Suchergebnisse

Ausgehend von einem kurzen Rückblick auf die sowjetische UN-Politik zwischen 1945 und 1985 skizziert der Verfasser einleitend die Implikationen des "neuen außenpolitischen Denkens" für eine Neuorientierung der UN-Politik der UdSSR. Vor diesem Hintergrund analysiert er zunächst Gorbacevs Grundsatzartikel "Realität und Garantie für eine sichere Welt" (vom 17.9.1987), in dem die Grundlagen für die Konzeption eines umfassenden Sicherheitssystems sowie für eine weiterreichenden Neuordnung der sowjetischen UN-Politik formuliert sind. Gorbacev unterbreitet einen Katalog von Maßnahmen zur militärisch-politischen, wirtschaftlichen und ökologischen Sicherheit, auf humanitärem Gebiet, zur Erhöhung der Wirksamkeit der UN-Hauptorgane, zur Schaffung neuer UN-Einrichtungen und zur finanziellen Sanierung der UN. Anhand eines Überblicks über die praktische UN-Politik der Sowjetunion im Zeitraum von 1987-1990 untersucht der Autor sodann, inwieweit Gorbacevs theoretische Vorgaben in der Praxis der sowjetischen UN-Politik realisiert worden sind. (BIOst-Klk)

Aceh / Elizabeth Drexler -- Afghanistan / Anatol Lieven -- Basque / Daniele Conversi and Gorka Espiau -- Bosnia-Herzegovina / Dejan Guzina -- Cambodia / Sungyong Lee -- Colombia / Jenny Pearce -- El Salvador / William Stanley -- Liberia / Sukanya Podder -- Mindanao / Ayesah Abubakar and Kamarulzaman Askandar -- Myanmar / Stefano Ruzzo -- Nepal / Elly Harrowell and Varsha Gyawali -- Northern Ireland / Roger Mac Ginty -- Palestine-Israel / Mandy Turner -- Somaliland / Louise Wiuff Moe -- South Africa / Adrian Guelke -- Sudan / Alex de Waal -- Sri Lanka / David Lewis -- Turkey / Bahar Baser and Alpaslan Özerdem.

This paper analyzes the impact of the 2012 crisis in Mali on internally displaced people, refugees and returnees. It uses information from a face-to-face household survey as well as follow-up interviews with its respondents via mobile phones. This combination was found to present a good and robust way to monitor the impact of conflict on hard-to-reach populations who at times live in areas inaccessible to enumerators. Results indicate that better educated and wealthier households as well as those exposed to less violence fled the crisis. Significant amounts of durable goods (20–60 percent) and animals (75–90 percent) were lost and the welfare of the displaced declined considerably as a result of the crisis. Yet over time its impact has diminished. By February 2015, most eligible children were going to school and employment levels and number of meals consumed were at pre-crisis levels. The paper finds that different ethnic groups chose different places of refuge. Depending on location, the narrative of the crisis and the solutions that are envisaged differ diametrically.

