Suchergebnisse

Desde a escolha pela saída do Reino Unido da União Europeia através do Brexit, e a vitória de Donald Trump nas eleições presidenciais americanas, ambos em 2016, muito tem se falado sobre a crise democrática e o populismo. O presente trabalho investiga por quê o populismo se tornou protagonista na política do século XXI. Como objetivo principal, propomos uma análise crítica sobre as causas e possíveis implicações de crises democráticas e emergência de lideranças populistas. Partimos de uma abordagem mista com análise do índice Gini em treze democracias para medirmos sua relação com a ascensão de líderes populistas ao poder. Os resultados mostram que a variação do índice Gini não é suficiente para explicar o referido fenômeno. Espera-se que este trabalho coopere para uma reflexão sobre o atual momento vivido por várias democracias no século XXI.Palavras-chave: Democracia; Instituições; Populismo.ABSTRACTSince the choice for the United Kingdom to leave the European Union through the Brexit, and the victory of Donald Trump in the American presidential elections, both in 2016, much has been said about the democratic crisis and the populism. This paper investigates why populism has become a protagonist in the 21st century's politics. As the main objective, we propose a critical analysis of the reasons and possible implications of democracy's crises and, the populist's leadership emergence. We start from a mixed approach with analysis of the Gini index in thirteen democracies to measure its relationship with the rise of populist leaders to power. The results show that the variation of the Gini index is not enough to explain the mentioned phenomenon. It is expected that this work will contribute to a reflection on the current moment experienced by several democracies in the 21st century..Keywords: Democracy; Institutions; Populism. Recebido em: 31/05/2022 | Aceito em: 09/10/2022.

The reintegration of Central and Eastern European (CEE) economies into globalized capitalism resulted in increasing regional polarization and the emergence of internal peripheries. The crisis of the globalized capitalist economy in 2008 resulted in the further peripheralization of rural areas, and the related crisis of representative democracies triggered rural resentment against the existing order. Inhabitants of peripheralized areas have a feeling of abandonment and political discontent. The rise of right-wing populism may be understood as a revolt of people living in precarious conditions in peripheralized areas both in Hungary and Germany. Left-wing populism, which builds on equality and social justice and is based on radical democracy, has not been able so far to reach the precaritized inhabitants of peripheralized rural areas. Solidarity economy, which is a contemporary social movement, refers to a comprehensive program aimed at transforming the entire economy, and may have the potential to address the political discontent of people living in peripheralized rural areas. In spite of the rising support for right-wing populism, social and solidarity economy (SSE) initiatives are being carried out in rural peripheries. These initiatives are based on the principles of participatory and economic democracy. Spaces provided by SSE initiatives can become forums for deliberation and co-management to develop economic democracy and become seeds of a solidarity economy movement in CEE. Therefore, based on a critical realist ethnographic approach, this paper aims to answer the question of how SSE initiatives may address the everyday material challenges and political discontent of people living in peripheralized villages by studying two SSE initiatives being carried out in two contrasting cases of peripheralization. Studying SSE initiatives in relation to 1) the locality they are embedded in, 2) "subaltern" groups within the locality, and 3) participatory, economic and 4) representative democracy helps to better understand in what ways SSE initiatives can mobilize political discontent to strengthen the solidarity economy movement in CEE.

After the 2019 election, Indonesia is facing changes in political and religious life. In political life, the use of ethnic identity appears as a voter. Meanwhile, in terms of religion, the forces of Islamic conservatism and populism have emerged that have disrupted electoral democracy. The issue of identity politics, Islamic conservatism and populism will continue to grow if the moderate Islamic forces of Muhammadiyah and NU do not appear in political and religious life. The hope of a civilized and non-discriminatory democratic life in the strength of moderate Islam. If the power of moderate Islam is weak, then the power of Islamic conservatism with the power of identity politics and Islamic populism will become a real form of challenge to Indonesian democracy. This article aims to explain the three main challenges of Indonesian democracy after the 2019 Presidential Election, namely the rise of Identity politics; the rise of political Islamism which is compounded in Indonesian political practices. How both of them come into contact with political practices in Indonesia, so that it has an impact on Islamic politics today. ملخص توجه الإندونيسيا تفرق الحياة السياسية و الدينية بعد الانتخاب العامي سنة ٢٠١٩ حيث ظهرت هوية العرقية في الحياة السياسية كعاملة منجمة الصوت، بينما في الحياة الدينية ظهرت قوة المحافظة و الشعوبية الإسلامية تتدخل في الديمقراطية الانتخابية. صارت سياسات الهوية و المحافظة والشعوبية الإسلامية دائما تتطور إذا كانت قوة الوسطية الإسلامية المحمدية و نهضة العلماء غير مرئية أمام الحياة السياسية والدينية. كان الأمل بالحياة الديمقراطية حضارية و غير تمييزة في قوة الإسلام المعتدل. إذا ضعفت قوة الإسلامية الوسطية ستصبح قوة التيار الإسلامي المحافظ بقوة سياسات الهوية والشعبوية الإسلامية شكلاً حقيقيًا من أشكال التحدي للديمقراطية الإندونيسية. هذا المقال سيبين ثلاث التحديات الأولى في الديمقراطية الإندونيسية بعد الانتخاب العامي لرئيس الجمهور سنة ٢٠١٩ وهو ايقاظ سياسات الهوية و الإسلام السياسي الذي يتحد في ممارسة السياسة الإندونيسية و كيف يتعامل كلاهما في السياسة الإندونيسية بحيث يكون لها تأثير في السياسة الإسلامية ...

