Suchergebnisse

This book is a personalized search by the author for a
reconciliation between the "Islamic ideal" and the vast variety of
ethnically, economically, politically and socially diverse muslim
societies the world over. The research is conducted with reference to
"six socia-historical categories", which constitute for the author "a
theory of Islamic History". These are: 1. the time of the Prophet and
the ideal caliphs (Le., the fIrst four caliphs called Rashidun); 2. the
Arab dynasties (meaning the Umayyads and the Abbasids); 3. the three
muslim empires (or the Ottomans, the Saffavids and the Mughals); 4.
Islam of the periphery (referring to societies in which muslims are in
minority, nameiy, the USSR, China, Southeast Asia and South of the
Sahara in Africa); 5. Islam under European rule (Le., under the impact
of colonization by England, France, Germany, Spain, Portugal and Italy
on ''muslim society"); and 6. contemporary Islam. (p. 33).

Public policy formation in the energy sector is dominated by liberalism and the assumption that the primary aim of p o l i q is the correction of market failure. Such a policy framework does not sufficiently account for the inter- connectedness of the energy system and the role it has in determining characteristics of society and the environment. The author proposes an alternative approach to public policy that is objective in content and process. Content is objective if its truth conditions are independent of what humans happen to believe or want. The policy process is objective if it is designed to eliminate ignorance; bias and error. This leads the author to propose that policy formation should be based on "backcasting" from possible objectives. He concludes that such a policy framework is more effective in a complex world which is itself evolving in response to human decisions and that it reinforces our capacity for participative democracy.

Critiques concepts of flexible response and forward defense. Compares US and Soviet warfighting doctrines.

THE AUTHOR PROVIDES A REVIEW OF THE MAIN CONTENTS OF THE INF TREATY AND AN ANALYSIS OF SOME OF THE ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL IMPERATIVES ON BOTH SIDES THAT ENTERED INTO ITS MAKING. THE AUTHOR CONCLUDES THAT THE SUPERPOWER EXPERIMENTS WITH ARMS-REDUCTION TREATIES HAVE OCCURRED IN AN ERA OF DECLINING U.S. AND SOVIET GLOBAL INFLUENCE AND OF DEEPENING SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DIFFICULTIES AT HOME FOR BOTH POWERS. AT THE SAME TIME, THE IDEOLOGICAL ASSUMPTIONS UNDERLYING U.S. FOREIGN POLICY HAVE REMAINED UNAFFECTED BY THE RETURN TO DETENTE. AMERICAN POLICYMAKERS DO NOT DISAVOW MILITARY ADVENTURISM ABROAD, AND THEY CONTINUE TO BASE THEIR POLICIES ON ANTI-COMMUNIST, COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY, AND RACIST ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT HOW THE WORLD SHOULD WORK. AS LONG AS THAT REMAINS THE CASE, AND NO SERIOUS ATTEMPT AT INSTITUTIONAL REFORM AT HOME IS UNDERTAKEN, THERE IS A VERY REAL DANGER THAT THE ARMS RACE COULD HEAT UP AGAIN.

This Article replies to Professor' Jaffa's article, "What Were the 'Original Intentions' of the Framers of the Constitution of the United States?," and book, The Crisis of the House Divided. The Article argues that Professor Jaffa's method throughout his indictment of legal scholars has three flaws. First, the Article argues that Professor Jaffa takes statements of sensible political compromises-such as support for judicial restraint, British traditions, and local self-government-and treats them as if they were philosophical statements. Second, the author contends that Professor Jaffa assembles a composite indictment, which in law is appropriately applied only to an indictment against a proven conspiracy, the existence of which Professor Jaffa has not proved. Third, the Article shows in detail that each of the statements of the four steps almost certainly was not intended as such by its author. Therefore, the Article concludes that Professor Jaffa's indictment fails to meet its burden of proof.