Tämän tutkimuksen sysäsi liikkeelle kuilu, jonka havaitsin politiikkaideaalien ja kehitysyhteistyön käytännön välillä. Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan, miten laajaan turvallisuuteen sekä kehityksen ja rauhaan liittyvät ideaalit heijastuvat käytäntöön. Tutkimuskohteena on kehitysyhteistyö konfliktista kärsineellä alueella. Tutkimus on luonteeltaan tapaustutkimus. Se tarkastelee Suomen ja Nepalin kahdenvälisen vesi- ja sanitaatiohankkeen toteutusta. Tutkimus kysyy, millä tavoin Rural Village Water Resources Management -hanke huomioi konfliktin vaikutukset toimintaympäristöönsä. Tavoitteena on tuottaa politiikkarelevanttia tietoa avunannosta konfliktialueilla. Tutkimuksen teoreettinen ja käsitteellinen perusta ammentaa keskustelusta, joka pohtii turvallisuuden ja kehityksen välistä yhteyttä. Keskiössä ovat ajatus siitä, että rauha, turvallisuus ja kehitys muodostavat tiiviin yhteenliittymän, sekä keskustelu avunannon ja konfliktien välisestä yhteydestä. Tutkimuksen teoreettinen viitekehys pohjaa näihin teemoihin. Siinä määritellään kehitysinterventioita neljän ulottuvuuden kautta. Ensimmäinen on kehitysinterventioiden määrittely suhteessa konfliktiin: toimivatko ne konfliktissa, pyrkivätkö ne vaikuttamaan konfliktiin vai kiertäväktö ne sen. Muita ulottuvuuksia ovat ajatus konfliktisensitiivisyydestä ja riskienhallinnasta sekä interventioetiikka. Tutkimus perustuu narratiiviseen tietämiseen. Se tuo hankkeessa toimivat yksilöt esiin kansainvälisen politiikan legitiimeinä tietäjinä. Samalla tutkimus tarjoaa ruohonjuuritason näkökulman siihen, millaisena kansainvälisyys näyttäytyy kehitysyhteistyön käytännöissä. Tutkimuksen aineisto koostuu hankedokumentaatiosta, arkistomateriaalista, haastatteluista ja tutkimuspäiväkirjan merkinnöistä. Tutkimuksessa on käytetty tarinoihin pohjaavaa narratiivista analyysiä. Työtä ovat ohjanneet arvostavan kyselyn (appreciative inquiry) periaatteet. Tuloksena on tapaushanketta koskeva retrospektiivinen narratiivi. Tapaustutkimuksella on kolme käytännön ulottuvuutta. Yhtäältä se liittyy suomalaisiin, kehitysyhteistyötä koskeviin politiikkalinjauksiin, toisaalta taas Nepaliin konfliktista kärsineenä alueena, etenkin yhteen kaukolännen kyläkehityskomiteaan, Bhatakatiyaan Achhamin maakunnassa. Kolmas ulottuvuus on Suomen ja Nepalin välinen kehitysyhteistyö. Narratiivisen analyysin avulla syntynyt tarina valottaa, miten monin tavoin toimintaympäristöä kohdannut konflikti on vaikuttanut tutkittuun hankkeeseen. Hanketta koskevassa dokumentaatiossa mainittiin toistuvasti, että hanke edistää rauhan rakentamista. Hankkeen vaikutusta rauhaan ei kuitenkaan monitoroitu eikä arvioitu, ja väitteet osoittautuivat pitkälti tyhjiksi. Narratiivi osoittaa, että tavat, joilla hanke vastasi ympäristön haasteisiin olivat enimmäkseen reaktiivisia, eivät ennalta suunniteltuja. Syitä tähän olivat muun muassa paikallisten analyysien puuttuminen ja ohueksi jäänyt toimintaympäristön ymmärrys, hankkeessa toimineiden henkilöiden epätasainen ja heikko konfliktisensitiivisyyden tuntemus sekä puutteelliset politiikka- ja ohjelmaohjeistukset konfliktialueilla toimimiseen. Tarina paljastaa, että hankkeessa painotettiin riskien hallintaa. Tästä huolimatta hankkeessa ei tehty systemaattisia konfliktianalyysejä eikä riskiarviointeja. Toisaalta narratiivi osoittaa kuinka hanke toimi myös proaktiivisesti suhteessa identifioituihin riskeihin. Esimerkkejä tästä ovat läpinäkyvyys, osallistavuus sekä toimintatapa, joka painotti paikallistuntemusta ja yhteyksiä hankkeen edunsaajiin. Tarina tuo myös esiin sen, että hanke kykeni vastaamaan rakenteellisen epäoikeudenmukaisuuden haasteisiin. Keinoina olivat paikallista omistajuutta ja sosiaalista inkluusiota korostava lähestymistapa. Empiirinen narratiivi käsitellään työn diskussiossa teoreettisen viitekehyksen kautta. Tutkittu hanke kuvaillaan siinä ensin konfliktia kiertäväksi ja konfliktista huolimatta toimivaksi. Konflikti koettiin hankkeessa kehityksen esteenä ja välteltävänä asiana. Toiseksi tutkimus paljastaa, että riskienhallintaan liittyvä ajattelu oli yksisuuntaista. Hankeeseen kohdistuneet riskit huomioitiin, mutta hankkeen mahdollisesti aiheuttamia riskejä ei arvioitu lainkaan. Kolmanneksi hanke määritellään semisensitiiviseksi suhteessa konfliktiin. Määrittelyssä huomioidaan intuitiiviset tavat toimia konfliktista kärsineellä alueella. Hankkeen toimijat tunnustivat konfliktin olemassaolon ja heidän toimintaansa ohjasivat kokemukset aiemmasta suomalaisesta kehitysinterventiosta Nepalissa sisällissodan aikana. Neljänneksi tutkitun hankkeen voi myös nähdä vaikuttaneen konfliktin syihin. Keskeisiä tekijöitä tässä oli kaksi: osallistava, paikallista omistajuutta korostava prosessi, jonka avulla laadittiin suunnitelma vesiresurssien hallitsemiseksi sekä toimintatapa, joka korosti sukupuolten välistä