Suchergebnisse

This article explains why legislators in a centralized polity support decentralizing laws. Using Chile as a case study, it assesses two standard explanations for this support: party nomination procedures, which is disregarded, and electoral strategies, which is accepted. A novel finding is that party ideology is also a predictor of support for decentralization, with parties of the Right less likely to offer it. The author also argues that a legislator with a sub-national rather than national background is more likely to back such reforms in an attempt to enhance his or her reputation within the constituency. The author tests these and other hypotheses by combining qualitative arguments and regression analysis. The latter is performed on an original database of legislator biographical information, party electoral performance, regional GDP figures, and individual legislator support for 46 decentralizing laws approved in Chile between 1990 and 2006. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2007.]

Recent research by E. O. Wilson, Alford-Hibbing, Carmen, and others indicates that the competing social science paradigms of behavioralism and rational choice are in their last throes. Their salient weakness is insensitivity, bordering on ignorance, to politics as a biologically orchestrated phenomenon. More specifically, political scientists know precious little about either genetics or evolutionary dynamics. In this article, the author presents a new theory-sociogenomics-to replace the shopworn conceptions of yesterday's political science. The author then demonstrates how social scientists can employ the tools of molecular biology to flesh out the genes coding for baseline political attitudes and behaviors. The theory and methods of sociogenomics will serve to synthesize the social sciences with the natural sciences in a broader consilient framework, so that the laboratory of Darwinian investigation can become the laboratory of Aristotelian investigation. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2007 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

This article argues for a reassessment of the history of the Singhasari period based on disambiguating diverse historical sources that have often been combined to produce a seamless narrative, when in fact the textual record is marked by conflict, contradiction and ambiguity. The author proposes a basic division between the perspective of kakawin literature, which represents the interests of royal and priestly actors with a large stake in maintaining a fixed symbolic order, and literature in Middle Javanese, which reflects the more personal values that arose among young royals competing for favourable position in the core-line status hierarchy. The author further claims that symbolic initiatives of Krtanagara (1265-92 CE) that led to his identification as 'the god Shiva-Buddha' were not aimed at producing a syncretic religious system, but rather a politico-religious hegemony that had profound effects on the shape of statecraft during the Majapahit era. (J Southeast Asian Stud/GIGA)

The article determines legal status of provincial gendarme administrations, characterizes their prerogatives and activity, and reveals the lines of interaction with guarding departments. The author shows the place and role of provincial gendarme administrations in the system of political detective authorities at the local level modernized at the boundary of XIX-XX centuries as revolutionary movement grew. The article is based on archival and published material, memories of political detective authority figures of that period. ; The article determines legal status of provincial gendarme administrations, characterizes their prerogatives and activity, and reveals the lines of interaction with guarding departments. The author shows the place and role of provincial gendarme administrations in the system of political detective authorities at the local level modernized at the boundary of XIX-XX centuries as revolutionary movement grew. The article is based on archival and published material, memories of political detective authority figures of that period.

This article presents some aspects o f political relations between the Polish government and the Norwegian government in years 1940-45 when both governments were in exile in London. The author emphasizes that Polish-Norwegian relations in the period of war were quite tough, full of tensions, misunderstandings and journalistic incidents. While remaining in London, both governments rejected to recognize one another as the significant partners. They encountered different political problems, so the close cooperation between them was doomed from the start. In the conclusions the author underlines that relations with the Soviet Union appeared to be fundamental for Norwegian foreign policy. The Norwegian government was unwilling to cooperate with Poland, as it could have threatened the good relations Norway had with the Soviet Union. Besides Norway felt closer to Great Britain and the United States, whereas Polish plans referred to the cooperation of small countries. That is why their diplomatic relations had rather formal than real character.

Статья представляет собой размышления автора о происхождении, значении и развитии политической концепции «суверенная демократия». Рассматривая эту концепцию через призму современных теорий демократии, автор обнаруживает сходство суверенной демократии со многими классическими типами демократий, что подкрепляется теоретическими выводами действующих политиков и ученых. Статья демонстрирует диалектический подход к изучению феномена суверенной демократии и предъявляет читателю оригинальный вывод для понимания проходящих политических процессов в современной России. ; The article presents the author"s ideas concerning the origin, value and development of the political conception of the «sovereign democracy». Examining this conception through the prism of the modern theories of democracy, the author finds out the analogy between the sovereign democracy and many classic types of democracies this is reinforced by the theoretical conclusions of the working politicians and scientists. The article demonstrates the dialectical approach to the study of the sovereign democracy phenomenon and makes an original conclusion for understanding the political processes in modern Russia.

