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AbstractThis article examines Bangladesh's new membership in the BRICS‐led New Development Bank (NDB), as the Bangladesh country study for the Special Section on 'The Evolution of New Development Bank: A Decade Plus in the Making', in Global Policy journal. In September 2021, Bangladesh became the first country outside of the original BRICS founding members to join NDB. The analysis details how Bangladesh went about joining NDB, especially the geopolitics and diplomacy between Bangladesh and the key NDB founding members (India, China, Russia) which supported Bangladesh's entry; why Bangladesh joined NDB, the main motivations or interests; and how NDB membership is turning out for Bangladesh after acceding to the Bank, what are Bangladesh and the Bank actually doing together, are they realizing the main opportunities as intended, or are outcomes not as intended. Throughout the analysis, we assess how Bangladesh's membership in NDB compares to its multi‐decade memberships in the World Bank, Asian Development Bank (ADB), Islamic Development, and its newer relations with the other new China‐supported multilateral bank, Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). This study combines primary data gathered from field research, primary desk research, and cross‐verification with the related data, and secondary sources.

AbstractScientific advancements, their application through technological development, and world politics have been long acknowledged as affecting each other, and are today more than ever at the heart of global policy. Speaking of 'science diplomacy' as the encounter of world politics and the world of science at the heart of these advancements might be a unique window into our time. This potential is what prompts this special issue to gather views from a variety of scholarly and practical viewpoints, linking the well‐established world of reflective practitioners in science diplomacy to the growing field of international relations (IR) scholars theorising this realm. Can speaking of 'science diplomacy' situate our attention at the crossroads of science and international relations, and spur greater appreciation for their intersections? This introduction to the special issue summarises the rise of science diplomacy as field of inquiry, and casts questions as to the need to advance, where not reform, these conceptualisations. It defines science diplomacy as a 'boundary problem' par excellence and emphasises its 'productive tension' that emerges between the various ways of knowing of actors belonging to 'different social worlds', seeking to gather a productive tension of views on this theme in the issue.

AbstractAs evidenced by Goal No. 14 of the UN's Sustainable Development Goals, the importance of oceans governance as a matter of global policy can hardly be overstated. The unsustainable uses of their resources could lead to serious consequences, not only for coastal communities, but remote landlocked countries as well. This special section aims to take the international community's clarion call for effective norms, institutions, and multi‐stakeholder cooperation back to the oceans through three topical case studies. Each in its own way illustrates humanity's high stakes in blue growth, offering recommendations on how states and governments must craft coherent, effective, and actionable policies to make sustainable oceans governance a reality. Claire van der Geest's article opens the special section with a focus on the Indian Ocean and the need to redesign its fisheries governance. Hongzhou Zhang and Fengshi Wu subsequently investigate two of the most significant structural shifts of China's marine fisheries sector in the past decades, namely, going outward and focusing on high market value species. James Malcolm concludes the special section by switching attention to small island developing states, arguing that sustainable oceans governance for them represents not 'only' an environmental or economic concern, but indeed a matter of national security.

The Philippines suffers an enduring linguistic problem that is not identified as such. Through the 20th century the goal has been to study a foreign language hoping for economical competitiveness in an Asian context. At present, this very context has revealed the fallacy of abandoning the education of the citizens in its own setting, if not pointed out the problem—Diglossia. By using an alien means of communication in the schools, the whole education has been alienated, and the result is a society that does not know their history (in Spanish), much less have a future other than to be manpower in a capitalist market (in English). Highlighting the experience of the multilingual European Union, the paper explains a model for the Philippine setting in the context of the "House Bill 162: The Multilingual Education and Literacy Act of 2010."

AbstractThere has been no federal legislation in the US regarding global climate change. Yet, state‐level and city governments have exhibited policy leadership on this subject. How has this varied across states, specifically how has newspaper coverage about global climate change influenced legislative activity across US states during the period 1998–2006? Drawing insights from the literature on the impact of media on agenda setting, we employ regression analysis to understand the impact of newspaper coverage on the introduction of global climate change bills across 17 US states. Newspaper coverage is operationalized in two ways. First, we focus on the overall tone of the coverage: (1) negative, anti‐policy tone; (2) balanced tone; or (3) positive, pro‐policy tone. We find that pro‐ policy narratives are associated with increased legislative activity and balanced narratives are associated with fewer bills aiming at global climate change mitigation. Second, we examine issues addressing: (1) the occurrence of global climate change; (2) its consequences; and (3) global climate change policy solutions. We find that newspaper coverage focused on consequences and policy solutions is associated with increases in the number of introduced bills whereas coverage focused on occurrence is associated with decreases in the number of introduced bills. This article highlights the need to understand the role of subnational units in global public policy especially the implementation of global regimes. Second, we highlight the important role of media in agenda setting and in influencing subnational policy processes.

