Suchergebnisse

The author alludes to Józef Chałasiński's article from 1946 entitled Polska leży w Europie [Poland lies in Europe] and published in the major weekly of his day, "Odrodzenie" [Rebirth] devoted to social and cultural issues. That article is claimed to be absolutely valid today when Poland has joined the EU. By emphasizing the European aspect of the Polish culture and history, Chałasiński successfully played up the problem of Poland's place in Europe and the need to consider the practicalities. In which Europe? He developed this idea further over the next 20 years of his scholarship (1946–1966) which he then compiled in his book Kultura i naród [Culture and nation] published in 1968.According to the author, Chałasiński treats the notion of society as primal and preceding the notion of socialism which only broadens the notion of society with ideas of social justice, freedom and solidarity in attaining common good. She also suggests that by linking the ideas of Europe and Europeanism with those of Poland and Polish Europeanism in 1946 he was accentuating not only their geographical but most of all historical and cultural connections.

As immigrants constitute a large and rising share of both the population and the electorate in many developed democracies, we examine aspects of immigrant political behavior, a vital issue that has gone largely unexplored outside of the U.S. context. We focus on Germany and Great Britain, two countries that provide good leverage to explore both within‐country and cross‐national variation in Europe. Our overall aim is to assess the impact of the immigration context. As a first step, we investigate whether immigrants and natives have systematically different attitudes on two issues that have dominated postwar European politics: social spending and redistribution. With controls in place, we observe that immigrants are no more likely to support increased social spending or redistributive measures than natives and find support for hypotheses highlighting selection effects and the impact of the immigration regime. Where we do find an opinion gap, immigrants tend to have more conservative preferences than natives. As a second step, we explore the determinants of immigrant partisan identification in Britain and find that the salience of the immigration context helps explain immigrants' partisan attachment to the Labour Party.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to describe Microsoft's activities in encouraging employability and to show how these activities provide strategic advantageDesign/methodology/approachTwo of Microsoft's corporate responsibility initiatives linked to the development of employment in Europe are described and it is shown how these activities have created sustainable competitive advantage for Microsoft through an analysis of industrial organisation economics and the resource‐based view of the firm. Reflects on the characteristics of these involvements and points to aspects which may have wider applicability.FindingsInvolvement in societal projects can contribute intangible assets to the firm whilst delivering social value. However these projects are part of wider coordinated activities with other organisations and with government.Research limitationsThese are reflections on participation in business and hence the conclusions are not representative and the analysis is unstructured.Practical implicationsThese case studies will show other businesses how to think about their corporate social responsibility activities from a strategic viewpoint and will allow academics to see how business develops such strategies.Originality/valueThese are rare descriptions of such projects, which are becoming more common in business.

This article explores two related questions. First, why has Marxist social theory been in sharp decline? Second, is Marxism still of value as a source of explanatory insights in the contemporary period? The author addresses the first question in terms of Marxism's decline as a specific resource in the study of China and as a general mode of analysis within social science and he provides a number of interconnected reasons, based primarily in the sociology of knowledge. These reasons for decline allow the argument to be made that Marxism still has something to offer because none of the reasons necessarily entails that Marxist concepts need lack explanatory relevance. This leads into the second question where the author explores how the realist movement in philosophy has been used by Marxists to provide an analytical underpinning that is compatible with Marx's work and where the author also discusses some aspects of contemporary China in terms of Marxist ways of thinking. These are then placed in an international context. The argument is part of a wider project to develop an applied philosophy of area studies. (Crit Asian Stud/DÜI)

An important branch in recent debates on the nature of the judiciary in colonial south India has focused on the extent
to which the judicial institutions—and the social transformations mediated through them—were controlled by the colonial state. This debate is of interest not only from the point of legal history. From the broader perspective of social and cultural history the debate is important because it draws attention to issues such as indigenous agency, conceptual negotiation and the hybrid nature of institutions under colonial rule. It is these issues I intend to address through an analysis of indigenous litigation in the Mayor's Court in late eighteenth-century Madras. The analysis falls in two parts. First, I analyse how indigenous agents availed themselves of the court, despite an official colonial policy of excluding disputes between Indians from its jurisdiction. In the second part, I focus on the ways in which the nature of property was contested and negotiated in complex dialogues between indigenous litigants and representatives of the colonial judiciary. Both parts of the analysis indicate that important aspects of the litigation in the Mayor's Court were largely beyond the control of the colonial authorities.