tasa-arvoa ja sosiaalista inkluusiota. Viidenneksi tutkimus osoittaa, että interventioetiikan kannalta tapaushanke toimi pitkälti vastavuoroisuuden, puolueettomuuden, johdonmukaisuuden ja universaalisuuden periaatteiden mukaisesti. Kestävyyden ja täydentävyyden periaatteiden osalta hanke toimi eri vaiheissaan vaihtelevasti. Tilivelvollisuuden ja refleksiivisyyden periaatteiden osalta hanke jäi puutteelliseksi. ; A gap between policy idea(l)s of broad security and a security-development nexus, and their seeming absence in the practice of development cooperation led to this study. This research explores the practice of development in a conflict-affected context. It is a case study of a Finnish-Nepali bilateral water and sanitation project in Far Western Nepal. It asks whether or not and how it was that the Rural Village Water Resources Management Project came to take into consideration its conflict-affected operational context. The aim is to produce policy-relevant insights on the theme of aid and conflict. The theoretical and conceptual underpinnings of the study are based on a review of the shifts in security-development thinking. In focus is the notion of a peace-security-development nexus and the debate on aid and conflict. These themes provide a foundation for the four-dimensional theoretical framework, which defines interventions as working in, on or around conflict; as well as through peace and conflict sensitivity; risk management thinking; and intervention ethics. The study is based on storied knowing (narrative cognition). It provides a grassroots perspective into development practice as a representation of the international by bringing individuals involved in the project to the fore as legitimate knowers in the sphere of International Relations. The dataset of the study is composed of project documentation, archival material, interviews and research journal entries. Informed by principles of appreciative inquiry, the research has been carried out as a configurative narrative analysis. The result is a retrospective historical narrative of the studied case project. The studied case is set into context through three intersecting dimensions: Finnish policies guiding development cooperation; Nepal as a conflict-affected area, with focus on the Far West and Bhatakatiya VDC in Achham district; and Finnish-Nepali bilateral development cooperation. The narrative shows that the studied project was affected by its conflict-affected context in several ways throughout its duration, and points to repeated claims within the project documentation of the intervention's contribution to peacebuilding. Yet these claims are found to be largely void of substantial content and wanting of monitoring and evaluation to confirm them. The project's responses to contextual challenges are disclosed as having been predominantly reactive and ad hoc. Reasons for this included thin contextual knowing and absence of local analyses, uneven and weak understanding of conflict sensitivity among project actors; as well as the vague and inconclusive policy and program guidance regarding aid in conflict-affected contexts. Further, despite a strong emphasis in the intervention on risk management, the narrative presents the project as lacking in systematic and localized context and conflict analyses or risk assessments. On the other hand the story tells how transparency in all project work; emphasis on project actors' local knowledge and contacts with local staff and beneficiaries; as well as adopting a participatory approach were used proactively as ways to respond to the risks perceived. Finally, the story reveals how the project was able also to respond to structural injustices and root causes of conflict through its program design based on strong local ownership as well as through its inclusive working modalities. The findings of the empirical narrative are discussed through the theoretical framework, which presents the studied project first as having worked around, and in conflict despite the conflict: conflict was found to have been treated as a constraint to development and something to be avoided. Secondly, the study reveals the primacy of "one-way-street" risk management thinking in the project: only risks presented by the context toward the project were considered, but not vice versa. Thirdly, the project was found to have been semisensitive to conflict and to have worked intuitively in the conflict-affected context: aid actors were found to have acknowledged the conflict and to have been guided by experience of a prior Finnish development intervention in Nepal during the time of the civil war. Fourth, this research exposes the intervention design based on a rigid participatory step-by-step process of water use master planning and the approach of gender equity and social inclusion as courses through which the project may be seen as having also worked on conflict. Fifth, through a reflection of a framework of intervention ethics, this study shows how the project largely held with principles of mutuality, impartiality, consistency, and universality; how it held with the principles of sustainability and complementarity in varying degrees during different stages of the project, and how it did not quite fully live up to the principles of accountability and reflexivity.