THE AUTHOR OF THIS PAPER, A THEOLOGIAN, TAKES ISSUE WITH HEATHER WILSON'S STATEMENT THAT "WARS OF NATIONAL LIBERATION ARE INTERNATIONAL WARS." HE SEES THIS VIEW AS AN EXAMPLE CLOSE TO LIBERATION THEOLOGY, IN WHICH SELF-DETERMINATION HAS A CLAIM TO THEOLOGICAL LEGITIMACY. HE POINTS OUT THAT SUCH WARS OFTEN AWAKEN INTENSE NATIONALISTIC FEELINGS WHICH CAN COME INTO CONFLICT WITH EACH OTHER. FOR EXAMPLE, PEACE-KEEPING FORCES ARE ATTACKED, OR HOSTAGES ARE TAKEN AS A MEANS OF POWER. HE POINTS TO THE LACK OF PROTOCOL IN OBSERVING DIPLOMATIC IMMUNITY AND THE INEFFECTIVENESS OF ECONOMIC SANCTIONS AS AN EXPRESSION OF INTERNATIONAL DISAPPROVAL, ALONG WITH THE ECONOMIC INEQUALITIES OF NATIONS AND THE DEPLOYMENT OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS AS OTHER ADVERSE FACTORS AFFECTING THE ACHIEVEMENT OF INTERNATIONAL ACCORD. THE AUTHOR FORESEES NO REAL PROGRESS IN THE PURSUIT OF COLLECTIVE SECURITY UNTIL SUCH IDEOLOGICAL AND RELIGIOUS ISSUES AS ARE POSED BY THE ABOVE PHENOMENA ARE IDENTIFIED AND THE PROBLEMS THEY POSE SOLVED.

THE AUTHOR STATES THAT THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN ACTS THAT ARE RECOMMENDATORY AND THOSE THAT ARE BINDING IS NOT CRITICAL IN THAT AREA OF LAWMAKING HAVING TO DO WITH THE ROLE OF RESOLUTIONS OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS. SINCE THE TERMS "RULES" AND "NORMS" ARE NOT SELF-EXPLANATORY, THE AUTHOR DEFINES THEM IN THIS WAY: A "RULE" IS AN OBLIGATION OF LAW WHICH IN ITS TERMS CANNOT BE GAINSAYED, E.G., THE REQUIREMENT THAT THE SECURITY COUNCIL OF THE UN HAVE FIFTEEN MEMBERS. A "NORM," BY CONTRAST, IS AN AUTHORITATIVE PROVISION OF LAW WHICH MAY BE APPRORIATELY INVOKED AND APPLIED IN A PARTICULAR FACTUAL CONTEXT. BUT THERE MAY BE A DEBATE AS TO WHICH NORM SHOULD BE APPLIED IN A GIVEN CONTEXT. FOR EXAMPLE, THE PROHIBITION AGAINST THE USE OF FORCE IS THUS A NORM. BUT DOES THE NORM PERMIT THE USE OF FORCE IN SELF-DEFENSE OR FOR REPRISALS? THIS PAPER DISCUSSES THE CREATION OF NORMS VIEWED IN THIS SENSE.

The author begins with a broad overview of Russian-German relations and observes that Russian diplomacy has historically vacillated between close cooperation with Germany and the construction of alliances against Germany. The latter has always been important to the Soviet Union, especially since 1945. The first section of the article evaluates the importance of East Germany in Soviet policy. The second section evaluates Soviet-West German relations in terms of Soviet long- and short-term interests. The author argues that Soviet policies toward both Germanys in the late 1970s and early 1980s have failed to produce positive results. The campaign against West German "revanchism" and "militarism" lacks credibility. The recent Soviet attempt to limit intra-German relations is likely to be met with resistance. The Soviet approach has been a setback and an embarrassment. Soviet control over East Germany will become more difficult than it has been in the past.

The author points out that West Germany has had low inflation, high industrial efficiency, and good vocational training, but has not escaped rising levels of unemployment. After an analysis of employment trends in Germany since 1945 there is a review of varying government policies in public expenditure and in dealing with unemployment. The author relates demographic trends to employment patterns, and refers to such phenomena as the "dormant labour force", concluding that unemployment will remain high. He reviews the effects of social security benefits and of job creation schemes. He concludes that none of the well‐known remedies for unemployment have proved effective in themselves but that short‐term job creation schemes are very much a "second‐best". He concludes that industrial efficiency — though essential — is not enough in itself and that conquering inflation or providing youth training are shown by the German example to be only a partial help and not a solution to improving employment prospects.

The author focuses on the importance of criminal sentencing policy to prison overcrowding and advocates comprehensive sentencing reform that emphasizes selective incapacitation of dangerous offenders as a sensible approach to conserving scarce prison resources. The author is the chief sponsor of the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984, which was recently enacted as part of the Comprehensive Crime Control Act of 1984. The Sentencing Reform Act, which embodies the most comprehensive reform of criminal sentencing ever undertaken by Congress, establishes an independent United States Sentencing Commission to establish a uniform sentencing policy and mandatory sentencing guidelines to be used by federal judges. The act abolishes early release on parole, cautions the Sentencing Commission to develop guidelines that minimize prison overcrowding, and emphasizes use of incarceration for dangerous, violent repeat offenders. The use of uniform sentences and selective incapacitation provided for in the new law offers a constructive approach to the intractable problem of prison overcrowding.

