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This article discusses the representation of space and prostitute characters in Indonesianmodern prose. The data were taken from Bumi Manusia, Kembang Jepun, Perempuan Kembang Jepun,Kremil, and Existere. The discussion aims at reconstructing prostitution in Surabaya and analyzing theprostitution related to the social, economic, and political problems. Bumi Manusia portrays a prostitutionmanaged by a Chinese in the era of Dutch colonization. Kembang Jepun and Perempuan Kembang Jepuntaken the colonial time and Japanese occupation as the setting of the novels describes the relationshipbetween prostitution and political issues such as anti-colonial movements and independent struggle. InKremil whose setting is 1960s, one can read the relationship between prostitution and the tragedy of PKI(Indonesian Communist Party). Existere portrays the prostitution in Dolly.Key words: Representasi, Sastra Bandingan, Pelacuran, Surabaya

Pakistan offers very unique political culture featured by deeply entrenched security-dominated worldview and concrete processes of behaviours in all spheres of the country's politics. One of the most remarkable characteristics of Islamabad's official rhetoric is the persistently formulated claim of the existence of a 'foreign hand' in all kinds of the internal issues. However, there are clear indications that most of these flashpoints are of colonial origin and/or are 'homemade'. The unfortunate trajectories present in the Federal Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), Pakistan's most fragile, underdeveloped, and war-torn areas, can be seen as an example par excellence of how conflicts inherited by former colonial ruler turned worse due to a bad governance, geo-political considerations, and partisan economic interests of the national elite after gaining independence.

The article revealing the structure of political discourse, which is a set of elements: sender, recipient of the message as text and context, which is inscribed communicative action. The structural elements of the context and analyzed as a unity of moral and formal plane and message as a myth with its specific features in a democratic and undemocratic regimes.Key words: political discourse, semantics, discourse, rhetoric, the level of rhetoric, discourse context. ; Розкрито структуру політичного дискурсу, що становить сукупність таких елементів: адресанта, адресата, самого повідомлення як тексту та контексту, куди вписана комунікативна дія. Визначено структурні елементи і проаналізовано контекст як єдність моральної та формальної площини й повідомлення як міф зі специфічними особливостями в демократичному і недемократичному режимах.Ключові слова: політичний дискурс, семантика дискурсу, риторика, рівні риторики, контекст дискурсу.

© American Sociological Association. We can think of three basic principles of classificatory judgment for comparing things and people. I call these judgments nominal (oriented to essence), cardinal (oriented to quantities), and ordinal (oriented to relative positions). Most social orders throughout history are organized around the intersection of these different types. In line with the ideals of political liberalism, however, democratic societies have developed an arsenal of institutions to untangle nominal and ordinal judgments in various domains of social life. In doing so, I suggest, they have contributed to the parallel amplification of both. In this article, I specifically discuss the socio-technical channels through which ordinal judgments are now elaborated, a process I call ordinalization. I conclude by exploring the political and economic possibilities of a society in which ordinal processes are ubiquitous.

The paper attempts to read Antoinette Rouvroy's concept of algorithmic governmentality as the main subject of what Bernard Stiegler called computational nihilism. Taking one of the giants of the Web, Amazon.com, as a symptom of such a nihilism whose process has been empowered by neo-liberalism, the paper tries to elaborate a new kind of relationship between technology, environment and social ties alternative to the accelerationist perspective. Eduardo Viveiros de Castro's anthropological work provides some key elements in order to elaborate this kind of new political ecology based on Amazonian perspectivism. Starting from this consideration, political ecology could be presented as a kind of nomadology, while the latter could be understood in its turn as a way of placing Nietzsche's perspectivism in the Amazon.

The article develops three categories to analyse the contributions of the United Kingdom (UK) churches to the 2015 General Election campaign. These are the prophetic type, the church constituency type and the local resource type. The strengths and weaknesses of each type are examined. The problem of agency in the prophetic type is explored in relation to the Church of England Bishops' Pastoral Letter. The difficulty of identifying or forming a coherent ecclesial political group is examined in relation to the Church constituency type. The local resource type is critiqued for its implicit political bias, something unacknowledged in the documents. It is argued that the local resource type is perhaps the most mundane of the churches' contributions but nevertheless likely to be the most effective.

PAKISTAN BUSINESS REVIEW JAN 2016Research805T he Indian Wahabi Movement (1 82 6-18 71 ) . . .ResearchTHE INDIAN WAHABI MOVEMENT(1826-1871): APPROACHES TOITS STUDY AND ANALYSISSo far this movement, has been studied, analysed andinterpreted primarily from two viewpoints, the narrower and thebroader: any research work with its focus on the narrower perspectivenaturally possesses the merits and demerits of a micro study, butobviously deprives it of all the corresponding advantages anddisadvantages attributed to a macro level analysis, and vice versa.Besides the above two perspectives, the colonials, nationalists,political economists, radical historians, post-British era state-oriented writers, 'subaltern' historiographers, post-colonialnarrators, post-1947 Pakistani ideologues and Marxist scholars'narratives differ from each other, substantially, since they anlayseand interpret the same historical events and political movements fromwidely different perspectives.

