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The changing political and social meanings of space under conditions of advanced globalization point to the need to analyze security – or the deployment and management of violence -- as a socio-spatial practice. This article draws attention to the "methodological nationalist" bias that has traditionally characterized mainstream security studies, and discusses its effect on how security issues are studied and conceptualized. Building on insights from political geography and sociology, the article makes the case for a "spatial turn" in the field. It discusses how a socio-spatial approach can help make sense of evolving state security practices, and presents examples of non-national spaces of security -- including cities, cyberspace and the global polity. Such spaces are increasingly objects of security practices, but the implications of this remain largely under-theorized in security studies.

This article explores important aspects of the relationship between political leadership and institutional power, comparing the different forms that presidential institutions have taken across the world, and identifying the relationship between these structures and social, political, and economic outcomes. Semi-presidential systems are distinguished from presidential systems, and within the former a distinction is made between president-parliamentary and premier-presidential regimes. Some scholars have argued that presidential regimes are less conducive than parliamentary ones to the successful transition from authoritarian rule to democracy, but the empirical evidence is contradictory. Recent research has, however, drawn attention to finer distinctions within the various broad categories of presidentialism, focusing on more precise institutional arrangements and trying to identify which are more, and which are less, consonant with the consolidation of democracy.

This article explores how council leaderships act as agents in promoting reputational policies. It introduces a public policy perspective to research on public sector reputation. It asks how the political leader and the administrative leader are agents in reputational policies and to what extent different interests and coalitions can influence thought patterns and behaviour in the municipal organisation. What has been found is that the political leader and the administrative leader may have different interests and strategies and that they are likely to be engaged in networks that might be narrow or broad in focus, scope and membership. These reputational agents and coalitions have an impact on reputational policies. They have an impact on the understanding of 'proper roles' and routines in municipalities and this again may lead to changes in the workings of the municipal organisation.

This article uses a conceptual and empirical approach to analyze the transformation of opposition journalism in the 1960s and 1970s, through the magazine Por Qué?, one of era's most representative publications. A study of the moralistic discourse of opposition journalism reveals its paternalist and condescending tone, but also shows how, by encouraging youth and women to adopt critical positions towards the Mexican political regime, the left constructed an ideal of heroic journalism that was reinforced by the effects of the repression of its most notable leaders. This research proposes several lines of interpretation of the progressive creation of an alternative journalism to the "mainstream press" favored by the regime, and the role played by heroic journalism in idealizing the subjectivities contained in a revolutionary ideal, which kept women and youth in a marginal position in the Mexican political sphere.

Today, the region North-East India has been witnessing increasing movements for autonomy in one form or the other. The movements across the region have varied nature. Some of the movements are for Autonomous District Council status while the others are for a separate political entity, the so-called Union Territory or State within the Indian Union.The crux of these movements had its origin in the provisions contained in Article 3 as well as the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India. In one way, these provisions licensed the different ethnic groups, both tribal and non-tribal, living in the Region to embark on the politics of regionalism and autonomy as a part of their political gimmicks. This Paper shall analyse the different aspects of the movements now surfacing in the Region as a whole and will suggest its remedies too.

While Iran's oil industry has long been a subject of great interest for academics, industry analysts and the news media surprisingly little attention has been paid to the institutional apparatus of the Iranian hydrocarbon sector and its embeddedness in networks of political power. The institutional embodiment of Iran's oil industry is the nominally state-owned National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC). However, this paper argues that the relationships between NIOC and the political claimants that surround it resist simple definition. Furthermore, it is only in the detailed study of these relationships that developments in the Iranian hydrocarbon sector can properly be understood. The paper draws extensively on Persian language media reports to trace the roots of the current consolidation of oil industry governance under individuals and companies affiliated with the Iran Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC).

Hoping to maintain political power, governments rely on their ministers' ability to play the political game. A key part of this is the blame game in which ministers employ different spin strategies. The question is what strategies they employ and how effective these strategies are? The article compares six Danish ministers' use of spin strategies based on content coding of 1412 articles from the Danish newspaper Politiken. Generally, the use of spin strategies has not changed significantly over the past 20 years. The most effective way to handle critique is to employ one single spin strategy, the second-best strategy is passivity, and the worst a minister can do to avoid blame is to employ a combination of spin strategies. Finally, quick and slow responses are equally good/bad.

