Suchergebnisse

El riesgo sísmico y en general los desastres futuros que puede sufrir una ciudad, una región o un país significan una obligación o pasivo contingente no explícito que puede afectar, desde el punto de vista macroeconómico, la sostenibilidad fiscal del Estado. En otras palabras, del riesgo de desastre se deriva una exposición fiscal que debe ser dimensionada de acuerdo con la responsabilidad del Estado, el cual es un tomador de riesgo, consciente o no, que debe formular una estrategia para afrontar dicho riesgo y, así, evitar efectos económicos adversos que afecten su sostenibilidad económica. En esta investigación se ilustra el porqué tanto los desastres extremos como los desastres menores recurrentes significan una exposición fiscal y son pasivos contingentes que deben tenerse en cuenta en el balance contable de las naciones. La evaluación de la vulnerabilidad fiscal frente a desastres depende del potencial de pérdidas económicas que puede llegar a tener un país y de la capacidad o resiliencia económica que tiene para afrontarlas y llevar a cabo la reposición o reconstrucción postdesastre. Aquí se sustenta que la forma más apropiada para llevar a cabo dicha evaluación es utilizando modelos probabilistas de riesgo que den cuenta del potencial de pérdidas máximas esperadas para un período de retorno y de modelos analíticos que permitan determinar la capacidad o el acceso a recursos económicos que permitan cubrir el déficit que puede generar un desastre. El presente documento presenta el tipo de técnicas actuariales con las cuales se puede dimensionar la exposición fiscal, evaluando en forma probabilista el daño estructural y las pérdidas que se derivan sobre los activos o bienes inmuebles de responsabilidad del Estado. La modelización probabilista del riesgo catastrófico y el inventario de efectos económicos de los eventos menores recurrentes son insumos fundamentales para proyectar mecanismos financieros factibles y estructuras alternativas de retención y transferencia del riesgo de acuerdo con análisis de optimización financiera. Dicha modelización actuarial permite proponer índices para asignar la prioridad de rehabilitación o refuerzo estructural de inmuebles utilizando la relación beneficio-costo de este tipo de intervenciones. Se presenta una descripción de los instrumentos financieros que se podrían explorar para definir una estrategia óptima de protección financiera. Se describe la aplicación de la modelización probabilista del riesgo sísmico a nivel urbano para el caso de Manizales, Colombia, con el propósito de ilustrar el diseño del seguro colectivo voluntario por terremoto para las edificaciones privadas, que actualmente está operando, cubriendo a los estratos sociales de bajos ingresos de la ciudad a través de un subsidio cruzado. También se presenta el cálculo del riesgo sísmico y las estrategias financieras de gestión del riesgo para Bogotá, Colombia, y la evaluación del riesgo sísmico de Barcelona, España, utilizando métricas probabilistas. Finalmente se incluye el análisis de riesgo sísmico del portafolio de edificaciones públicas de Colombia, para ilustrar un análisis de riesgo a nivel de un país y los resultados de riesgo, utilizando indicadores, para los países de las Américas y a nivel mundial, con el fin de dar cuenta del riesgo nacional (i.e. para el sector público y privado) y el riesgo soberano (i.e. de responsabilidad fiscal) de los países del mundo. ; Seismic risk and in general the potential disasters that a city, a region or a country can suffer mean a non-explicit contingent liability that can affect, from a macroeconomic perspective, the fiscal sustainability of the State. In other words, disaster risk derives in a fiscal exposure that has to be measure according to the responsibility of the State, which is a risk taker, conscious or not, that must develop a strategy to face that