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The concept of 'Soft Power' is used to discuss how culture can assert dominance within international relations, but what if entertainment could be used as a weapon itself? Despite recent upheavals like the worldwide financial meltdown and the Arab Spring, organized global resistance to American power remains fragmented. Advanced communications technologies have played an essential role in the rise and persistence of American power, and in many respects, has been a 'weapon' against rejection of American influence abroad. Armed with print media, theme parks, radio and television broadcasts, and now online platforms and social networking, American Empire in the twenty-first century has evolved with technological breakthroughs and must be understood through these new sources of power.

The dissertation examines in detail the 1985-1987 structural adjustment program (SAP) in Zambia. It analyzes the two areas of radical change, the foreign exchange auction and its associated trade reforms and the package of agricultural reforms, including the events that led to the "food riots" of December 1986. The author argues that the SAP in Zambia was a conspicious failure. She concludes that the strategy that the Zambian leadership uses to maintain power makes the polity extremely resistant to change in the form of market measures. The "politics of hope" is the set of instruments that the leadership uses to contain splits within the political elite and to neutralize the rest of the Zambian population and the Western international institutions. (DÜI-Hff)

We examine the importance of production risks in agriculture due to biotic elements such as pests in determining the pattern of trade and the distribution of prices in a Ricardian two-country setup. These elements create biodiversity eff ects that result in an incomplete specialization at the free trade equilibrium. Their influence on idiosyncratic production risks evolves depending on the countries' openness to trade. Pesticides allow these eff ects to diminish but they are damaging for the environment and human health. When regulating farming practices, governments have to counterbalance these side-eff ects with the competitiveness of their agricultural sector on international markets. Nevertheless, restrictions on pesticides under free trade are generally more stringent than under autarky.

We examine the importance of production risks in agriculture due to biotic elements such as pests in determining the pattern of trade and the distribution of prices in a Ricardian two-country setup. These elements create biodiversity eff ects that result in an incomplete specialization at the free trade equilibrium. Their influence on idiosyncratic production risks evolves depending on the countries' openness to trade. Pesticides allow these eff ects to diminish but they are damaging for the environment and human health. When regulating farming practices, governments have to counterbalance these side-eff ects with the competitiveness of their agricultural sector on international markets. Nevertheless, restrictions on pesticides under free trade are generally more stringent than under autarky.

We examine the importance of production risks in agriculture due to biotic elements such as pests in determining the pattern of trade and the distribution of prices in a Ricardian two-country setup. These elements create biodiversity eff ects that result in an incomplete specialization at the free trade equilibrium. Their influence on idiosyncratic production risks evolves depending on the countries' openness to trade. Pesticides allow these eff ects to diminish but they are damaging for the environment and human health. When regulating farming practices, governments have to counterbalance these side-eff ects with the competitiveness of their agricultural sector on international markets. Nevertheless, restrictions on pesticides under free trade are generally more stringent than under autarky.

In just two decades, the number of states that have adopted external voting policies has boomed. Today, these policies, which allow emigrants to take part in home country elections from abroad, are widely found in Europe and Latin America. Looking at the cases of Italy, Mexico, and Bolivia, this book examines the motivations and consequences for states that enfranchise citizens abroad. This analysis sheds light on the impact of emigrants in home country politics, the motivations for emigrants to take part in the elections of a country where they no longer reside, and the consequences of this practice on receiving societies. With a multi-disciplinary approach, this book will appeal to scholars and students of sociology, political science, legal studies, international relations, migration, and transnationalism.

"Das vorliegende Papier befasst sich mit der Frage, welche Bedeutung die Strategie der Internationalisierung heute im Industriesektor der Klein- und Mittelbetriebe hat, welche unterschiedlichen Strategien die Unternehmen einschlagen können und welche konkreten Umsetzungsformen ihnen offenstehen. Deutlich wird, dass die Auslandsengagements kleiner und mittlerer Unternehmen in den vergangenen Jahren in erheblichem Maße zunehmen und die knappen finanziellen und personellen Ressourcen sowie fehlenden internationalen Erfahrungen nicht in dem Maß prohibitiv wirken, wie häufig angenommen. Dies erklärt sich mit generellen, in den Absatzstrategien kleiner und mittlerer Unternehmen angelegten Anstoßfaktoren wie auch aktuellen Problemlagen, die aus den Veränderungen der externen Rahmenbedingungen unternehmerischen Handelns resultieren. Sie bewirken, dass die herkömmliche nationale Strategie nicht mehr ausreicht, um die Unternehmensexistenz zu sichern. Daher ist das Internationalisierungsverhalten vieler kleiner und mittlerer Unternehmen gegenwärtig von einem Zwang zum Handeln geprägt. Dieser häufig eher unfreiwillige Einstieg in die Internationalisierung bestimmt zwar die Ausgangssituation, danach wird aber umgehend eine aktive Gestaltung des Internationalisierungsprozesses notwendig. Aus einer Vielzahl von Optionen müssen die geeignete Strategie und die konkreten Umsetzungsformen ausgewählt und umgesetzt werden. Grundsätzlich steht den Unternehmen im Verlauf der Internationalisierung eine breite Palette von Reaktionsmöglichkeiten offen, die es ihnen ermöglicht, kleinschrittig vorzugehen und dabei auch höhere Stufen der Komplexität zu erreichen." (Autorenreferat)