Embracing a conception of the state as both an entity that acts, in the last instance, on behalf of the ruling class (which, in the case of Africa, is the metropolitan bourgeoisie) and as a set of institutions that constitutes an arena for class struggles, the author argues that the state in Africa continues its colonial function of integrating the continent more firmly into the orbit of capitalist imperialism. Proceeding from the observation that the state in Africa originated from the class forces of the metropole, it is argued that this remains the decisive factor in its social orientation, an orientation that explains its primary function of subordinating Africa's resources to the profit impulse of multinational capital. The author concludes that the contradictions of global capitalism that radiate with peculiar intensity in Africa promise an uncertain future for the postcolonial capitalist state, as it becomes increasingly difficult for the dominant classes to maintain their grip on the institutions of the state.

THE AUTHOR STUDIES THE FOUR COMMON JUSTIFICATIONS OF EXPLOITATION THEORY: 1) THE ACCUMULATION THEORY, 2) THE DOMINATION THEORY, 3) THE ALIENATION THEORY, AND 4) THE INEQUALITY THEORY. THE AUTHOR ARGUES THAT IN THE GENERAL CASE NONE OF (1) THROUGH (4) CAN BE SUSTAINED; THERE IS, IN GENERAL, NO REASON TO BE INTERESTED IN EXPLOITATION THEORY, THAT IS, IN TALLYING THE SURPLUS VALUE ACCOUNTS OF LABOR PERFORMED VERSUS LABOR COMMANDED IN GOODS PURCHASED. MY ARGUMENTS AGAINST (1) THROUGH (4) ARE, BRIEFLY, THESE: (1) ALL COMMODITIES ARE EXPLOITED UNDER CAPITALISM, NOT ONLY LABOR POWER, AND SO THE EXPLOITATION OF LABOR DOES NOT EXPLAIN PROFITS; CONCERNING (2), DOMINATION IS AN IMPORTANT ISSUE UNDER CAPITALISM, BUT EXPLOITATION IS IRRELEVANT FOR ITS STUDY; CONCERNING (3), DIFFERENTIAL ALIENATION CAN BE MEASURED USING SUPLUS VALUE ACCOUNTS, BUT I DO NOT THINK SUCH ALIENATION IS INTERESTING UNLESS IT IS A CONSEQUENCE OF UNEQUAL OWNERSHIP OF THE MEANS OF PRODUCTION.

North Korea's civil-military relations were modeled after the Soviet Union; South Korea's after the United States. Comparing both relationships, the author investigates a wide set of variables and finds the critical importance of local adaptation of the models initially introduced by the patron states. In both Koreas, the military has become a dominant political actor. In the north, however, military influence has become easily fused with the power structure headed by its supreme leader, Kim Il-sung; in South Korea, military control has been fragmented, lacking integration into the constructive leadership structure. The American model in South Korea has proven unworkable. Instead, it has created an ambivalent and uncertain relationship between the military and civilian sectors of power. The author maintains that in South Korea as in other developing nations, national development means a total effort. Military and civil powers must not be perceived in a dichotomous but in a judicious mix.

AbstractThere have long been attempts to humanize the conduct of development by taking into account the mental and cultural constitution of those amongst whom it is to occur. Very largely, these have been unsuccessful owing in part to the conception that has been used of the things of which account has to be taken. In consequence, developmental thought has remained mechanistic and impersonal generally and corresponding problems afflict development practice. Seeing this approach exemplified in the two articles by Rondinelli and Mandel (1981a, 1981b) the author takes issue with it. He argues in the light of experience with health planning and medical practice that fresh attention should be given both to understanding local social realities and to the way in which development work could be related to such realities. In the process the author suggests that the value of the approaches characteristic of social anthropology should be more widely recognized.

This article presents the main results of a research project on policy diffusion from Sweden to Finland from about 1947. Sixty innovative Swedish policies are compared in detail with Finnish policies introduced later. One-fourth of these cases display more or less identical policies in the two countries. Half of these cases of 'probable diffusion' are then subjected to detailed case study analysis. It turns out that the similarities are indeed results of diffusion from Sweden to Finland, i.e. involve a conscious introduction of Swedish modeis into Finnish politics. No one pattern of diffusion can be observed, but the author suggests that there are four typical kinds of diffusion: political, bureaucratic, corporative and cumulative. In a discussion of implications for further research the author stresses that more attention should be paid to purely domestic factors in the study of Nordic relations. He suggests an increased use of policy analytical methods and perspectives in this enterprise.