Given article is devoted problems of legislative fastening and use of the state symbols of Ukraine. The state symbols carry out social, political and representation functions which are important for the further functioning of the state. State symbols are an embodiment of independence and independence of the state which allocate it among other states in political arena ; Рассмотрены проблемам законодательного закрепления и использования государственных символов Украины. Государственные символы выполняют социальную, политическую и представительскую функции, которые важны для дальнейшего функционирования государства. Символы государства являются воплощением независимости и самостоятельности государства, которые выделяют ее среди других государств на политической арене ; Проаналізовано проблеми законодавчого закріплення та використання державних символів України. Державні символи виконують соціальну, політичну та представницьку функцію, які важливі для подальшого функціонування держави. Вони є символами незалежності і самостійності держави, які виокремлюють її серед інших держав на політичній арені

In era of new media, method research of ideology and politics education in advanced college focuses on "construction based on character of new media" to achieve purpose of ideological and political education, which is "relationship between you and I", and to think. Educators of ideology and politics courses in advanced colleges can construct equal, interactive, timely "You and I online" relationship base on wide, fast and convenient propagation characteristics of new media. At the same time, based on objective disadvantages of new media, deepen accompanying type of offline relationship. However, no matter how to utilize properties of new media, one should not forget the basic principle that "reason of value is the most basic pursue" is the method of college ideological and political education. Thus revolution on methods and tools won't replace nature content.

Given article is devoted problems of legislative fastening and use of the state symbols of Ukraine. The state symbols carry out social, political and representation functions which are important for the further functioning of the state. State symbols are an embodiment of independence and independence of the state which allocate it among other states in political arena ; Рассмотрены проблемам законодательного закрепления и использования государственных символов Украины. Государственные символы выполняют социальную, политическую и представительскую функции, которые важны для дальнейшего функционирования государства. Символы государства являются воплощением независимости и самостоятельности государства, которые выделяют ее среди других государств на политической арене ; Проаналізовано проблеми законодавчого закріплення та використання державних символів України. Державні символи виконують соціальну, політичну та представницьку функцію, які важливі для подальшого функціонування держави. Вони є символами незалежності і самостійності держави, які виокремлюють її серед інших держав на політичній арені

This paper compares the patterns of foreign investment of two large capital-exporting countries before 1914 - Great Britain and Germany. An original database of German capital exports, comparable to Stone's (1999) data for British capital flows was compiled for the period 1883-1913. Three classes of variables were tested as determinants of capital flows: political conditions in recipient countries, long-term prospects of growth, and institutional characteristics. The empirical analysis supports the view that German capital flows responded to long-term prospects of growth of recipient countries ("fundamentals") as much as British investment. This conclusion is robust after controlling for political affiliation and suggests that the sharp distinction in the literature between "developmental" and "revenue" finances is probably a figment of the absence of detailed data on capital exports outside of Britain.

Gas markets in the Baltic countries are small, disconnected from the rest of Europe and, despite many plans for diversification over the past 20 years, remain entirely supplied by Russian gas. Not only is Gazprom the only supplier to the region but it also has substantial equity in all of the Baltic gas companies. This has created periodic political problems between the Baltic countries and Gazprom which resurfaced in 2012 following decisions by these countries to unbundle transmission networks, and anti-trust proceedings against Gazprom by European competition authorities following Baltic complaints about excessive gas prices. Agnia Grigas' study provides a detailed survey of Baltic gas relations with Russia in the post-Soviet era, showing the inter-relationships between political and commercial considerations and how these have differed between countries and changed over time.

Much research has been done into the emergence of mass education systems, primarily by studying the social origin of the education system, the introduction of compulsory schooling laws, or the expansion of enrolment rates. However, little is known about the origin of the characteristics of these newly formed systems. Ramirez and Boli (1987) argue that the threat for war with and invasion by the French around the 1800s induced European countries to introduce mass public education systems. This paper empirically establishes whether political pressure from Napoleon is related to the levels of differentiation and standardization of European education systems. I find that the political pressure from France is related to differentiation, but less to standardization of the content of instruction, and not at all to the existence of central exam and administrative standardization.

Through an analysis of the interconnections or lack thereof between gender and epistemology, I present Cristina García's The Agüero Sisters as a text of Latina feminist philosophy. First, I use the works of Linda Alcoff and Walter Mignolo to illustrate the political nature of epistemology and how women and people of color in particular are disenfranchised from such a political endeavor. Then I examine the connections among the concepts of origin, absence, inheritance, and knowledge‐construction in García's novel to further a critique of standard epistemology and point to an emphasis on reconnection with feminine and maternal knowledge for this text's female characters. Moreover, a depiction and elaboration of María Lugones's ideas of the "coloniality of gender" and "decolonial feminism" in this novel augments this critical examination of epistemology and places emphasis on women as knowledge‐producers.

This paper discusses the relationship between moral philosophy and political
philosophy. It holds that political philosophy in some way is part of moral
philosophy as the former deals with the content of moral standards governing
the relations between individuals and institutions. That would be the purpose
of the ?morality of institutions?, while the so-called "individual morality"
would inform the standards applicable to individuals. On the basis of a
conception of individual morality as it relates to contractualism and a
discussion of the morality of institutions that closely follows John Rawls?
theory of justice, the paper addresses the question of the foundations of the
obligation to comply with institution-defined standards that are directed
towards individuals. At the end, it focuses in particular on the difficulty
of rationalizing that obligation in the case of unjust institutions.