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In 'Is Globalization a code word for Americanization?', the author shows how globalization scholarship ignores the role of the American nation-state in shaping that process, while Americanists and historians of American history have had a blind spot in seeing the u.s. in global terms. Cast as a weak nation-state institutionally and anti-imperial in comparison with European colonial powers, scholarship had a difficulty to see the u.s. state as a global actor. Globalization, however, cannot be understood without analyzing the hegemonic power of the u.s. nation-state that has been crucial in shaping international and transnational politics and institutions during the twentieth century. Future research will therefore have to analyze in a historically grounded fashion the u.s. nation- state in relationship with corporate business and civil-society organizations to map the politics and institutions that have shaped globalization in the era that has been rightfully called the 'American Century'.

The district of Jaamamõisa, a former housing area for Soviet military forces at Raadi military air base, has an aging and decreasing population (from about 4,000 to 3,000) due to the emigration from Estonia in the early 1990s, especially by people of ethnic russian origin. In the neighbourhood, 29% of the population were ethnic estonians. Jaamamõisa's development potential is discussed in terms of its advantageous location in the town structure. But Jaamamõisa may also turn into a ghetto and specific attention should be paid to the particular socio-ethnic composition of the area. ; Sustainable Urban Patterns around the Baltic Sea

What happens when concepts of "security" that circulate at a more global level consolidate around concepts of race, gender, or other factors at the local level in Okinawa and how and what precipitates the fragmentation of those consolidated imaginaries for US Americans in Okinawa? With the ever increasing consolidation of joint US-Japanese military power in Okinawa and the attempts to secure the narratives to frame "sacrifice" and "global security," how do those people most vulnerable to these discursive claims — specifically women, children, mixed race Okinawans, and military personnel of color, and economically insecure military personnel — find ways to maneuver from these interpellations? And more importantly, how do they shift the discourse that thrives on postcolonial states of exception?This research project focuses on how people craft themselves as globally flexible in these local "in-between" militarized sites to restructure their own resistance and modes of knowledge-making against what sometimes seems to be insurmountable militarized conditions. This project explores how these flexibilities are shaped, 1) spatially at the interstices of binaries marked as on/off base spaces, 2) in circulating discursive maneuvering by long-term expatriates and military personnel living in Okinawa, 3) by mixed race Okinawans and Black soldiers whose histories are indelibly marked within Okinawan spaces of coloniality, and 4) by artists and performers attempting to shape concepts of friendship, flow and hybridity with alternative discourses, all of which are strongly linked to the maintenance of security imaginaries on the island. I argue that life situated within Okinawan partial sovereignty, is always affected by the rubric of national security that attempts to bridge the temporal gap between WWII and the more ambiguous, global "war on terror." Therefore, alternative trajectories for pushing past the cultural logics that deem Okinawans as simply stuck "in the middle" of a geopolitical situation require savvy interlocutors who can flexibly and delicately dodge the disciplining effects of state power and transnational security imaginaries. I argue these actors rewrite cultural codes of "flow" and commercialized hybridity that weave together perspectives of the insecurely rooted, the routinely racialized via security talk, and the globally and locally dislocated subjects in uneven spaces of privilege at the Okinawan fencelines.

Emissions were characterized and compared from the open burning of four compositions of Meals, Ready-To-Eat (MRE) and four types of MRE fiberboard packaging in response to inhalation concerns at military forward operating bases. Measurements of particulate matter (PM2.5, PM10) showed that MREs account for 70-90 percent of PM emissions when burned in unison with the current fiberboard container and liner and that PM2.5 constitutes a vast majority of the particulates emitted. Targeted replacement of MRE constituents may be more effective in reducing volatile organic compound (VOC) and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbon (PAH) emissions than the variation of fiberboard packaging designs, while polychlorinated dibenzo-dioxin and -furan (PCDD/PCDF) emissions are believed to be more closely related to other components of a military waste stream. MRE and fiberboard types each respectively produced equivalent PM, PAH, VOC, and PCDD/PCDF emission factors. This study provides the first representative characterization of open burning emissions associated with military rations separate from comprehensive military waste streams.

THIS ARTICLE PRESENTS THREE INTERCONNECTED ARGUMENTS. FIRST, THE IRAQI INVASION OF IRAN DID NOT EMANATE FROM A PREMEDIATED GRAND DESIGN BUT WAS A PREEMPTIVE MOVE INTENDED TO FORESTALL THE IRANIAN THREAT TO THE EXISTENCE OF THE BOATH REGIME BY DESTROYING OPPOSING FORCES AND DENYING TERRITORY. SECOND, IRAQ DID NOT OVERESTIMATE ITS MILITARY POWER: IN 1980 IT ENJOYED AN UNDENIABLE MILITARY EDGE. THIRD, IRAQ'S MISTAKE WAS THAT IT DID NOT USE ITS ADVANTAGE DECISIVELY. IRAQ'S STRATEGY FAILED BECAUSE ITS OBJECTIVES WERE TOO LIMITED.

Military base closings, and the numerous laws and regulations that apply to them, have a great impact on neighboring communities. This comment addresses the economic, environmental, and cultural effects of military base closures, both domestic and overseas, and offers some ideas for the future. Section I tells the stories of two former military bases, one in America and one overseas, and an American military base currently in the process of closing. Section II details the economic effects of military base closure under BRAC, while looking at the process itself in more detail. Section III examines the environmental effects, arising from both preparation for closure and use after the transfer. Section IV looks at the cultural effects of base closures. Finally, Section V analyzes what is likely to happen in the future in this area and offers some solutions to the problems under current law.

Military personnel with traveler's diarrhea (n = 202) while deployed to Incirlik Air Base, Turkey, from June to September 2002 were evaluated for pathogen-specific immune responses. Serologic and fecal immunoglobulin A (IgA) titers to enterotoxigenic Escherichia coli antigens (CS6, CS3, and LT) were quite low. In contrast, subjects with Campylobacter infections had high serologic and fecal IgA responses.