risk, thus, to avoid adverse economic effects that affect its economic sustainability. This research illustrates why both, extreme disasters and recurrent small disasters meand a fiscal exposure and why they are contingen liabilities that must be considered in the national balance of the countries. Fiscal vulnerability evaluation due to disasters depends on the potential economic losses that a country could have, and the ability or economic resilience that it has, to face them and carry out a post disaster recovery and reconstruction. It is explained the most appropriate way to develop an evaluation using probabilistic risk models that provides the potential maximum expected losses for a specific return period and describes how analytical models allow determining the ability to access economic resources to cover deficit that a disaster could generate. This document presents the kinds of actuarial techniques useful to measure fiscal exposure or fiscal vulnerability, evaluation, in a probabilistic way, structural damage and losses produced over the assets that are a fiscal responsibility of the government. Probabilistic catastrophe risk modeling and inventory of economic impact of recurrent small events are fundament supplies to propose feasible financial mechanisms and alternative structures of risk retention and risk transfer according to financial optimization analysis. This actuarial modeling allows proposing indices to prioritize, using cost/benefit rates, rehabilitation or structural reinforcement of assets. This thesis also presents a description of the financial instruments that can be explored to define an optimal strategy of financial protection. The document also presents the application of probabilistic seismic risk moddeling at urban level in three cities: The case of Manizales, Colombia illustrates the desighno of the voluntary collective earhtquake insurance of private buildings, which currentlycovers low-income homeowners of the city through a cross subsidy strategy; the seismic risk estimation and financial risk strategies for Bogota, Colombia; and the sismic risk evaluation of Barcelona, Spain. Finally, this thesis illustrates risk analysis at country level through presenting seismic risk analysis of public buildings portfolio of Colombia. Also, it describes a risk analysis at regional level in the Americas and at global level, using indicators to represent national risk (of public and private sectors) and sovereign risk (fiscal responsibility) of the whole countries of the world. ; Postprint (published version)

This dissertation presents the results of an investigation of rural households' ability to adapt to changing environmental and climatic conditions. It presents soil degradation arising from worsening soil erosion, leaching, depletion of nutrients due to years of uninterrupted cultivation and low levels of use of fertilizers; uncontrolled deforestation leading to loss of biodiversity; and climate variability seen through longer dry seasons as well as delayed and falling levels of precipitation as key issues leading to the vulnerability of households in Kakemega District in Western Province of Kenya. An enquiry has been made into the adaptation strategies of the rural households and a composite household adaptive capacity index (HACI) developed which is then used in hypothesis testing. Despite a situation laden with serious soil degradation and fears that credit taken by rural households often end up in low-return necessity-based enterprises or in consumption expenditure, the dissertation shows that the use of credit positively contributes to the HACI as does regular and optimal use of farm inputs. Diversification into non-agricultural activities, on-farm planting of trees and migration with remittances were some of the adaptation strategies observed among households with relatively high adaptive capacity indices