Suchergebnisse

International audience ; L'Albanie est le pays européen qui a connu la plus grande amplitude de réformes foncières au cours du XX° siècle, d'une collectivisation totale dans les années 1945-1970 à une redistribution « patrimoniale » et égalitaire après la chute du régime communiste. La structure foncière-agricole ainsi définie par la Loi de 1991 conduit à une agriculture sans dualisme… sauf si l'on déplace la notion de dualisme en pointant, d'un côté un ensemble de micro-exploitations privées et, de l'autre, une propriété publique regroupant les terres de pâturages et les forêts-en cours de dévolution aux communes et aux « usagers finaux ». Laissés pour compte dans la réflexion générale sur l'articulation entre le foncier et l'agricole, ces espaces sont cependant d'une importance primordiale pour le fonctionnement économique, écologique et social de l'agriculture albanaise contemporaine. Une fois décrite et interprétée cette structure agraire-foncière non-polarisée (cette absence de dualisme), on doit s'interroger sur la nature des « problématisations » et des processus agricoles, alimentaires, ruraux et fonciers, qui devraient en découler… Nous n'aborderons dans cet article qu'un de ces aspects : celui concernant les politiques publiques et l'intention de trouver des voies d'intensification et de modernisation en soutenant de manière privilégiée (voire exclusive) les exploitations les plus performantes, supposées devenir le coeur d'une spécialisation agricole. Un fantasme de dualisme ? Mots-clés. Albanie-Dévolution-Réforme Foncière-Saltus-Développement Rural-Politiques Agricoles Title. Albania: a non-dual agriculture? Abstract. Albania is the European country that has experienced the greatest range of land reforms in the twentieth century, with a total collectivization (1945-1970) followed by an egalitarian redistribution after the fall of the communist regime (1990-1993). Subsequent agricultural land-structure defined by the Law of 1991 leads to an agriculture without dualism . unless we interpret the concept ...

International audience ; L'Albanie est le pays européen qui a connu la plus grande amplitude de réformes foncières au cours du XX° siècle, d'une collectivisation totale dans les années 1945-1970 à une redistribution « patrimoniale » et égalitaire après la chute du régime communiste. La structure foncière-agricole ainsi définie par la Loi de 1991 conduit à une agriculture sans dualisme… sauf si l'on déplace la notion de dualisme en pointant, d'un côté un ensemble de micro-exploitations privées et, de l'autre, une propriété publique regroupant les terres de pâturages et les forêts-en cours de dévolution aux communes et aux « usagers finaux ». Laissés pour compte dans la réflexion générale sur l'articulation entre le foncier et l'agricole, ces espaces sont cependant d'une importance primordiale pour le fonctionnement économique, écologique et social de l'agriculture albanaise contemporaine. Une fois décrite et interprétée cette structure agraire-foncière non-polarisée (cette absence de dualisme), on doit s'interroger sur la nature des « problématisations » et des processus agricoles, alimentaires, ruraux et fonciers, qui devraient en découler… Nous n'aborderons dans cet article qu'un de ces aspects : celui concernant les politiques publiques et l'intention de trouver des voies d'intensification et de modernisation en soutenant de manière privilégiée (voire exclusive) les exploitations les plus performantes, supposées devenir le coeur d'une spécialisation agricole. Un fantasme de dualisme ? Mots-clés. Albanie-Dévolution-Réforme Foncière-Saltus-Développement Rural-Politiques Agricoles Title. Albania: a non-dual agriculture? Abstract. Albania is the European country that has experienced the greatest range of land reforms in the twentieth century, with a total collectivization (1945-1970) followed by an egalitarian redistribution after the fall of the communist regime (1990-1993). Subsequent agricultural land-structure defined by the Law of 1991 leads to an agriculture without dualism . unless we interpret the concept ...

