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"Declassified report release date: May 1999"--Added t.p. verso. ; Shipping list no.: 99-0028-S. ; Distributed to all depository libraries in paper. ; "May 25, 1999--declassified, in part, pursuant to House Resolution 5, as amended, 106th Congress, 1st session"--Added t.p. ; "January 3, 1999--committed to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union and ordered to be printed (subject to declassification review"--Added t.p. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Declassified report release date: May 1999"--Added t.p. verso. ; Shipping list no.: 99-0028-S. ; Distributed to all depository libraries in paper. ; "May 25, 1999--declassified, in part, pursuant to House Resolution 5, as amended, 106th Congress, 1st session"--Added t.p. ; "January 3, 1999--committed to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union and ordered to be printed (subject to declassification review"--Added t.p. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) introduced Zimbabwe into the realm of China during the liberation struggle as it sourced military support. In line with the Chinese dominance in ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) guerrilla warfare followed the Maoist doctrine. However, at independence, Zimbabwe joined the British Commonwealth and became a part of the western orbit. Although the country continued to have some form of political and economic linkages with China, the relations were cosmetic. It was at the fall of the cordial relations with the West at the end of the 1990s that Zimbabwe refocused on China. Zimbabwe hinged its survival on Chinese support as it turned full circle to the East. This paper analyses the long historical relations between Zimbabwe and China. It argues that political transformations returned back Zimbabwe to China's hegemony. The paper is based on qualitative research methods and information was gathered primarily through the use of archival data.

S'appuyant sur une étude de deux ans sur les entrepreneurs en tutorat privé en Ontario, cet article se penche sur la légitimité croissante de l'entrepreneurialisme éducatif. Cette légitimité transforme la nature de l'éducation en préconisant des solutions commerciales aux « problèmes »éducatifs et la croyance que la compétition et la débureaucratisation encouragent la responsabilité, l'efficacité et la réceptivité du client. L'industrie du tutorat privé fournit une étude de cas exemplaire. Non plus simplement moyen de produire des revenus supplémentaires, cette industrie promet désormais des occasions d'affaires à plein temps aux investisseurs cultivés ayant des formations éducatives et professionnelles diverses. Dépourvu de la prétention des professeurs à l'autorité professionnelle, l'entrepreneurialisme éducationnel est soutenu par la culture émergente de l'éducation intensive des enfants et par la personnalisation en éducation. Étonnamment, la franchise tutorielle s'avère constituer un véhicule particulièrement efficace pour équilibrer les buts financiers et l'aspect humaniste de l'éducation.Based on a two‐year study of private tutoring entrepreneurs in Ontario, Canada, this paper examines the increased legitimacy of educational entrepreneurialism. This legitimacy is changing the nature of schooling by supporting market solutions to education "problems" and the belief that competition and de‐bureaucratization encourages accountability, efficiency and consumer responsiveness. The private tutoring industry provides an exemplary case study. No longer simply a means to generate additional income, the private tutoring industry now promises full‐time business opportunities for well‐educated investors from a variety of educational and occupational backgrounds. Lacking teachers' claims to professional authority, educational entrepreneurialism is further bolstered by the emerging culture of intensive parenting and educational customization. Surprisingly, the tutoring franchise proves to be a particularly effective vehicle for balancing profit goals with the more humanistic face of schooling.

The requirement of presidential threshold (PT) as regulated in article 222 Act No. 7 Year 2017 about General Election is no longer urgent to be applied in simultaneous general election. The requirement violates against the principles of justice general elections since it ellipse the rights of new political parties to propose candidates of president and vice president. On the other hand, viewing from the presidential system itself, PT requirement in the article 222 Act of General Election has an impairment and needs to reconstruct. This study emphasizes on two issues. First, the urgency to reconstruct political law of PT from the perspectives of presidential system and the simplification of political parties. Second, the concept of PT in the next simultaneous general election. This study results on, first, that in a presidential system, PT is considered as a requirement for the chosen and not a requirement for nominating president and vice president. In presidential systems, the presidential elections do not depend on the results of the legislative elections. Therefore, making the results of the legislative election as a condition for nominating the president and vice president is a violation of the presidential system. Second, PT provisions in terms of nomination requirements should no longer be needed because the purpose of implementing PT is to present a simplification party system and to garner majority support from the parliament against the elected president and vice president will be automatically implemented from the results of simultaneous general elections.