while a secondary school level of education alongside the possession of non-land and non-livestock assets were key factors clearly associated with high adaptive capacity indices. Regarding adaptation decision making, the household head was observed to be the single most important actor in a process which was often characterized by authoritarianism. The household head's level of information or awareness of environmental changes and open options proved to be important for adaptation. It was revealed that membership to groups and networks as well as government and NGO-activities were the most important factors in informing the household heads. Given small land sizes and a high incidence of other negative shocks, household heads tended to adopt and implement only tried and tested adaptation actions. During the study behind this dissertation, pioneers in the implementation of new strategies were observed to be better informed household heads or beneficiaries of incentives from the promoters of such strategies. Newer efforts aimed at the promotion of adaptability would therefore gain wider acceptance and adoption if preceded by a pilot phase carefully designed to include committed opinion shapers who would provide a demonstration effect.:Acknowledgment.i Dedication.ii Summary.iii Zusammenfassung (summary in the German language).iv List of Tables.vii List of Figures.ix List of Abbreviations.xi 1.0 Introduction: Structure and Objectives.1 1.1 Background.5 1.2 Problem Statement.7 1.3 Theoretical and Methodological Contribution.8 1.4 Objectives.9 1.5 Research Questions.10 1.6 Hypothesis.10 1.7 Scope and Limitations of the Study.11 1.8 Structure of the Dissertation.12 2.0 Environmental and Climate Change.13 2.1 Climate Change.13 2.2 Environmental Changes.15 2.3 Vulnerability.22 2.4 Adaptation and Coping Strategies.32 2.5 Household Adaptability.40 3.0 Study Design and Setting.57 3.1 Study Area.76 3.2 Sampling and Data Collection.85 4.0 Rural Households and their Environment.87 4.1 General Descriptive Statistics.87 4.2 Observed Vulnerability Causes and Coping Strategies.92 4.3 Role of the Government.98 5.0 Rural Household Adaptive Capacity.101 5.1 HACI without External Sub-index. .101 5.2 HACI including External Sub-index.167 5.3 Hypothesis Testing.171 5.4 Towards Enhanced Adaptability: Factors and Strategies.180 6.0 Conclusion and Recommendations.185 7.0 Appendix.197 ; In dieser Dissertation wurden ländliche Haushalte bezüglich ihrer Anpassungsfähigkeit an den Umwelt- und Klimawandel untersucht. Desweiteren geht die Dissertation unter anderen der Frage über Strategien nach, die von ländlichen Haushalten angesichts der Auswirkungen von Umweltproblemen eingesetzt werden. Die Feldforschung wurde unter den Haushalten im Kakamega Distrikt in Kenia getätigt. Eine Abnahme der Bodenproduktivität ist durch Erosion, einem Auslaugen und einer ununterbrochenen Kultivierung in Kakamega entstanden. Desweiteren führt eine unkontrollierte Abholzung mit resultierendem Verlust von heimischer Flora und Fauna sowie längeren Trockenperioden mit verspätetem Einsatz von Regenfällen und einer damit verbundenen Niederschlagsminimierung zu einer schwierigen Lebenssituation für die ländlichen Haushalte, die hauptsächlich durch Landwirtschaft ihre Existenz sichern. Diese Situation (gekennzeichnet durch Abholzung, Verlust der Artenvielfalt, Verminderung der Bodenqualität und unregelmäßige und wechselhafte Niederschlag) wird in dieser Arbeit als Umweltwandel (Environmental Change oder Environmental Stress) bezeichnet. Es konnte unter anderem als eines der Ergebnisse der Arbeit festgestellt werden, dass die ländlichen Haushalte aufgrund schlechten Bodens, unkontrollierten Abholzungen, längeren Trockenzeiten und sinkenden Niederschlagsmengen sehr anfällig sind. Durch den Einsatz des zusammengesetzten Haushalt-Anpassungsfähigkeitsindex (Household Adaptive Capacity Index = HACI), der im Rahmen dieser Dissertation entwickelt wurde, konnten die Bedenken gemindert werden, dass Kredite, die an ärmeren ländlichen Haushalten vergeben werden, oft für Notgründungen und Konsumausgaben eingesetzt werden. Es hat sich herauskristallisiert, dass die optimale und regelmäßige Nutzung von Düngemitteln sowie der Einsatz von Krediten, die HACI positiv beeinflusst. Als weitere Ergebnisse konnte beobachtet werden, dass Haushalte mit höheren Anpassungsfähigkeitsindexen Anpassungstrategien wie Diversifizierung in nicht-agra Aktivitäten, Aufforstung und Migration verwenden, und, dass ein Sekundarschulabschluss und der Besitz von Wirtschaftsgütern mit hohen Haushalt-Anpassungsfähigkeitsindexen assoziiert sind. Zum Anpassungsentscheidungspozess konnte festgestellt werden, dass Haushaltoberhäupter, die wichtigste Akteure sind. Entscheidungsweisen dieser Haushaltoberhäupten lassen oftmals autoritäre Züge erkennen. So entscheiden die Haushaltoberhäupter häufig auch, in welcher Art und Weise Haushalte sich anpassen dürfen. Von daher ist das Wissen des Haushaltoberhauptes über die herrschenden Umweltbedingungen und die offenen Strategien oder Handlungspielräume von Bedeutung. Die Feldforschung zeigte, dass die Zugehörigkeit zu einzelnen Gruppen sowie die Bemühungen von der Regierung und den Nichtregierungsorganisationen wichtig für die Erhöhung des Wissens von Haushaltoberhäupten sind. Da der durchschnittliche Haushaltgrundstückbesitz sinkt und andere negative Ereignisse wie Krankheit und Tod zunehmend Angst verbreiten, setzen Haushaltsoberhäupter häufig nur dann empfohlene Strategien zur Anpassung ein, wenn sie beispielsweise einen Erfolg bei einem Nachbar verzeichnen können. Oftmals werden Anpassungsstrategien auch bei finanziellen Anreizen, zum Beispiel von Förderern, umgesetzt. Es würden mit hoher Wahrscheinlichkeit mehr Anpassungstrategien von ländlichen Haushalten umgesetzt werden, wenn diese Strategien Pilotprojekte beinhalten würden, die Haushalten das Zusammenspiel von Anpassung und Ernteertrag präsentieren.:Acknowledgment.i Dedication.ii Summary.iii Zusammenfassung (summary in the German language).iv List of Tables.vii List of Figures.ix List of Abbreviations.xi 1.0 Introduction: Structure and Objectives.1 1.1 Background.5 1.2 Problem Statement.7 1.3 Theoretical and Methodological Contribution.8 1.4 Objectives.9 1.5 Research Questions.10 1.6 Hypothesis.10 1.7 Scope and Limitations of the Study.11 1.8 Structure of the Dissertation.12 2.0 Environmental and Climate Change.13 2.1 Climate Change.13 2.2 Environmental Changes.15 2.3 Vulnerability.22 2.4 Adaptation and Coping Strategies.32 2.5 Household Adaptability.40 3.0 Study Design and Setting.57 3.1 Study Area.76 3.2 Sampling and Data Collection.85 4.0 Rural Households and their Environment.87 4.1 General Descriptive Statistics.87 4.2 Observed Vulnerability Causes and Coping Strategies.92 4.3 Role of the Government.98 5.0 Rural Household Adaptive Capacity.101 5.1 HACI without External Sub-index. .101 5.2 HACI including External Sub-index.167 5.3 Hypothesis Testing.171 5.4 Towards Enhanced Adaptability: Factors and Strategies.180 6.0 Conclusion and Recommendations.185 7.0 Appendix.197

El riesgo sísmico y en general los desastres futuros que puede sufrir una ciudad, una región o un país significan una obligación o pasivo contingente no explícito que puede afectar, desde el punto de vista macroeconómico, la sostenibilidad fiscal del Estado. En otras palabras, del riesgo de desastre se deriva una exposición fiscal que debe ser dimensionada de acuerdo con la responsabilidad del Estado, el cual es un tomador de riesgo, consciente o no, que debe formular una estrategia para afrontar dicho riesgo y, así, evitar efectos económicos adversos que afecten su sostenibilidad económica. En esta investigación se ilustra el porqué tanto los desastres extremos como los desastres menores