The warming of the climate system is unequivocal according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), and will have a strong impact on the security of humans and states alike. In the past half-century the climate system has changed in unprecedented ways and future climate change and variability will include long-lasting alterations to all components of the climate system. With the warming of the climate system and the recognition of the implications that this has for the availability and quality of renewable natural resources, scholars and policy-makers fear that the impacts of climate change will also increase the risk of violent conflict and affect their dynamics. However, despite the rather large amount of studies in the field, scholars have yet to move beyond a number of interesting patterns to establish results that remain robust across studies. While this is partly a reflection of the inherent challenge of observing links between uncertain structural factors such as climate change and rare social outcomes such as violent conflict, the field has also been repeatedly criticised for a lack of sound theoretical development. This has been exacerbated by the practice of excluding qualitative research from state of the art reviews. The purpose of this report is to fill this gap by contributing to a better theoretical understanding of the linkages between climate change and violent conflict through consulting the combined quantitative-qualitative literature. In this report, we seek to answer the question of how, and under what circumstances, climate change influences the risk of violent conflict in East Africa. We specifically focus on the pathways to violence – explanations that link various phenomena – in this case climate change and variability, and violent conflict – through a continuous and contiguous chain of links. We explore the research question through a systematic review of the climate- conflict literature on East Africa, hence obtaining a manageable amount of relevant studies and ensuring some minimal cross-study comparability. East Africa was chosen because of the frequency of violent conflict in the region, its high livelihood dependence on natural resources, high levels of poverty and limited capacity for climate change adaptation. The region is also especially relevant from a Swedish policy perspective, since Sweden has considerable development cooperation engagements in East Africa, for example in assisting climate change adaptation and peacebuilding. The present analysis builds on 44 peer-reviewed articles published between 1989-2015 that examine the relationship between climate-related environmental change and violent conflict. By focusing on climate-related environmental change, that is a change in biophysical conditions that are or will be affected by a change in the state of the climate or by variations in the mean state of the climate, we widened our analysis beyond climate change to encompass both short- and long-term environmental change. The analysis is summarised in a conceptual framework that identifies five types of pathways from climate-related environmental change to violent conflict in East Africa. In particular, the negative impact of climate-related environmental change on the availability of natural resources can lead to conflict by worsening livelihood conditions, by increasing migration or by changing pastoral mobility patterns. Taken together, these three types of pathways lead to or exacerbate local resource conflicts that sometimes turn violent. Weather conditions and climate variability can also affect the tactical considerations of armed groups and hence contribute to intensified fighting during certain periods. Finally, the analysis shows that local resource conflicts are susceptible to elite exploitation that often significantly increases the risk and intensity of violent conflict. This highlights the critical role of political and economic elites in explaining how local resource conflicts relate to larger processes of civil war, ethnic cleansing and insecurity. In the discussion, we deepen the analysis by underlining three critical dimensions inherent in the literature: the temporal, spatial and political dimensions. First, the analysis shows that it is essential to reflect on the temporal dimensions of a