International audience ; L'Albanie est le pays européen qui a connu la plus grande amplitude de réformes foncières au cours du XX° siècle, d'une collectivisation totale dans les années 1945-1970 à une redistribution « patrimoniale » et égalitaire après la chute du régime communiste. La structure foncière-agricole ainsi définie par la Loi de 1991 conduit à une agriculture sans dualisme… sauf si l'on déplace la notion de dualisme en pointant, d'un côté un ensemble de micro-exploitations privées et, de l'autre, une propriété publique regroupant les terres de pâturages et les forêts-en cours de dévolution aux communes et aux « usagers finaux ». Laissés pour compte dans la réflexion générale sur l'articulation entre le foncier et l'agricole, ces espaces sont cependant d'une importance primordiale pour le fonctionnement économique, écologique et social de l'agriculture albanaise contemporaine. Une fois décrite et interprétée cette structure agraire-foncière non-polarisée (cette absence de dualisme), on doit s'interroger sur la nature des « problématisations » et des processus agricoles, alimentaires, ruraux et fonciers, qui devraient en découler… Nous n'aborderons dans cet article qu'un de ces aspects : celui concernant les politiques publiques et l'intention de trouver des voies d'intensification et de modernisation en soutenant de manière privilégiée (voire exclusive) les exploitations les plus performantes, supposées devenir le coeur d'une spécialisation agricole. Un fantasme de dualisme ? Mots-clés. Albanie-Dévolution-Réforme Foncière-Saltus-Développement Rural-Politiques Agricoles Title. Albania: a non-dual agriculture? Abstract. Albania is the European country that has experienced the greatest range of land reforms in the twentieth century, with a total collectivization (1945-1970) followed by an egalitarian redistribution after the fall of the communist regime (1990-1993). Subsequent agricultural land-structure defined by the Law of 1991 leads to an agriculture without dualism . unless we interpret the concept ...

In recent decades, public-private partnerships has converted in an alternative way of providing transport infrastructures that has been traditional delivered by public sector. Between 1990 and 2017, governments all over the world have awarded more than 1600 PPPs transport infrastructure. However, there are some aspects that affect public-private partnerships that has not been analyzed and which could facilitate the study of their economic impact. This Thesis analyses public-private partnerships in road infrastructures. The context for the analysis is Spain, both because of its pioneering nature in the extension of such public-private partnerships and because of the undisputed weight of the road infrastructure industry in the international context. The thesis is structured in five chapters. The first chapter is the introduction and examines the role of PPPs in road infrastructures and the road PPPs in Spain's toll motorways. The second chapter is divided into two sections. The first part of the chapter analyze whether the allocation of risks that has been carried out in Spain and other countries complies with the predictions of contract theory. To this end, the framework of institutional and economic relations between the state and private concessionaires is reviewed in detail. The purpose of this case analysis is to identify the main limitations of these models and to delineate those aspects that have a significant influence on the incentives of the different parties, the efficiency of the contract, the financial evolution of the concession and its impact on public finances, taxpayers and users. Additionally, good regulatory practices are suggested in the concession business, which make it possible to take advantage of the benefits that private participation in road infrastructure projects can bring. The second part of the chapter examines whether the financial downturn experienced by most concessions awarded at the beginning of the new millennium can be attributed to Spain's particular model of risk sharing and ...

Bei Versuchen, soziale Theorien auf empirische Fälle anzuwenden, werde die Theorien meist formelhaft reduziert: Komplexe theoretische Ideen werden vom Kontext ihrer Produktion getrennt, selektiv interpretiert oder sogar missinterpretiert und unkritisch für die Untersuchung empirischer Fälle verwendet. In diesem Beitrag reflektiere ich, wie ich Theorien von Jürgen HABERMAS, angemessen revidiert und ergänzt, für meine eigene Forschung genutzt habe: Ich diskutiere, in welcher Weise seine Ideen mir als Leitlinie, Template oder Sets an "sensitizing concepts" (BLUMER 1954, S.7) dienten, um praktische Fragen zu Forschungsdesign, Erhebung und Auswertung beantworten zu können. Ich schließe mit einem vorsichtigen Rat an die, die sich mit ähnlichen Unterfangen auseinandersetzen: Obwohl es keine Blaupausen oder Formeln gibt, um soziale Theorie für empirische Forschung zu nutzen, sollten Forschende ihre Theorien ernst nehmen und ihnen mit dem gleichen Nachdruck und kritischen Denken begegnen, die sie auch anderen Aspekten ihrer Forschung zukommen lassen. ; Attempts to apply social theory to the study of empirical cases are too often reduced to treating theory as formula. Complex theoretical ideas are torn from the contexts of their production, selectively interpreted or even misinterpreted, and applied uncritically to empirical cases—regardless of the case. In this article, I will offer some reflections on the way that Jürgen HABERMAS' theoretical framework, suitably revised and supplemented, informed my own research. I discuss how Habermasian ideas acted as a guide or template, or set of "sensitizing concepts" (BLUMER, 1954, p.7) that shaped practical questions around research design, data collection and analysis. I conclude by offering some cautionary words of advice for those grappling with theory: although there are no blueprints or formula for straightforwardly applying social theory, researchers need to take their theory seriously and treat it with the same vigor and critical thinking skills as they do other aspects of ...