recurrentes significan una exposición fiscal y son pasivos contingentes que deben tenerse en cuenta en el balance contable de las naciones. La evaluación de la vulnerabilidad fiscal frente a desastres depende del potencial de pérdidas económicas que puede llegar a tener un país y de la capacidad o resiliencia económica que tiene para afrontarlas y llevar a cabo la reposición o reconstrucción postdesastre. Aquí se sustenta que la forma más apropiada para llevar a cabo dicha evaluación es utilizando modelos probabilistas de riesgo que den cuenta del potencial de pérdidas máximas esperadas para un período de retorno y de modelos analíticos que permitan determinar la capacidad o el acceso a recursos económicos que permitan cubrir el déficit que puede generar un desastre. El presente documento presenta el tipo de técnicas actuariales con las cuales se puede dimensionar la exposición fiscal, evaluando en forma probabilista el daño estructural y las pérdidas que se derivan sobre los activos o bienes inmuebles de responsabilidad del Estado. La modelización probabilista del riesgo catastrófico y el inventario de efectos económicos de los eventos menores recurrentes son insumos fundamentales para proyectar mecanismos financieros factibles y estructuras alternativas de retención y transferencia del riesgo de acuerdo con análisis de optimización financiera. Dicha modelización actuarial permite proponer índices para asignar la prioridad de rehabilitación o refuerzo estructural de inmuebles utilizando la relación beneficio-costo de este tipo de intervenciones. Se presenta una descripción de los instrumentos financieros que se podrían explorar para definir una estrategia óptima de protección financiera. Se describe la aplicación de la modelización probabilista del riesgo sísmico a nivel urbano para el caso de Manizales, Colombia, con el propósito de ilustrar el diseño del seguro colectivo voluntario por terremoto para las edificaciones privadas, que actualmente está operando, cubriendo a los estratos sociales de bajos ingresos de la ciudad a través de un subsidio cruzado. También se presenta el cálculo del riesgo sísmico y las estrategias financieras de gestión del riesgo para Bogotá, Colombia, y la evaluación del riesgo sísmico de Barcelona, España, utilizando métricas probabilistas. Finalmente se incluye el análisis de riesgo sísmico del portafolio de edificaciones públicas de Colombia, para ilustrar un análisis de riesgo a nivel de un país y los resultados de riesgo, utilizando indicadores, para los países de las Américas y a nivel mundial, con el fin de dar cuenta del riesgo nacional (i.e. para el sector público y privado) y el riesgo soberano (i.e. de responsabilidad fiscal) de los países del mundo. ; Seismic risk and in general the potential disasters that a city, a region or a country can suffer mean a non-explicit contingent liability that can affect, from a macroeconomic perspective, the fiscal sustainability of the State. In other words, disaster risk derives in a fiscal exposure that has to be measure according to the responsibility of the State, which is a risk taker, conscious or not, that must develop a strategy to face that risk, thus, to avoid adverse economic effects that affect its economic sustainability. This research illustrates why both, extreme disasters and recurrent small disasters meand a fiscal exposure and why they are contingen liabilities that must be considered in the national balance of the countries. Fiscal vulnerability evaluation due to disasters depends on the potential economic losses that a country could have, and the ability or economic resilience that it has, to face them and carry out a post disaster recovery and reconstruction. It is explained the most appropriate way to develop an evaluation using probabilistic risk models that provides the potential maximum expected losses for a specific return period and