In den neueren bewaffneten Konflikten, wie zum Beispiel in Syrien, ist die Zivilbevölkerung der Hauptleidtragende der auftretenden Gewalt. Das humanitäre Völkerrecht ist meistens nicht in der Lage die Zivilisten zu beschützen und auch den Gebrauch von bestimmten Waffen und Methoden der Kriegsführung einzudämmen, die humanitäre Prinzipien verletzen. Dies ist der Ausgangspunkt für die Forschungsarbeit: Die Arbeit untersucht, ob die "neue Kriege" Kategorie dazu beitragen kann, einerseits, die Wurzeln der Gewalt im syrischen Konflikt darzulegen und zu behandeln und, andererseits, die Ursachen der vorhandenen "Compliancekrise" im humanitären Völkerrecht aufzuzeigen. Darüberhinaus wird das relativ neue Konzept der menschlichen Sicherheit erforscht. Dabei werden seine Möglichkeiten und potentiellen Einflüsse begutachtet, die zur Lösung der vorhandenen Krisen, sowohl im humanitären Völkerrecht als auch in Syrien, beitragen könnten. ; In recent armed conflicts, such as in Syria, the civil population bears the brunt of the occurring violence. The applicable law, namely International Humanitarian Law (IHL), is rarely able to protect civilians and restrict the use of certain weapons and methods that violate humanitarian principles. This is the starting point for this research: It investigates whether the "new wars" classification can serve, on the one hand, to understand and address the roots of the Syrian conflict and on the other hand, to explain why the "crisis of compliance" of IHL is persisting during most armed conflicts. Furthermore, it enquires into the relatively new concept of Human Security, thereby reviewing its capabilities and its potential impacts that could contribute to resolve the crisis of compliance of IHL and the humanitarian crisis in Syria. ; vorgelegt von Paul Zinell ; Zusammenfassung in Deutsch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2018 ; (VLID)2879003

The article comprehensively analyzes the actual scientific developments in which the lawyers propose the author's approaches to the understanding of the periodization process of labor law productive function formation. Defining both the advantages and disadvantages of these approaches, the author makes up his own periodization of the process of labor law productive function formation in Ukraine. At the same time, the author proposes to identify the beginning of the origin of labor law production function not with the moment of the formation of factory legislation, but with the emergence of the work executing practice within the framework of labor relations. ; У статті комплексно аналізуються актуальні наукові розробки, в яких правниками пропонуються авторські підходи до розуміння періодизації процесу становлення виробничої функції трудового права. Визначаючи як переваги, так і недоліки цих підходів, автор складає власну періодизацію процесу становлення виробничої функції трудового права в Україні. При цьому автором пропонується ототожнювати початок зародження виробничої функції трудового права не з моментом формування фабричного і заводського законодавства, а з появою практики виконання роботи в межах трудових правовідносин.

Abstract
Laws regulating historical discourse, or "memory laws," recognize past injustices, and, as in the case of legislation regarding the Holocaust, may punish denial. They also reflect the geopolitical interests of states or supranational institutions, especially in contested histories, such as the Ottoman Empire's persecution of Armenian subjects during the First World War. Scholarship on such legislation examines its ethical legitimacy and political impact, debating its effect on free speech and democratic governance. This discourse considers whether memory laws should ever be adopted, whether they actually achieve their goals, and the extent to which they reinforce realpolitik in governing institutions. This article reveals a hitherto little-discussed dimension of laws regulating historical discourse: performativity. Laws have performative effects in the form of meanings, intentions, and interpretations that go beyond the letter of the law. By focusing on Armenian Genocide recognition in France and Germany, this article elucidates the performative aspects of memory laws, revealing thereby underlying ideological biases and political agendas.