Economic insecurity has attracted growing attention in social, academic and policy cir- cles. However, there is no consensus as to its precise de_nition. Intuitively, economic insecurity is multi-faceted, making any comprehensive formal de_nition that subsumes all possible aspects extremely challenging. We propose a simpli_ed approach, and character- ize a class of individual economic-insecurity measures that are based on the time pro_le of economic resources. We then apply our economic-insecurity measure to data on political preferences. In US, UK and German panel data, and conditional on current economic resources, economic insecurity is associated with both greater political participation (sup- port for a party or the intention to vote) and notably more support for parties on the right of the political spectrum. We in particular _nd that economic insecurity predicts greater support for both Donald Trump before the 2016 US Presidential election and the UK leaving the European Union in the 2016 Brexit referendum.

Economic insecurity has attracted growing attention in social, academic and policy cir- cles. However, there is no consensus as to its precise de_nition. Intuitively, economic insecurity is multi-faceted, making any comprehensive formal de_nition that subsumes all possible aspects extremely challenging. We propose a simpli_ed approach, and character- ize a class of individual economic-insecurity measures that are based on the time pro_le of economic resources. We then apply our economic-insecurity measure to data on political preferences. In US, UK and German panel data, and conditional on current economic resources, economic insecurity is associated with both greater political participation (sup- port for a party or the intention to vote) and notably more support for parties on the right of the political spectrum. We in particular _nd that economic insecurity predicts greater support for both Donald Trump before the 2016 US Presidential election and the UK leaving the European Union in the 2016 Brexit referendum.

Economic insecurity has attracted growing attention in social, academic and policy cir- cles. However, there is no consensus as to its precise de_nition. Intuitively, economic insecurity is multi-faceted, making any comprehensive formal de_nition that subsumes all possible aspects extremely challenging. We propose a simpli_ed approach, and character- ize a class of individual economic-insecurity measures that are based on the time pro_le of economic resources. We then apply our economic-insecurity measure to data on political preferences. In US, UK and German panel data, and conditional on current economic resources, economic insecurity is associated with both greater political participation (sup- port for a party or the intention to vote) and notably more support for parties on the right of the political spectrum. We in particular _nd that economic insecurity predicts greater support for both Donald Trump before the 2016 US Presidential election and the UK leaving the European Union in the 2016 Brexit referendum.

Economic insecurity has attracted growing attention in social, academic and policy cir- cles. However, there is no consensus as to its precise de_nition. Intuitively, economic insecurity is multi-faceted, making any comprehensive formal de_nition that subsumes all possible aspects extremely challenging. We propose a simpli_ed approach, and character- ize a class of individual economic-insecurity measures that are based on the time pro_le of economic resources. We then apply our economic-insecurity measure to data on political preferences. In US, UK and German panel data, and conditional on current economic resources, economic insecurity is associated with both greater political participation (sup- port for a party or the intention to vote) and notably more support for parties on the right of the political spectrum. We in particular _nd that economic insecurity predicts greater support for both Donald Trump before the 2016 US Presidential election and the UK leaving the European Union in the 2016 Brexit referendum.

Economic insecurity has attracted growing attention in social, academic and policy cir- cles. However, there is no consensus as to its precise de_nition. Intuitively, economic insecurity is multi-faceted, making any comprehensive formal de_nition that subsumes all possible aspects extremely challenging. We propose a simpli_ed approach, and character- ize a class of individual economic-insecurity measures that are based on the time pro_le of economic resources. We then apply our economic-insecurity measure to data on political preferences. In US, UK and German panel data, and conditional on current economic resources, economic insecurity is associated with both greater political participation (sup- port for a party or the intention to vote) and notably more support for parties on the right of the political spectrum. We in particular _nd that economic insecurity predicts greater support for both Donald Trump before the 2016 US Presidential election and the UK leaving the European Union in the 2016 Brexit referendum.

