Suchergebnisse

"This book explores the indigenous peace cultures of the major ethnic groups in South Sudan (Dinka, Nuer, Anuak and Acholi) and analyses their contribution to resolving the civil war. The book utilises qualitative narrative inquiry ethnographic methods to explore the indigenous institutions and customs (customary laws, beliefs and practices) employed in resolving ethnic conflicts and argues for their application in civil war resolution. This book contributes to the decolonial literature/knowledge by discussing the subtle norms, the role of youth, women, and elders, the concepts of resilience and proximity, and their significance in peacebuilding. The book shows that for sustainable peace to happen, subtle roles and disputants' indigenous knowledge should be part of national peace negotiation strategies. This book will interest NGOs, students and scholars of indigenous knowledge, women, youth, conflict and peacebuilding, African Studies and Development in the Horn of Africa and sub-Sahara regions"--

This paper analyses the notion of self-determination and secession by adopting acomparative perspective on two case studies, namely Somaliland and South Sudan. Somaliland declared its independence in 1991 following the collapse of the Somali state. Since then, Somaliland has been making relentless efforts to secure recognition from the international community. South Sudan successfully negotiated the right to exerciseself-determination, a right that was formalised in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed between the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM). The people of South Sudan held a referendum and voted overwhelmingly for secession, with formal independence being achieved on 9 July 2011. International law may better qualify Somaliland for statehood than South Sudan for three reasons: (i) it was created by colonialism, (ii) it has already been recognised, albeit only for a few days, as an independent state in 1960, and (iii) it has proven to be stable, functional and relatively democratic. Yet Somaliland has failed to achieve international recognition. This paper interrogates this discrepancy. It concludes that the existence of a partner ready to accept the right of self-determination, and geostrategic concerns about security as well a seconomic and political interests, determine international recognition.

The article deals with the concept of responsibility to protect, applied on the case study of South Sudan. The introductory part of the paper discusses the concept itself, its emergence and inclusion in relevant international law documents. The second part is dedicated to the analysis of African Union's documents which enshrine responsibility to protect concept to the organization's politics. The third part analyses the South Sudanese civil war and is concerned with the role of African Union in the conflict resolution process in current South Sudan. Methodologically, it is an intrinsic case study and it is based on the analysis of African Union documents and relevant literature.

This report was developed in the first half of 2016, when the signing of the Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan (ARCISS) and subsequent establishment of the Transitional Government of National Unity (TGNU) presented a possible window of opportunity to restart and reset state-building effort, in particular, to initiate a more strategic approach to capacity building. From the government side, it was possible incentives will emerge to signal a break with the past by delivering services to citizens. In this context, the main objective of the note has been to contribute a stronger evidence base for renewed efforts at supporting capacity building. Despite the renewed deterioration since mid-2016, it is expected that many of the key challenges and tensions analyzed will remain important considerations when capacity building efforts are eventually renewed. South Sudan has faced renewed conflict and a deepening macro-fiscal crisis. Shortly after the formation of the TGNU in late May 2016, fighting broke out in Juba and the security situation in the rest of the country has subsequently deteriorated. This note mainly covers the period until June 2016, as a contribution to providing a more nuanced understanding of efforts at capacity building in South Sudan. This note is primarily concerned with capacity in the civilian public service in South Sudan, and its ability to deliver public services. The note explores cross-cutting issues and challenges related to developing a capable and effective civil service and drills down into two specific areas: public financial management (PFM) and the public health sector. The report combines an analysis of the opportunities and constraints created by the evolving country context; cross-cutting factors which have shaped core public administration functions across sectors since 2005; and analysis of capacity in two selected state functions PFM and health care. The report is organized as follows: chapter one presents purpose, scope, and approach. Chapter two covers the conceptual underpinnings of the paper. Chapter three provides a cross-cutting perspective on capacity-building efforts in South Sudan, providing an overview of public sector as a tool for the management of political support, as well as the evolution of aid architecture. Chapter four covers PFM in South Sudan and chapter five addresses the health sector. Chapter six reviews key findings and emerging lessons and concludes with recommendations and options for improving monitoring of capacity-building efforts going forward.

The study aims at analyzing how politics and hydraulic intersected in the history of the Jonglei Canal project in the Southern Sudan. The plans for the project are also employed as a mirror to reinterprete central issues in British Nile Valley strategy

This article examines an attempt to build a memorial to local victims of civil war in South Sudan. The memorial commemorates the mass execution of civilians in 1964, close to the town of Gogrial in a rural part of South Sudan. During this massacre, local people were killed and their bodies piled up into a macabre structure by the side of the road, as a warning against supporting the Anya-Nya insurgency. This is an example of non-state memorialisation, which sheds light on the repertoires and regimes of memory that memorials draw on and their local and political resonances. Particularly striking is the way the memorial builders have incorporated global technologies of memory and put them in dialogue with local recollections of a massacre, historic Dinka myths about building out of bodies, and the politics of the dead and post-liberation memory in South Sudan. This has produced a fascinating – but ultimately unrealised – memorial which complicates some of the major themes in academic understandings of memorialisation in Africa, especially the stress laid on tensions between 'official' and 'vernacular' regimes of memory. The memorial is not a site of 'counter-memory'; rather, it inserts a local event into an official national narrative of liberation.

Despite various strategies that have been applied to limit and control the pervasive impacts of corruption across the world, corruption continues to be a global menace. Sub-Saharan Africa has been the hardest affected by corruption which has led to serious underdevelopment in the region. South Sudan, the world's newest State, has fallen in the trap of the preceding sub-Saharan African Countries which have been largely plagued by corrupt practices and serious deficit in governance. Since the region got a semi-autonomous status in 2005 and subsequently gained independence in 2011 as a result of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), the country has been fraught with numerous challenges of governance. As recent as August this year, the President of South Sudan wrote a letter to 75 government officials accusing them of embezzling money in the order of $4 billion; money which was meant to be used for providing social services to the impoverished population. Today, South Sudan is receiving pressure, both from its citizens and international donors, to ensure that the right measures are put in place to combat the scourge of corruption.