describes how analytical models allow determining the ability to access economic resources to cover deficit that a disaster could generate. This document presents the kinds of actuarial techniques useful to measure fiscal exposure or fiscal vulnerability, evaluation, in a probabilistic way, structural damage and losses produced over the assets that are a fiscal responsibility of the government. Probabilistic catastrophe risk modeling and inventory of economic impact of recurrent small events are fundament supplies to propose feasible financial mechanisms and alternative structures of risk retention and risk transfer according to financial optimization analysis. This actuarial modeling allows proposing indices to prioritize, using cost/benefit rates, rehabilitation or structural reinforcement of assets. This thesis also presents a description of the financial instruments that can be explored to define an optimal strategy of financial protection. The document also presents the application of probabilistic seismic risk moddeling at urban level in three cities: The case of Manizales, Colombia illustrates the desighno of the voluntary collective earhtquake insurance of private buildings, which currentlycovers low-income homeowners of the city through a cross subsidy strategy; the seismic risk estimation and financial risk strategies for Bogota, Colombia; and the sismic risk evaluation of Barcelona, Spain. Finally, this thesis illustrates risk analysis at country level through presenting seismic risk analysis of public buildings portfolio of Colombia. Also, it describes a risk analysis at regional level in the Americas and at global level, using indicators to represent national risk (of public and private sectors) and sovereign risk (fiscal responsibility) of the whole countries of the world. ; Postprint (published version)

過去50年,香港媒體有關藥物成癮的主要概念主要來自對海洛因(俗稱「白粉」)吸毒者的想像。「吸毒者」通常被視為「對工作和家庭不負責任」,並且被描繪成「以犯罪獲得金錢購買毒品來紓緩嚴重的斷癮症狀。」然而,近年來,大部份青少年吸毒者吸食軟性毒品如氯胺酮和搖頭丸,而非海洛因。對青少年吸毒者而言,在道德和醫學概念上的「吸毒」定義並不符合他們的毒品經驗,原因是他們在使用藥物後並無嚴重的斷癮症狀。這種傳統毒品觀念與青少年吸毒者經驗之間的「矛盾」對戒毒和預防教育產生很大障礙。 ; 本研究旨在找出現有主流媒體、戒毒機構及青少年吸毒者對「吸毒」的詮釋。本研究首先對禁毒政策進行歷史分析,以找出禁毒政策和現有的道德和醫學毒品論述之間的關係。另外,本研究對1978年至2008年的100個禁毒廣告及由1979年至2009年的26部禁毒電視新聞紀錄片進行文本及論述分析,以整合過去30年來本地媒體所運用的毒品論述。再者,本研究在一所福音戒毒中心(基督教得生團契)及一間社區戒毒輔導中心(香港路德會青欣中心)分別進行14個月及10個月民族誌考察,以檢視社工及青少年吸毒者如何運用主流媒體流行的毒品論述。 ; 本研究發現主流媒體經常使用一種包含道德及醫學論述的「過來人」敘事法(go through narrative)。這種敘事法主要以吸毒「過來人」作為關鍵主體,去描述吸毒者最「真實」的「浪子回頭」故事,並且組成了主流的「浪子回頭」論述(Prodigal Son Returns Home Discourse),為吸毒者建立了一個「浪子」身份。另外,本研究亦發現媒體中常見的「過來人」敘事法亦常被社工及戒毒過來人應用,並將吸毒定性為生活方式問題。青少年吸毒者對主流論述的「浪子」身份表現出不同程度的適應,但這種敘述自我身份的靈活性仍被局限於「過來人」敘事法及其容許的論述原素(discursive components)當中。 ; 在理論層面上,本研究歸納出形成社會異類身份的主流論述所涉及的社會、組織、及互動層面的因素。而且,本研究亦歸納出在主流論述控制下,社會異類者體現自我身份自主性的策略,包括:「漠不關心」(Indifference)、「完整接受」(Adoption)、「自我適應」(Adaptation)及「自我肯定」(Affirmation)。透過靈活表述社會異類行為的性質,他們肯定個人身份及對抗主流論述。然而這種敘述自我身份的靈活性仍被局限於主流論述原素當中。 ; For over 50 years, the major conception of drug addiction in Hong Kong media comes from the imaginations of heroin addiction. Drug addicts are usually presented as irresponsible for job and family, and they commit crimes to get money to buy drugs in order to relieve serious withdrawal symptoms. However, in recent years, most youth addicts use 'recreational drugs' like ketamine and ecstasy rather than heroin. The moral and disease conceptions of drug addiction are not applicable in their drug-taking experiences because many youth psychotropic drug addicts find no severe withdrawal and tolerance symptom. The 'gap' between the conventional drug discourses and the experience of youth drug users produces dissonance among addicts, drug rehabilitation and preventive education. ; This study aims at figure out the existing meanings of drug addiction in the mass media and drug rehabilitation. Firstly, a historical analysis on the government anti-drug policy was conducted to figure out the relationship between ...

