Comment: an historian's perspective
In: Australian journal of political science: journal of the Australasian Political Studies Association, Band 39, Heft 1, S. 31-33
ISSN: 1363-030X
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In: Australian journal of political science: journal of the Australasian Political Studies Association, Band 39, Heft 1, S. 31-33
ISSN: 1363-030X
In: Canadian journal of political science: CJPS = Revue canadienne de science politique : RCSP, Band 37, Heft 1, S. 117-136
ISSN: 0008-4239
In: Totalitarian movements and political religions, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 507-526
ISSN: 1743-9647
In: Australian journal of political science: journal of the Australasian Political Studies Association, Band 39, Heft 1, S. 23-25
ISSN: 1363-030X
In: Local government studies, Band 30, Heft 4, S. 459-466
ISSN: 1743-9388
In: Political theology, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 47-54
ISSN: 1462-317X
What should responsible Christian theologians say after September 11 (2001) Robin Gill's recent book, Changing Worlds, offers a particular vision based on a nuanced understanding of just war theory. This article dissents from that view, arguing that our responses are distorted if we are tempted to give September 11 a status that is hard to justify, & which might lead to difficulties between the world's major religions. Responsible theology often lies in just such dissent from politically plausible yet tendentious actions & their consequences. Adapted from the source document.
In: SIPRI yearbook: armaments, disarmament and international security
ISSN: 0953-0282, 0579-5508, 0347-2205
World military spending in 2003 increased by about 11% in real terms. This is a remarkable rate of increase, even more so given that it was preceded by an increase of 6.5% in 2002. Over two years world military spending increased by 18% in real terms, to reach $956 billion (in current dollars) in 2003. High-income countries account for about 75% of world military spending but only 16% of world population. The combined military spending of these countries was slightly higher than the aggregate foreign debt of all low-income countries and 10 times higher than their combined levels of official development assistance in 2001. While it is not possible, because of a lack of data, to make the same comparison for 2003, it is clear that these gaps have widened owing to the stark rise in world military expenditure since 2001. Thus, there is a large gap between what countries are prepared to allocate for military means to provide security and maintain their global and regional power status, on the one hand, and to alleviate poverty and promote economic development, on the other. The main reason for the increase in world military spending is the massive increase in the United States, which accounts for almost half of the world total. After a decade of reductions in military expenditure in the period 1987-98 and moderate increases in 1998-2001, the changes in US military doctrine and strategy after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 unleashed huge increases in US military spending in 2002 and 2003. Much of the rise is accounted for by the large supplementary appropriations to cover the costs of the military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq and of anti-terrorist activities. In the absence of these appropriations, US military expenditure would still show a significant increase, but at a much slower rate, and world military spending would show a rise of 4% rather than 11% in 2003. While military expenditure is also rising in several other major countries, these increases are much smaller, and there is little indication that the strong increase in US military spending is resulting in an equally strong tendency for other countries to follow suit. It is difficult to assess the importance of US influence relative to more basic drivers of military spending, such as changing threat perceptions, increased global responsibilities and force projection, and the dynamics of military technology -- in particular, since these factors are often strongly interlinked with the relevant countries' relations with the USA. While all countries accept that no nation is currently able to match the USA in military power, there are other types of response that could impact on their military spending. A review of military expenditure trends in seven other major spenders shows that military expenditure has risen in most years of the five-year period 1999-2003 in all seven countries. India and Japan have raised their military spending in line with their GDP growth. Apart from the two years 2001 and 2002, the same is true for China. In France and the UK, the military burden declined slightly in recent years, but in France it began to rise in 2003 and the burden is planned to increase in the UK. Brazil, unlike other medium-rank powers, is pursuing global influence using a model of 'soft power' rather than increased military expenditure. Its comfortable strategic position and enhanced trading relations have allowed a reallocation of scarce resources to economic and social development. During most of 2003, much of the focus in national military spending debates continued to be on the need to increase military spending to meet increasing dangers and risks in an increasingly complex and globalized world. However, towards the end of the year and in early 2004, there were several indications that other factors, related to the economic burden of the military sector and to ethical considerations, tended to increase in importance in several countries. In particular, the US doctrine of pre-emptive wars was being challenged on both ethical and international law grounds, as well as because of the large costs and dubious successes associated with it. Thus, while US military expenditure is set to continue to grow and will continue to propel world military spending, the pace is likely to fall back somewhat in the next few years. In the longer term it is doubtful whether current levels will be economically and politically sustainable. Adapted from the source document.
In: Mother Jones: a magazine for the rest of US, Band 29, Heft 3, S. 56-61
ISSN: 0362-8841
In: Studies in conflict & terrorism, Band 27, Heft 2, S. 89-106
ISSN: 1057-610X
World Affairs Online
In: Science & society: a journal of Marxist thought and analysis, Band 68, Heft 3, S. 272-276
ISSN: 0036-8237
In: Asian survey: a bimonthly review of contemporary Asian affairs, Band 44, Heft 1, S. 93-101
ISSN: 0004-4687
In: Journal of developing societies, Band 20, Heft 3-4, S. 227-246
ISSN: 0169-796X
In: Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales, Band 46, Heft 192, S. 15-42
ISSN: 0185-1918
In this article, the author takes again the philosophic reflection of Carl Schmitt about the concept of the political to think again this dimension as a space of constant & fluctuant construction. Starting from this premise, in a first item is fulfilled an exercise of the analogy of the discussion of the place for the political in Schmitt, with the one of the being of Heidegger & the one of the gods of Nietzsche. In the second item, is considered the structuralist tradition of anthropology to make a reflection of the mythic character of the distinction friend/enemy that estructures in Schmitt the concept of the political. The essay concludes with a third item that appeals the political like an deterrotarialized instance mean while the political sends us to the symbolic, from that the place of the political will even be the no-place. Adapted from the source document.
In: Z magazine: a political monthly, Band 17, Heft 11, S. 20-26
ISSN: 1056-5507
In: SAIS Review, Band 24, Heft 2, S. 163-174
Proposes a gradual increase in levels of humanitarian intervention in crisis situations in countries with unconsolidated democracies; focus on diplomatic and military intervention in Haiti.