This paper aims to clarify the political nature of parliamentary technology assessment (PTA) by reflecting on PTA's relationship with democratic policy making. This issue is raised in a political climate that is regularly portrayed as a 'post-truth era' and influenced by the rise of radical right populism. Democratic policy making is described in terms of problem structuring that depends on powering, scientific puzzling, participation and deliberation. Regulative democratic ideals, like political equality, truth, citizen participation, and ideal communication, are identified that drive these processes. These concepts are used to clarify the political nature of PTA in two ways. First the kind of political support for PTA within countries where PTA is or was institutionalized is explored. A typology of seven levels of political support to PTA is discerned. These degrees of support depend on whether PTA is performed by MPs or by TA experts, and to what extent MPs allow PTA to play a role in the scientific puzzling process and/or organize participation-cum-deliberation processes. To further clarify the political nature of PTA, three political attitudes towards the regulative democratic ideals are distinguished: affirmative, indifferent, and adverse. It is shown that processes of powering, scientific puzzling and participation-cum-deliberation can be used in ways that are guided by regulative democratic ideals (affirmative), ignore those ideals (indifferent) or undermine them (adverse). In political contexts in which indifferent or adverse attitudes prevail political support for PTA of any kind is very unlikely. It is argued that PTA can strengthen democratic policy making, when it fully acknowledges the political nature, and strengths and weaknesses of both scientific puzzling and participation-cum-deliberation. In this way PTA can connect to democratic forms of populism, and is well-positioned to counteract anti-scientism, anti-intellectualism, and anti-democratic forms of populism.

Over the last couple of decades, the narrative of educational competitiveness and the current climate of economic efficiency, have narrowed down the role of schooling and education, thus reducing their function to that of mere providers of skills and competencies functional to neoliberal educational apparatus. Neoliberal educational agenda, on the one hand, and the spreading Right-wing populism, on the other, grip education and schooling in a kind of claws maneuver that put at risk priceless educational features, such as students' capacity to autonoumously set one's aims and purposes, democratic attitude, and the primacy of the common good. In such a landscape, it is enough clear how a democratic and critical education is cornered.Nonetheless, room for alternative narratives remain. In my paper, by analysing Deweyan oeuvre, I wish to offer an interpretation of education and schooling far removed from the failures of both neoliberalism and populism. Deweyan theory of social intelligence is, in fact, at poles with any reductive conception of education, be such reductivism dependent on neoliberalism or populism. Particularly, Deweyan lesson as it is expressed in Democracy and Education, goes deep into the meaningof interrelatedness and connectedness as essential not just to democratic education, but also to intelligence and self-formation. Otherwise stated, the Deweyan lesson about interconnetedness, democracy, newness and education is of priceless educational value. ; A partire almeno dalla fine degli anni Novanta, l'enfasi posta dalle politiche neoliberali sulla competizione e l'efficienza economica ha severamente ridotto il raggio d'azione della scuola, quasi confinandola a fabbrica di competenze funzionali a politiche decise dall'alto, non sottoposte alla discussione e al controllo democratico. A ciò va aggiunta la scalata dei recenti movimenti neo-populisti che, dal lato opposto, erodono il ruolo dell'educazione come formazione della coscienza critica e luogo di condivisione e costruzione del nuovo. La ...