This is the corrected version of the retracted article under the same title, which was published with the following DOI: https://doi.org/10.11649/slh.1517A Triumphant Gate of the Polish Narrative: The Symbolic Reconstruction of the Bridge over Chłodna Street in Warsaw vis-à-vis the Crisis of the Dominant Polish Holocaust NarrativeThe article is a study of the symbolic topography of Warsaw's Chłodna Street. In 1940–1942, Chłodna Street was an "Aryan" border strip, dividing the small and large ghettos. For the past quarter-century, the symbolic dominance of this space has been made manifest by the subsequent commemorations of the ghetto's wooden footbridge that existed here between January and August 1942. These commemorative artefacts evolved from a counter commemoration (1996), into a commemoration through the use of painting (2007) and photography (2008), into a symbolic reconstruction of the bridge (2011). The analysis of this dynamic, from representation of an object to its materialization, is complemented by a reconstruction of the patterns and stakes of narratives that make up the subsequent layers of the Chłodna Street narrative palimpsest. An important context for the analysis, apart from the history of the site, is the fact that today, the means of control over the space of the former ghetto are in the exclusive possession of the non-Jewish majority.A turning point in the commemoration process was Roman Polański's film The Pianist (2002). The bridge over Chłodna was reconstructed "one to one" – in Warsaw but outside the space of the former Warsaw ghetto. The film was shot in the midst of a nationwide debate taking place in Poland about Jan Tomasz Gross' book Neighbors (2000). The debate concerned the Poles' participation in the Holocaust and the socio-cultural determinants of their attitudes and behavior. Within Polish dominant culture, the narrative shock was so immense that a return to the old Polish tale of heroism and martyrdom seemed impossible. Meanwhile, the mainstream journalistic discourse cast Gross and Polański on two sides of a narrative opposition. The former supposedly represented subjectivism and rash generalizations, while the latter was supposed to embody objectivism and fair judgment. The silhouette of the bridge over Chłodna Street merged at that point with a counterfactual vision of the Polish context of the Holocaust. The international success of The Pianist (Palme d'Or and Oscar) sealed the evolution of the bridge as a figure: from an abject to an object of desire, a tourist attraction, and an export commodity. (A separate issue, also addressed in the article, is how the events depicted in the film relate to the story of Władysław Szpilman, mediated originally by Szpilman's ghostwriter Jerzy Waldorff and then by the scriptwriters, Ronald Harwood and Roman Polański. In both cases, the most serious discrepancies concern depictions of the Poles' attitudes toward the Jews during, but also before, the Holocaust).The success of the film was the determining factor in a decision made to invest public funds in another, and up to now the last, commemoration of the bridge over Chłodna: its symbolic reconstruction in situ. What was reconstructed was not so much the bridge as it was in 1942 but the bridge as depicted in the film, and with it the film's idealized portrayal of the Polish context of the Holocaust. The figure of the bridge suggests tight isolation of Jews and Poles – an isolation instituted by the Germans. By so doing, it feeds into the image of Poles as helpless bystanders (onlookers/gawkers, at times even witnesses) in the face of the Holocaust. The figure of the Polish bystander/witness to the Holocaust is in turn a key figure of Polish innocence. In addition, the symbolic reconstruction of the bridge draws the attention of the users of this space away from another site on Chłodna Street, where Jews and Poles came into direct contact with each other throughout the entire existence of the Warsaw ghetto. In obscuring the factual state of affairs uncovered as a result of the Jedwabne debate, the symbolic reconstruction of the bridge over Chłodna Street functions as a discourse-reproducing machine of sorts, alowing the dominant majority to "indulge inretrospective hallucination" (Baudrillard).The article uncovers the workings of a roly-poly narrative mechanism that renders impossible any successful reassessment and rejection of the Polish dominant culture and prevents common