International politics are moving towards an economical and cultural unification (globalisation), in which all nations are related by trade interactions. If environmental protection commitments are to be honoured, environmental law has to cease to be considered a separate discipline and find synergies that allow it to become an important stakeholder in trade relations. In this paper it is argued that international commerce and environmental law have coevolved in the last three decades to reach a balance embodied in the concept of sustainable development.The essay explores this coevolution, and proposes that the World Trade Organization (WTO) can play an important role in environmental protection goals if its "green provisions" and dispute resolution mechanism are to be used to promote them, as is already happening. In order to illustrate this point, a brief overview of commercial and environmental treaties signed since the seventies is presented, followed by an explanation of the WTO's treaty suite provisions that can be considered as "green", in the hopes of finding convergence points that can be used by the member parties in order not only to justify the passing of environmental protection domestic legislations, but also to compel other countries to comply with their obligations in this area. ; En la actualidad, la política internacional tiende hacia la unificación económica y cultural (globalización), en la cual la totalidad de las naciones se encuentran vinculadas por interacciones comerciales. Para que los compromisos adquiridos en materia de protección ambiental sean respetados, el derecho ambiental debe dejar de ser considerado como una disciplina separada y buscar sinergias que le permitan convertirse en un actor importante en las relaciones comerciales. En el presente ensayo se argumenta que el comercio internacional y el derecho ambiental han coevolucionado en las últimas tres décadas, hasta llegar a un balance en el concepto de desarrollo sostenible.Este artículo explora esta coevolución, mientras propone que la Organización Mundial del Comercio (OMC) puede jugar un importante rol en el cumplimiento de los objetivos internacionales de protección ambiental si sus disposiciones "verdes" y su sistema de resolución de conflictos son utilizados para promoverlos, tal como está sucediendo. Para ilustrar este punto, se presenta un breve resumen de los tratados comerciales y ambientales suscritos desde los años setenta, seguido de una explicación de las disposiciones legales de la OMC que pueden ser consideradas como "verdes", con el fin de hallar puntos de convergencia que puedan ser utilizados por los países miembros no solo para justificar la adopción de normativas domésticas de protección ambiental, sino también para instar a los otros signatarios en el cumplimiento de sus obligaciones en esta área. ; La tendance actuelle de la politique internationale est à l'unification économique et culturelle (mondialisation, "globalisation"), où la totalité des nations se trouvent liées par des interactions commerciales. Pour que les engagements pris en matière de protection de l'environnement soient respectés, le droit de l'environnement doit cesser d'être considéré comme une discipline séparée et doit rechercher des synergies qui lui permettent de devenir un acteur important dans les relations commerciales. Dans cet article on défend l'idée que le commerce international et le droit de l'environnement ont coévolué dans les trois dernières décennies, jusqu'à atteindre un équilibre dans le concept de développement durable.L'article explore cette coévolution. Il montre que l'Organisation mondiale du Commerce peut jouer un rôle important dans l'accomplissement des objectifs internationaux de protection de l'environnement si ses dispositions "vertes" et son système de règlement des différends sont utilisés pour promouvoir ces objectifs, comme cela se passe dernièrement. Pour illustrer ce point on présente un bref résumé des conventions commerciales et environnementales signées depuis les années soixante, puis une explication des dispositions légales de l'OMC pouvant être considérées comme "vertes", dans le but de trouver les points de convergence qui pourraient être utilisés par les pays membres pour justifier l'adoption de normes nationales de protection de l'environnement, mais aussi pour encourager les autres signataires à accomplir leurs engagements en la matière.