This short essay aims at providing an outline for a critical reflection on the notion of activism and to bring to attention the significance for distinguishing between different forms of engagement in contemporary neoliberal societies. The article traces the history of the notion of 'activism' and argues that it went hand in hand with the reduction of heterogeneous political activity to immediate generic action. In order to counter such a reduction, the article relies on the work of Ellen Meiksins Wood and her critical history of the development of the liberal conception of citizenship. In conclusion, it will be argued that the conceptual significance of the notion of capitalism is crucial for distinguishing between different forms and figures of political activity - from the 'activist', 'active citizen' and what Engin Isin termed 'activist citizenship'.

We can think of three basic principles of classificatory judgment for comparing things and people. I call these judgments nominal (oriented to essence), cardinal (oriented to quantities), and ordinal (oriented to relative positions). Most social orders throughout history are organized around the intersection of these different types. In line with the ideals of political liberalism, however, democratic societies have developed an arsenal of institutions to untangle nominal and ordinal judgments in various domains of social life. In doing so, I suggest, they have contributed to the parallel amplification of both. In this article, I specifically discuss the socio-technical channels through which ordinal judgments are now elaborated, a process I call ordinalization. I conclude by exploring the political and economic possibilities of a society in which ordinal processes are ubiquitous.

The aim of this paper is to show that Hume gives the passion of resentment a crucial role in explaining the origin of justice and society, and that this can be regarded as an important argument in favour of the recent attempts to include Hume in the canon of political realism. In the first part of the article, I shall mention some general realist theses that are supported by Humean philosophy. As Andrew Sabl has recently reminded us, these include the idea that the human passions and their capacity to be civilized are a central factor in explaining the transition from tribal communities to political society. Following Sabl's general approach, I shall show that Hume thought that resentment played a fundamental role in the passions involved in this process.

In May 2015 the Conservatives under David Cameron were returned with a small, but largely unexpected parliamentary majority. Between 2010 and 2015 they had governed in coalition with the more centrist Liberal Democrats. While the leaderships of both parties shared the same fundamental belief in the virtues of a deregulated, flexible labour market, over time differences of emphasis began to emerge when it came to their respective approaches to employment relations matters. The commentator Ken Spours has argued that, liberated from the constraints imposed by having to govern in coalition with the Liberal Democrats, the Conservatives are using this opportunity to forge a long-term hegemonic strategy designed to marginalise political and industrial opposition sufficiently to dominate the English – and hence the UK – political landscape for the foreseeable future.

The article focuses on the construction and symbolic encoding of Prague during the 1950s. After 1948 the political and professional elites constructed a suggestive propagandist image of the capital as a 'new socialist city'. Prague began to be transformed through interventions in its physical space (architecture, monuments), production of its social reality (organized work teams) and reinterpretation of its history. The leading role of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in this process was systematically popularized by the political representatives, the local press and guidebooks. The Communist rhetoric emphasized both Soviet paragons and selected Czech historical traditions (in particular, the Hussite Movement and the Czech National Revival). Citing the example of Prague, this article attempts to underline the spatial aspect of Stalinist ideology and the social 'constructability' of any space.

This paper examines how ageing and generational formative experiences affect vote choices in Britain. Using a combination of panel data and assumptions about party fortunes we estimate ageing effects. These are then entered into a model using cross-sectional data from 1964 to 2010 to estimate generational differences in vote choice. Ageing increases the likelihood of a Conservative vote substantially, but there is no trend towards lower rates of Conservative voting among newer generations. There are however identifiable political generations corresponding with periods of Conservative dominance: voters who came of age in the 1930s, 1950s and 1980s are ceteris paribus somewhat more Conservative. Our method therefore lends some support to theories of political generations, but also demonstrates the considerable impact of ageing on vote choice.

All political regimes face the challenge of preserving themselves. External threats can be dangerous but in most cases they are also obvious; the more subtle challenge is sustaining the integrity of the regime itself. In a constitutional republic such as the United States, this requires maintenance of political institutions to be sure, but also—and more fundamentally—the proper attachment of the people to the Constitution. Can such attachment be cultivated without undermining the principles of self-government? While democratic theorists in America going back at least as far as Jefferson have worried that enduring constitutional forms prevent authentic democratic rule, my purpose here is to compare two well-known texts that answer the question in the affirmative, James Madison's Federalist 49 and Abraham Lincoln's Lyceum Address.

This paper aims to analyze the factors influencing the formation of electoral system and to identify the most appropriate model for modern Russia. This model should lead to the creation of self-reproducing electoral rules with competition for public offices and with eventual development of strong political parties.Key words: electoral process, electoral system, proportional system, a majoritarian system offset system, political power, the party system. ; Целью статьи является анализ факторов, влияющих на становление избирательной системы, и выявление наиболее подходящей модели избирательной системы для современной России, способной приводить к созданию воспроизводящихся электоральных правил, установлению системы конкурентной борьбы при формировании органов государственной власти, а также условий для становления и развития сильных политических партий.Ключевые слова: электоральный процесс, избирательные системы, пропорциональная система, мажоритарная система, смешанная система, политическая власть, партийная система.