climate-conflict link, both with regard to temporal scale of the environmental change in question and the expected time lag from that change to the outbreak of violent conflict. There is no reason to believe that all climate-related environmental changes at different time scales generate the same social outcomes. The bulk of the quantitative literature on East Africa measures conflict onset or intensity as an immediate reaction to climate variability, thus studying the implications of climate variability rather than of climate change. To capture the full spectrum, investigations of a climate-conflict link also need to consider the implications of long-term changes in altered livelihood conditions and rapid- onset disasters such as extreme weather events, as these pose a different kind of challenge for societies to mitigate and respond to. Second, the analysis shows the importance of accounting for the spatial dimension. The impacts of climate-related environmental change are unevenly distributed across space and altered livelihood conditions can offset population movements. There is therefore often no merit in assuming that climate-related environmental change will lead to violence in a certain area without considering how people move between areas characterised by resource scarcity and resource abundance. Third, the analysis emphasises that climate-related environmental change and violent conflict cannot be understood in an apolitical vacuum, since socio-political processes affect the relative distribution of natural resources, the adaptive capacity of individuals, groups and societies, and the risk of violent conflict. For example, absent, corrupt or non-functional political institutions often increase the risk of local resource conflicts turning violent. Thus, while climate-related environmental change in itself has not precipitated an East African anarchy so far, it has already played a role in the dynamics of violent conflict and will probably continue to do so, even though the consequences are ultimately mediated by human behaviour. Regarding the implications for policy and future research, three strands of policy implications follow from the analysis. First, since a central claim in the literature is that worsening livelihood conditions make people more likely to engage in violence, efforts that mitigate the impact of climate- related environmental change and that build resilience may also contribute to resilience to violent conflicts. Examples include weather insurance schemes and improved access to markets for pastoralists, income diversification and efforts that improve livelihood conditions. Second, movements across space are a crucial adaptation mechanism for populations affected by climate- related environmental change, particularly for pastoralist groups. This means that efforts that enable and support adaptation to population movements may increase both human security and lower the risk of violent conflict. One example relates to efforts that enable pastoral mobility while providing channels to solve resulting conflicts between pastoralists and farmers. Finally, the analysis shows that institutions, both formal and informal, are crucial for mediating conflicts. Since most communities already have some conflict resolution mechanisms, outside actors should focus on how such local knowledge can be adapted to meet new demands and increased pressure, rather than trying to introduce entirely new mechanisms. Future scholarship should examine the challenges relating to the temporal and spatial dimensions of climate-conflict research by studying the impacts of long-term environmental change rather than climate variability and by accounting for how populations move across space. Future research should also seek to improve data quality, while considering the importance of matching data and methods with the underlying theoretical expectations. ; Finansiär: Utrikesdepartementet ; Climate change and security

Der Sammelband fußt auf Arbeitskreisen der Hessischen Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung, durchgeführt zwischen September 2002 und Januar 2003. Fachleute unterschiedlichster Richtungen befassen sich wissenschaftlich mit den vielfältigsten Nuancen der gegenwärtigen Irakkrise. Die Situation Iraks und der beteiligten Staaten wird reflektiert, der Kontext der Irakpolitik der USA, die Rolle der UNO und Europas und die Stellung Deutschlands. Einen breiten Raum nehmen Überlegungen über die Situation nach einem möglichen Krieg ein. Der Band macht deutlich, wie komplex wirtschaftliche, regionalpolitische und weltpolitische Interessen gerade in diesem Raum sind. Obwohl die hier abgebildete Situation bald überholt sein dürfte, bietet das Buch doch eine Fülle von methodischen Beispielen für die Analyse internationaler Konflikte. (3) (Klaus Hohlfeld)