selten selber den Ausbruch von machtpolitisch oder ökonomisch ausgetragenen Konflikten bewirkt. Wohl aber kann sie vorhandene ökonomische und machtpolitische Gegnerschaften verstärken.Dass Religion auch friedensfördernd zu sein vermag, ist in jüngerer Zeit deutlich weniger in den Blick genommen worden. Die Beiträge dieses Bandes widmen sich diesem vernachlässigten Thema, indem sie nach jenen Elementen von Religion fragen, die als friedensfördernd angesehen werden können und dazu geeignet sind, entsprechende Potenziale freizusetzen. Dies geschieht aus der Perspektive von Geschichts-, Politik-, Islam und Religionswissenschaft sowie Theologie und im Hinblick auf verschiedene, in Europa präsente Religionen. Religionskritisch werden gleichzeitig die gewaltfördernden Aspekte von Religion mit reflektiert.Mit Beiträgen von Andreas Hasenclever, Alexander de Juan, Armin Kohnle, Irfan A. Omar, Peter Steinacker, Klaus von Stosch und Christiane Tietz.