International politics are moving towards an economical and cultural unification (globalisation), in which all nations are related by trade interactions. If environmental protection commitments are to be honoured, environmental law has to cease to be considered a separate discipline and find synergies that allow it to become an important stakeholder in trade relations. In this paper it is argued that international commerce and environmental law have coevolved in the last three decades to reach a balance embodied in the concept of sustainable development.The essay explores this coevolution, and proposes that the World Trade Organization (WTO) can play an important role in environmental protection goals if its "green provisions" and dispute resolution mechanism are to be used to promote them, as is already happening. In order to illustrate this point, a brief overview of commercial and environmental treaties signed since the seventies is presented, followed by an explanation of the WTO's treaty suite provisions that can be considered as "green", in the hopes of finding convergence points that can be used by the member parties in order not only to justify the passing of environmental protection domestic legislations, but also to compel other countries to comply with their obligations in this area. ; En la actualidad, la política internacional tiende hacia la unificación económica y cultural (globalización), en la cual la totalidad de las naciones se encuentran vinculadas por interacciones comerciales. Para que los compromisos adquiridos en materia de protección ambiental sean respetados, el derecho ambiental debe dejar de ser considerado como una disciplina separada y buscar sinergias que le permitan convertirse en un actor importante en las relaciones comerciales. En el presente ensayo se argumenta que el comercio internacional y el derecho ambiental han coevolucionado en las últimas tres décadas, hasta llegar a un balance en el concepto de desarrollo sostenible.Este artículo explora esta coevolución, mientras propone que la Organización Mundial del Comercio (OMC) puede jugar un importante rol en el cumplimiento de los objetivos internacionales de protección ambiental si sus disposiciones "verdes" y su sistema de resolución de conflictos son utilizados para promoverlos, tal como está sucediendo. Para ilustrar este punto, se presenta un breve resumen de los tratados comerciales y ambientales suscritos desde los años setenta, seguido de una explicación de las disposiciones legales de la OMC que pueden ser consideradas como "verdes", con el fin de hallar puntos de convergencia que puedan ser utilizados por los países miembros no solo para justificar la adopción de normativas domésticas de protección ambiental, sino también para instar a los otros signatarios en el cumplimiento de sus obligaciones en esta área. ; La tendance actuelle de la politique internationale est à l'unification économique et culturelle (mondialisation, "globalisation"), où la totalité des nations se trouvent liées par des interactions commerciales. Pour que les engagements pris en matière de protection de l'environnement soient respectés, le droit de l'environnement doit cesser d'être considéré comme une discipline séparée et doit rechercher des synergies qui lui permettent de devenir un acteur important dans les relations commerciales. Dans cet article on défend l'idée que le commerce international et le droit de l'environnement ont coévolué dans les trois dernières décennies, jusqu'à atteindre un équilibre dans le concept de développement durable.L'article explore cette coévolution. Il montre que l'Organisation mondiale du Commerce peut jouer un rôle important dans l'accomplissement des objectifs internationaux de protection de l'environnement si ses dispositions "vertes" et son système de règlement des différends sont utilisés pour promouvoir ces objectifs, comme cela se passe dernièrement. Pour illustrer ce point on présente un bref résumé des conventions commerciales et environnementales signées depuis les années soixante, puis une explication des dispositions légales de l'OMC pouvant être considérées comme "vertes", dans le but de trouver les points de convergence qui pourraient être utilisés par les pays membres pour justifier l'adoption de normes nationales de protection de l'environnement, mais aussi pour encourager les autres signataires à accomplir leurs engagements en la matière.

The Constitutional Court of Indonesia functions in one of the most diverse societies in the world. It is required to resolve disputes within a kaleidoscope of diversity and plurality with flexibility, pragmatism, asymmetry, and wisdom. Whilst national minimum norms are important for nation-building, recognition of local customs, diversities and indigenous systems are equally important to protect the territorial integrity of Indonesia and ensure local peace and stability. Responding to demands of religious plurality, customary lands rights, traditional voting systems, decentralisation to regions and local governments, and responding to diversity of community life, requires extraordinary skill, insight and flexibility. This book gives insight into twenty years of jurisprudence and places it in an international comparison.

Why do some governments borrow from China, while others borrow from the United States or the International Monetary Fund (IMF)? This work systematically explains how governments choose among competing loan offers. As the strings attached to loans vary across creditors, domestic interest groups prefer one type of creditor to the other. However, interest groups disagree about which creditor is preferable. Governments cater to whichever domestic interest group coalition is dominant by borrowing from the coalition's preferred creditor. The text offers evidence from Ecuador, Peru, and Colombia as well as an extensive statistical analysis. The results show that borrowing portfolios around the world reflect the relative strength of societal interest groups.

"Freedom fighters. Guerrilla warriors. Soldiers of fortune. The many civil wars and rebellions against communist governments drew heavily from this cast of characters. Yet from Nicaragua to Afghanistan, Vietnam to Angola, Cuba to the Congo, the connections between these anticommunist groups have remained hazy and their coordination obscure. Yet as Kyle Burke reveals, these conflicts were the product of a rising movement that sought paramilitary action against communism worldwide. Tacking between the United States and many other countries, Burke offers an international history not only of the paramilitaries who started and waged small wars in the second half of the twentieth century but of conservatism in the Cold War era"--

War, nuclear weapons, and terrorism are all major threats to US security, but a new set of emerging threats are challenging the current threat response apparatus and our ability to come up with creative and effective solutions. This book considers new, 'non-traditional' security issues such as: transnational organized crime, immigration and border security, cybersecurity, countering violent extremism and terrorism, environmental and energy security, as well as the rise of external actors. The work examines the major challenges and trends in security and explores the policy responses of the U.S. government. By using international relations theory as an analytical approach, Fonseca and Rosen present how these security threats have evolved over time.--

Between the outbreak of war in 1939 and his death in April 1946, Keynes was closely involved in the management of Britain's war economy and the planning of the post-war world. This volume, the fifth of six dealing with this period, focuses on three aspects of his activities in planning the post-war world: the final stages of the discussions and negotiations that brought the International Monetary Fund and World Bank to birth at Bretton Woods and Savannah, the negotiations over commercial policy, and the discussions on reparations and the post-war treatment of Germany. On all of these subjects it contains Keynes's attempts to influence, often with success, the course of events in both Britain and America