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Argues the value of developing the new concept of 'internationalist communication' to give direction and dynamism to the struggle against the dominant international communications media and culture. Whilst the argument is related specifically to labour internationalism and international labour communication, it has implications for the development of alternative international communications more generally. (PFB)

As political opportunities shift, social movement, decline or mobilization may result. The first section of this volume examines this phenomenon in depth while also moving theory-building forward. Significant contributions are made to collective identity theory, stalemate theory, and political process theory

Confucianism and democratization in east asia -- Confucian values and elite support for liberal democracy in Taiwan -- The effect of Confucian values on public support for democratization and human rights in Taiwan -- The treatment of confucianism in Taiwanese textbooks before and after democratization -- The role of confucianism in Taiwanese legislative debates over democratization and human rights -- Toward a liberal-democratic confucianism: evidence from Taiwan

In a response to the reports of the High-Level Panel & UN Secretary General at the Power to the System: UN High Level Panel & the Reinvigoration of Collective Security conference, three speakers debate the issues on the question of Democratization: Which Role for Which Actors?. Dr. Dorothee Schmid, IFRI, Dr. Daudelin, NPSIA, & Dr. Bruce Russet, Yale University argue democracy promotion in terms of the European response to US democratization in the Mideast, the domestic requirements for democracy, & the problems inherent in democratization by outside or military force. The dilemmas faced by Western powers promoting democracy are discussed, & alternative solutions to outside force are presented. J. Harwell

AbstractDemocratization studies has tended to understand democracy a pro-Western political regime build around liberal norms and government. This approach provides clarity, but cannot explain the varied political experiences and outcomes within contemporary processes of 'democratization'. At the same time, it fails to capture the range of meanings invested in the term 'democracy'. Starting from the premise that democracy's appeal rests on its emancipatory potential, this article proposes reconceptualzing what is meant by democratization, drawing in ideas from identity politics and citizenship studies while, at the same time, placing the impetus for democratization in the framework of global transformation.

Scholars continue to grapple with the question of the relationship between economic development and democratization; prominent recent research has focused on the effects of economic inequality. Boix suggests that democratization is likelier when inequality is low, whereas Acemoglu and Robinson argue that democratization is likelier when inequality is at middling levels. Both assume that democratization is a function of autocratic elites' fear of the extent to which a future median voter would redistribute under different levels of inequality. Drawing on contractarian political theory, the authors suggest that democratization is instead a function of demands by rising economic groups for protection from the state. This alternative approach suggests that land and income inequality affect democratization differently: Autocracies with equal land distribution are indeed more likely to democratize, but contrary to the conventional wisdom, income inequality is more likely to promote democratization.