Lorsque l'introduction d'un passeport intérieur est annoncée aux Soviétiques à la fin de 1932, l'accent est mis sur les grandes villes. Outre le «désengorgement» ponctuel obtenu, par diverses méthodes, au moment de la délivrance des passeports, le nouveau système est l'occasion de renforcer la milice dans son travail de quadrillage de l'espace urbain. Cependant, la perception, de la part des autorités, des espaces géographiques à protéger de façon prioritaire, évolue, de même que le nombre de groupes de population ciblés par les mesures prophylactiques et répressives ne cesse d'augmenter. La géographie du système montre très rapidement sa plasticité, faisant la part de plus en plus belle, au cours des années 1930, aux zones frontalières, tandis que les transferts forcés de population se multiplient. À la fin de la période stalinienne, la purge sociale des grandes villes n'est plus qu'un aspect parmi d'autres du système de passeport intérieur, ce dernier se caractérisant avant tout par une prolifération de catégories géographiques et sociales. Dans l'immédiat après-guerre, alors même que les mesures particulières se multiplient, la velléité de réformer le système se fait jour au plus haut niveau, sans pour autant aboutir.

A number of recent developments have prompted a revival of interest in liberal theories of international relations, among them the spread of democratic institutions, economic liberalisation and the increasing significance of international institutions in many aspects of life. This paper argues that liberal international relations theory, overimpressed by developments such as these, risks becoming an apologia for a narrow version of liberalism currently promoted by Western governments. The challenge of rethinking the meaning of liberalism in a 'globalising' world characterised by extreme economic inequality, social upheavals and the reassertion of cultural differences—and the questions whether and how liberal values can at all be realised in such a world—have been left to political theorists, whose struggles with these issues attract little interest in an international relations discipline still largely committed to the idea of a purely empirical social science. The paper suggests that a different, 'critical' conception of liberalism offers a way of relating pressing liberal normative concerns to empirical research, instead of seeking to keep the two entirely separate. It presents a critique of current liberal international relations theory and outlines an alternative approach.

En este trabajo se analiza cómo se está abordando desde las instituciones públicas un aspecto tan importante para el desarrollo social como es la comunicación y la divulgación de los conocimientos científicos y técnicos. El autor estima que, en realidad, no existe una firme voluntad desde las administraciones públicas por dar a conocer y explicar los avances científico-técnicos a la sociedad y, cuando se toman algunas iniciativas, éstas responden más a campañas de imagen de los políticos en el poder que a un verdadero afán por desarrollar en la sociedad española este tipo de conocimientos.___________________________In this paper it´s being analyzed how public institutions are trying to cope with an important aspect for the social development: the communication and the popularization of the scientific and technician knowledges. The paper states how, in fact, the public administration is inwilly to present and explain these scientific advances to society and when some enterprises are taken, these are an excuse to politicians' image campaing rather than the desire to release these knowledges to Spanish society.

This paper reflects on the Québec labour movement and its present role as a political actor, particularly its ability to reestablish itself as a agent of meaningful social change. It is argued that Québec labour's involvement in the People's Summit in April, 2001 protesting the Summit of the Americas meetings in Québec City and the movement's general embrace of many aspects of the anti-globalization agenda mark an historical turning point. The change of direction will not only affect the relationships among different Québec unions, but relations among unions, the state, and community groups, as well as international relations between unions based in the North and South. Cet article propose une réflexion sur le syndicalisme québécois coonsidéré comme acteur politique et, plus particulièrement, sur sa capacité à redevenir un agent de changement social profond. Le contre_sommet d'avril 2001 à Québec et, plus globalement, l'appropriation syndicale du dossier de la mondialisation, apparaît comme un point tournant, si l'on se situe dans une perspective historique. Les axes de changement éventuel concernent le rapport entre syndicalisme, État et mouvement associatif, de même que les syndicats du Nord et du Sud

Development and change in traditional societies is strongly affected by interactions between humans and their natural environments. Management practices used by most low-input, rural societies represent an amalgamation of technologies, social rules and organisational structures that have been tested over time and found suitable for sustainable exploitation of resources. In many cases, however, changes in population, social values, market opportunities, government policies or technology alter a delicate balance between humans and sustainable resource use. Given these critical relationships, a thorough knowledge of the biophysical environment is essential to comprehend and attempt to improve low-input production systems such as SJL. Our overall purpose in this chapter is to characterise the environment and natural resources of the Cantón of SJL. This is accomplished in two steps. First the climate, surficial geology, hydrology, soils and vegetation are described. Descriptions include brief accounts of land use (i.e., cultivation, grazing, fuel wood collection, etc.) for broadly defined geomorphic units. Second, an analysis is presented concerning selected aspects of ecosystem dynamics at various spatial and temporal scales. ; https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/sustaining_agropastoralism/1002/thumbnail.jpg