Objective: Self-injury (SI), self-injurious behaviour (SIB), including suicidal or non-suicidal self-injury (SSI, NSSI) represent an increasing problem among teenagers amounting to a 6–17% prevalence rate in adolescence, yet little data exists on detailed characteristics and associated factors of SI reaching clinical severity. There is also a scarcity of data distinguishing between suicidal and non-suicidal subsamples of self-injuring patients, i.e. showing which predictors contribute to develop self-injurious behaviour with a previous suicidal history (SSI). Method: Clinical diagnoses and characteristics of risk behaviour were examined in a crosssectional design in suicidal and non-suicidal subgroups of Hungarian adolescent outpatients practising self-injurious behaviour. From the total pool of 708 new patients consecutively referred with various psychiatric problems in five regional child psychiatric centres in Western-Hungary over an 18-month period, 105 adolescent outpatients suffering from self-injurious behaviour participated in the study (28 males and 77 females aged from 14 to 18 years, mean age 15.97, SD 1.05). The Ottawa/Queen's self-injury questionnaire (OSI) was used to measure the characteristics of risk behaviour, while the comorbid clinical diagnoses were confirmed by the M.I.N.I. Plus International Neuropsychiatric Interview. Descriptive statistics presented the frequencies of the characteristics of SI, bilateral comparisons were used to reveal relevant items to differentiate between sex, duration of practice and SSI versus NSSI and logistic regression was performed to identify significant predictors of suicidal subtype of self-injuring practice. Results: A total of 60% of the clinical SI population experienced a present or past episode of major depression. The motivation of patients to resist impulses and to discontinue malpractice was low. Cutting and scratching was the most common self-injuring methods. Two-thirds of the sample practised the impulsive type of SI, while 30% practised premeditated SI having an incubation time from 30 min to days and weeks before carrying out SI. Although duration of SI did not distinguish the sample in important aspects, girls and boys differed in several aspects of SI practice. SSI adolescents differed from their NSSI peers in a number of important characteristics including the frequency of actions, injured areas, methods, specific stresses and motivations. SSI adolescents were more likely to favour cutting of the lower leg and drug overdose as modes of SI. SSI adolescents were more likely to report addictive features than their peers with no suicidal motivation. From the aspect of self-injurious practice, logistic regression analysis found only two significant predictors for the combined pathology.

Uporaba metafor znotraj političnega in družbenega prizorišča se je prepletla v politično razmišljanje in ima pomembno vlogo. Metafore so edinstveno močno in pomembno politično orodje za sporočanje sporočil in pomoč širokemu občinstvu. Moj osnovni cilj te raziskave je analizirati sodobno glasbo na Irskem, zlasti iskati politične metafore. Pričakovani rezultat študije bo usmerjen v dokaz, da sodobna irska glasba vključuje politično metaforo in vsebino, ki je obravnavana kot oblika družbenega protesta. Cilj študije je ugotoviti, ali so protestne pesmi pomembne za trenutno politično ozračje v času produkcije na Irskem. Ta študija želi pokazati, da je sodobna irska glasba z njeno uporabo metaforičnega in tematskega jezika vredna analize, da bi kritizirala in pomagala razumeti različne družbene in politične vidike sveta okoli nas. ; The use of metaphors within the political and social arena has been interwoven into political thinking and serve an important function. Metaphors are a uniquely powerful and important political tool to deliver a message and aid comprehension to a large audience. My primary goal of this research is to analyse contemporary music in Ireland, specifically seeking out political metaphors. The expected outcome of the study will aim to demonstrate that mainstream contemporary Irish music contains political metaphors and content which is regarded as a form of social protest. The study aims to establish if the protest songs are relevant to the current political climate at the time of production in Ireland. This study aims to demonstrate that contemporary Irish music, with its use of metaphorical and thematic language, is worth analysing in order to critique and aid understanding of various social and political aspects about the world around us.

In 1948 a group of conservative white southerners formed the States' Rights Democratic Party, soon nicknamed the "Dixiecrats". This volume situates the Dixiecrat movement within the tumultuous social and economic milieu of the 1930s and 1940s South.

"One of the world's largest sellers of footwear, the Bata Company of Zlín, Moravia, has a remarkable history that touches on crucial aspects of what made the world modern. In the twilight of the Habsburg Empire, it Americanized its production model while also trying to Americanize its workforce. In the chaos of postwar Czechoslovakia, it promised a technocratic form of governance. During the Roaring Twenties, Bata became synonymous with rationalization across Europe and thus a flashpoint for a continent-wide debate. In the Great Depression, Bata globalized when others contracted, and in doing so, became the first shoe company to unlock the potential of globalization. As Bata expanded worldwide, it became an example of corporate national indifference, where company personnel were trained to be able to slip into and out of national identifications with ease. Such indifference, however, was seriously challenged by the geopolitical crisis of the 1930s. Bata management turned nationalist, even fascist, on the cusp of the Second World War."--

This contributed volume focuses on diasporans, their characteristics, networks, resources and activities in relation to international business and entrepreneurship. It presents an overview of diaspora concepts from an economic perspective, and analyzes the global-economic and societal effects and mechanisms, revealing both positive and negative aspects of diaspora activities. Providing insights into the socio-cultural influences, it discusses diaspora entrepreneurship and international business, the respective organisational models, investments and business types. Lastly it offers an assessment of managing diaspora resources and policymaking. This book was created by an interdisciplinary team of editors, co-authors and reviewers including historians, sociologists, psychologists, linguists and ethnologists, as well as experts in public policy, international business, marketing and entrepreneurship. This unique team (many of the authors are themselves diasporans with an extensive understanding of their topic) provides the first global academic platform on the subject, combining the latest empirical evidence from developing, emerging, transitional and developed countries with various combinations of diaspora flows that to date have received little attention.