The text analyses the process of authoritarian populism building, which is the unexpected result in most Western Balkan countries stemming partly from double standards applied in the region by the EU and NATO bureaucrats and decision makers in the process of enlargement of the EU and NATO. The EU's obsession with stability has led it to lose sight of the rule of law and liberal democratic standards as basic criteria for enlargement or relegated them to mere rhetoric. Future outcomes are uncertain. ; Il testo analizza il processo di costruzione del populismo autoritario che è il risultato inatteso nella maggior parte dei paesi dei Balcani Occidentali derivanti in parte dai duplici standards applicati nella regione dai burocrati dell'UE e della NATO e dai decisori nel processo di allargamento dell'UE e della NATO. L'ossessione dell'UE sulla stabilità l'ha portata a perdere di vista dello stato di diritto e degli standards liberaldemocratici come criteri base per l'allargamento o li ha relegati a mera retorica. Per questo i risultati futuri sono incerti.

Las crecientes muestras de populismo han despertado el interés de la academia sobre la ambigüedad de la etiqueta, y demostrar si es algo peyorativo o simplemente una estrategia política. El siguiente artículo, en lugar de discutir la homogeneidad o el antagonismo que puedan tener, y en ocasión de la coyuntura política por la que atraviesa la Unión Europea, tiene como objetivo mostrar el avance que este movimiento ha tenido en el continente europeo y su futuro paralelo a una administración Trump. ; Growing displays of populism have aroused the academy's interest in the ambiguity of the etiquette, and demonstrate whether it is something pejorative or simply a political strategy. The following article, instead of discussing the homogeneity or antagonism they may have, and in the context of the political situation facing the European Union, aims to show the progress that this movement has had on the European continent and its future parallel to a Trump dministration.

A narrative chronicle of Israeli democracy that defines historic phases and follows thematic challenges to democracy, including: competition between religion and the rule of law; the statist society and chaotic minoritocracy; modern illiberal populism and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The comprehensive portrait exposes endemic flaws of democracy in Israel, but also shows that Israel has considerable capacity - and responsibility - to fulfill the promise of democracy

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Chapter 1: White without Whiteness -- Chapter 2: Coming to Terms with Whiteness -- Chapter 3: Elites and White Identity Politics -- Chapter 4: Populism and White Minoritization -- Chapter 5: White Embodiment and the Working Class -- Chapter 6: Whiteness at Home -- Chapter 7: Unlearning Racism at School -- Conclusion: Learning from South Africa -- Appendix: Methodological and Theoretical Considerations -- Notes -- Works Cited -- Index

Introduction: Emerging power in the changing Middle East -- Methodology within the Kurdish narrative -- The political economy origins of Kurds in the Ottoman Empire -- Kurdish moral economy : historical perspectives on embeddedness -- Counter-hegemonic society in the Republic of Turkey -- Passive revolution : constructing institutional politics -- National identity : many Kurds in agonistic pluralism -- Articulating an alternative discourse in the EU-ised sphere -- A Kurdish model : embeddedness, radical democracy and populism.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface and Acknowledgments -- 1. The Study of Latin American Politics -- 2. Tensions in the Class Structure: From Social Mobilization to Autonomous Organization -- 3. Actors and Coalitions -- 4. Violence and Revolution -- 5. Military Interventionism -- 6. Socialist Labor Parties: The Early Experience -- 7. Varieties of Populism and Their Transformative Tendencies -- 8. A Modeled Historical Sequence: Argentina, 1938-2000 -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

EPDF available Open Access under CC-BY-NC-ND licence. This timely study considers the growing impacts of digital technologies on populism in the US and beyond. Analysing the rise of digital devices, social networks and the technology giants behind them, Timcke provides new perspectives on data politics and digital and economic sociology demonstrating the power of algorithms on political legitimism and everyday life.

What is anti-Americanism? : The last respectable prejudice? -- A history of anti-Americanism -- Anti-Americanism vs. criticism? : Reporting on the 2003 Iraq War and the Korean War -- Anti-Americanism or anti-Bush? -- What is American exceptionalism? : A key component of American nationalist ideology -- Don't know much about geography : American insularity, decline, and anti-Americanism -- The Trump factor : the ugly American, popular culture, and populism.

"This book explores the anti-Islamic turn and expansion of the far right in Western Europe, North America and beyond from 2001 and onwards. The book will be of interest to scholars in the social movement field as well as political scientists, sociologists, and general readers interested in issues such as populism, extremism and understanding the ways in which the contemporary far right challenges liberal democracies"--

Cover; THE DEFEAT OF SOLIDARITY; Title; Copyright; Contents; Acknowledgments; Introduction; 1. Democracy and the Organization of Anger; 2. Solidarity Against Itself; 3. Market Populism and the Turn to the Right; 4. How Liberals Lost Labor; 5. Communist and Postcommunist Experiences of Class; 6. Labor at Work: Unions in the Workplace; 7. Conclusion: Class, Civil Society, and the Future of Postcommunist Democracy; Notes; Index