Over the last several years, a chorus of voices have called for international action in the area of competition policy. A good deal of dissonance, however, can be discerned among these voices. Most who have joined in share at least a stated commitment to promoting competition principles, as embodied in the antitrust laws of many countries. Yet their policy prescriptions differ dramatically, as evidenced by the divergent views of the United States and Europe. The European Commission proposes that the member states of the World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiate a binding competition code. The United States has rejected this idea and counterproposes increased bilateral cooperation between national competition authorities and continued study of the issue. Of course, national differences may arise as much from negotiating tactics as from disagreement on the analytics of which kind of arrangements are most likely to advance competition principles; but for those interested in law and policy, these analytics should be central to choosing among varying proposals. Since competition policy was one of the many issues left unresolved by the failed Seattle ministerial meeting of the WTO in late 1999, and will surely be revisited, how and why certain institutional configurations advance or retard agreed policy aims are questions ripe for attention. The answers will help define the possibilities for competition policy in an era of globalizing markets and contribute to a broader debate over the limits of trade policy in reconciling national economic policies.

Climate change is the signature global issue of our time. This is not just because of climate change itself, but also because of the host of socioeconomic and physical impacts that will result from rising temperatures globally. But fundamentally for scholars of international relations, climate change confronts the policy limitations of sovereignty and its implications for global action directly. Because of the lack of effective global and even national climate change policy action, policy initiatives to confront climate change must focus on levels below the global, even though economic models suggest that global policy provision might be the most efficient way to target the implications of climate change. Thus, this study centers on the complexity of climate change policymaking by focusing attention on the evolution of climate change policy action in the New England region, the State of Connecticut, and its municipalities. Adapted from the source document.

All humanitarian action takes place in a political context, and has, therefore, a political content. This means that all "humanitarian" organizations, such as those operating under the sig of the Red Cross, have a duty to define a humanitarian policy which will be valid in the long term, based on a thorough analysis of the political context, the main characteristics of an epoch, the political societies of our time, and the world political system. Such a humanitarian policy entails in turn the development of a humanitarian strategy which is distinct from the tactical moves imposed by varying crises. Neglect of this work of reflection leads to contradiction and confusion and, worse still, the degradation of humanitarian action to the level of a political instrument.

Introduction. The issues of formation of modern ideas about the actor structure and driving forces of influence in the global educational policy framework are considered. Topic. The understanding of global educational policy is formed in several contexts: as a function of the state; as the activity of non-governmental organizations; as a compromise between multidirectional groups representing the interests of different countries and others. Methods. The application of the multipolarity methodology as the main position for global educational policy is justified. Results. The significance of globalization for the education development is clarified, and its main drivers (political, economic, cultural, technological, and financial) are highlighted. It is shown that establishing the structure of actors is not enough to form a holistic view of global educational policy without specifying in a single methodological structure the reasons for changes in the type and composition of actors and the value of innovations in the future educational agenda. The authors highlight the driving forces that influence global educational policy: scientific and technological progress, transformation of the world economic system, and development of communications; dynamism of foreign policy strategies, which makes it possible to implement the concept of"competition through cooperation". It is proved that the set of possible actions of actors is realized through a sequence of scenarios (economic, institutional, and social scenarios) that lead to the formation of a globalizing scenario as an integral one. Discussion. The presented proposals to clarify the actor approach allow us to get away from the declarative nature and subjectivity of the justification of actors, combining the assessment of possible actions, policies and scenarios to obtain a methodologically significant identification of actors within the available set of knowledge in the chosen field-education.

This collection of essays offers critical perspectives on current issues in the international economy. Divided into four parts, U.S. Trade Policy and Global Growth discusses managed trade and international interdependence, the effect of trade on domestic wages and employment, the costs and benefits of trade protection, and likely effects of NAFTA. The collection also addresses the U.S. trade deficit and presents a Keynesian proposal for international monetary reform. Part IV focuses on issues facing developing countries in the areas of trade, industrial, and financial policy. Rejecting the dogma that pure free-market policies should be accepted as articles of religious faith, in either international trade or domestic policy, the contributors search for trade and macro policies that can achieve balanced growth with high employment and an equitable distribution of income in both the United States and the rest of the world.