AbstractThis article analyses the way UN sanctions are implemented in the European legal order. As a basis for the analysis, the European Court of First Instance's (CFI) rulings in the Yusuf/Kadi/Ayadi 1 cases and the European Court of Human Rights's (ECrtHR) judgment in the Bosphorus 2 case are applied. The main critique of the author is that the CFI misconstrued the hierarchy of norms within the Community legal order when it argued that the EC/EU (European Community/European Union) is bound by UN Security Council resolutions in the same way as the Member States. Moreover, the conclusion drawn from this by the CFI that UN law enjoys supremacy over primary EC law is also rejected by the author. Finally, it appears that European courts are unwilling to provide judicial review against UN sanctions, which results in a lacuna concerning fundamental rights protection for affected individuals and organisations.

The article shows the specifics of the establishment of protectionist economic ideas in the USA in 1800-1850s, related both to the academic disputes of the period and to the objective demand to have a theory of the national economic development. The author describes a Раскрывается special role of M. Carey and H. C. Carey in the development of American trend of illiberal thought, their scientific and political contacts, the international influence of this trend. ; The article shows the specifics of the establishment of protectionist economic ideas in the USA in 1800-1850s, related both to the academic disputes of the period and to the objective demand to have a theory of the national economic development. The author describes a Раскрывается special role of M. Carey and H. C. Carey in the development of American trend of illiberal thought, their scientific and political contacts, the international influence of this trend.

AbstractThis article traces the patterns of irony and thecarnivalesquein Murat Uyurkulak's fantastic fictionHar, focusing especially on the depiction of a group of misfits,yamuklar(the crooked), as portrayed in the central chapter, "Cinema Grande." Arguing that a reconfigured carnival spirit finds its way into Uyurkulak's novel, the article explores from a Bakhtinian perspective the ways in which the author offers a modern version of popular festive elements, especially the jester or the fool who signifies the symbolic destruction of authority and resistance to the mechanisms of power. The employment of thecarnivalesqueenables the author not only to speak of what is essentially unspeakable, but also to displace the illusion of progress fabricated by authority. This turns out to be possible only through artistic illusion. By focusing on the portrayal of the outcasts in Cinema Grande, this article also draws attention to the different representations of madness in Atay's "disconnected" and Uyurkulak's "crooked."

By means of three examples, the author attempts to answer how, in a community, affects linked to impending danger function at the moment when facing critical events. What links does it reveal between the members when it is necessary to politically state a crisis situation, assign responsibilities, or evaluate protective actions taken? How this work within society intersects or avoids administrative formulations of risk? For the researcher, these questions are linked to methodological interrogations such as: how to document personal experiences displayed in public during sensitive situations? Which are the data that can be reported that have been described under the terms of affect & affectivity? How far & by which modality can public documents be mobilized for research? The author concludes that in this case, an original principle of community is defined thanks to these documentary public arrangements linked to affects: the community division as paradoxical modality of collective unity. Adapted from the source document.

While dealing with the issues of theory of mind (ToM) and false belief, the author realized that adolescents have similar false beliefs to those of children, but in a more complex manner. These false beliefs seem to be related to a typical developmental issue called "egocentrism."
Participants in this study were 11 adolescents (ages 16–18) and their families from a middle SES high school. ToM stories and new imaginary audience and personal fable categories were examined. Every adolescent was interviewed about his or her family relationships. To observe them all
together, the author wanted to analyze adolescents' most sophisticated relations: family relations. The results seemed to indicate that in the context of their family, adolescents have more emotional inference than social inference or intentions – that is, they have more thoughts
about their parents' feelings. If they have to describe their parents' relations, they seem to have more ToM (overall inference).

The author deals with the current issue of the farm size in agriculture Thereby the starting point of the author is the experience of the developed countries of the EU, in which the policy of agglomeration has been implemented successfully for a long time. In the agrarian structure of these countries there coexist large, medium size, and small farms, which find their place and play a significant role in the division of labour and in the accompanying specialization within the concept of the integral rural development. Serbia is characterized by an unfavourable property structure on the one hand, and on the other hand by the uncompleted privatization and reconstructuring of agricultural enterprises and cooperatives. The agrarian policy has failed to solve the problem of our agricultural subjects which has resulted in the crisis in both agriculture and rural areas. Measures and activities which would contribute to finding the solution to these problems are required.

This article traces the historical development of the boundaries around computer software and hardware. On one hand, the author documents ongoing discussions about the technical equivalence of hardware and software. On the other hand, he accounts for the stubborn persistence of these terms as markers for two distinct spheres of technology, knowledge, and practice. By using theoretical concepts such as "boundary work" and "coproduction," the author argues that ongoing efforts to negotiate the boundaries between hardware and software are significantly "sociotechnical" in that they involve both social and technical considerations. The analysis culminates with a discussion of the more recent rise of the "hardware/software codesign" movement. Particular emphasis is placed on the conditions that led to the emergence of codesign and the ongoing challenges faced by its proponents. The article concludes by describing how codesign points toward a more reflexive and socially responsible culture of computer design and use.