knowledge about facts from bearing in any way on the collective consciousness. To jest poprawiona wersja wycofanego artykułu o tym samym tytule, który był opublikowany pod następującym numerem DOI: https://doi.org/10.11649/slh.1517Brama triumfalna polskiej opowieści. Symboliczna rekonstrukcja mostu nad Chłodną wobec kryzysu dominującej polskiej narracji o ZagładzieTekst zawiera studium topografii symbolicznej ulicy Chłodnej w Warszawie. W latach 1940–1942 Chłodna była "aryjskim" pasem granicznym dzielącym małe i duże getto. Dominantę symboliczną w analizowanej przestrzeni stanowią dzisiaj upamiętnienia gettowego drewnianego mostu dla pieszych, który istniał w tym miejscu od stycznia do sierpnia 1942 roku. Owe komemoracyjne artefakty ewoluowały od przeciwupamiętnienia (1996), przez upamiętnienia wykorzystujące malarstwo (2007) i fotografię (2008), do symbolicznej rekonstrukcji mostu nad Chłodną (2011). Analizie dynamiki wiodącej od reprezentacji przedmiotu ku jego materializacji towarzyszy rekonstrukcja wzorów i stawek narracji składających się na kolejne warstwy narracyjnego palimpsestu. Prócz historii miejsca istotnym kontekstem analizy jest fakt, że środki kontroli przestrzeni dawnego getta stanowią dzisiaj wyłączną własność nieżydowskiej większości.Przełomem w procesie komemoracji był film Romana Polańskiego Pianista (2002). Wówczas to most nad Chłodną został zrekonstruowany w skali 1:1 – w Warszawie, lecz poza obszarem dawnego getta. Zdjęcia do filmu miały miejsce w trakcie ogólnokrajowej debaty o książce Jana Tomasza Grossa Sąsiedzi (2000). Debata dotyczyła współudziału Polaków w Zagładzie oraz społeczno-kulturowych uwarunkowań ich postaw i zachowań. Dla polskiej kultury dominującej był to wstrząs narracyjny tak potężny, że zdawał się wykluczać powrót do dawnej polskiej opowieści heroiczno-martyrologicznej. Tymczasem dyskurs prasowy głównego nurtu ustawił Grossa i Polańskiego w narracyjnej opozycji. O ile pierwszy miał reprezentować subiektywizm i pochopne uogólnienia, o tyle drugi miał wnosić obiektywizm i sprawiedliwy osąd. Sylwetka mostu nad Chłodną zespoliła się wówczas z kontrfaktyczną wizją polskiego kontekstu Zagłady. Międzynarodowa kariera Pianisty (Złota Palma i Oscar) przypieczętowała ewolucję figury mostu: od abiektu do obiektu pożądania, atrakcji turystycznej i towaru eksportowego. (Osobno rozważaną kwestią jest relacja filmowej opowieści do opowieści Władysława Szpilmana już wyjściowo spisanej przez ghostwritera Jerzego Waldorffa, dodatkowo zaś zapośredniczonej przez scenarzystów Ronalda Harwooda i Romana Polańskiego. W obu wypadkach najpoważniejsze rozbieżności dotyczą obrazu stosunku Polaków do Żydów w okresie Zagłady, a także przed Zagładą).Sukces Pianisty przesądził o inwestycji funduszy publicznych w kolejne i ostatnie upamiętnienie mostu nad Chłodną: rekonstrukcję symboliczną in situ. Przedmiotem rekonstrukcji stał się nie tyle most z 1942 roku, ile most filmowy, a wraz z nim wyidealizowany filmowy wizerunek polskiego kontekstu Zagłady. Figura mostu sugeruje szczelną izolację Żydów i Polaków – przez Niemców. Podsyca tym samym wyobrażenie o Polakach jako bezsilnych świadkach Zagłady (bystander/onlooker w porywach do witness). Figura polskiego świadka Zagłady natomiast jest kluczową figurą polskiej niewinności. Dodatkowo symboliczna rekonstrukcja mostu odwraca uwagę użytkowników przestrzeni od miejsca zlokalizowanego przy tej samej ulicy, w którym Polacy i Żydzi mieli styczność bezpośrednią przez cały okres istnienia getta warszawskiego. Zasłaniając stan faktyczny odsłonięty w wyniku debaty jedwabieńskiej, symboliczna rekonstrukcja mostu nad Chłodną stanowi rodzaj maszyny do reprodukcji dyskursu, który zapewnia większości dominującej "rozkosz retrospektywnych halucynacji".Tekst przynosi rozpoznanie narracyjnego mechanizmu typu wańka-wstańka, który sprawia, że rewizja polskiej kultury dominującej nie dochodzi do skutku, a powszechna wiedza o rzeczywistości nie znajduje odzwierciedlenia w świadomości zbiorowej.

This is a retracted article, whose corrected version, bearing the same title, is avalaible under the DOI: https://doi.org/10.11649/slh.2417. The correction was introduced at the request of the Author.A Triumphant Gate of the Polish Narrative: The Symbolic Reconstruction of the Bridge over Chłodna Street in Warsaw vis-à-vis the Crisis of the Dominant Polish Holocaust NarrativeThe article is a study of the symbolic topography of Warsaw's Chłodna Street. In 1940–1942 Chłodna Street was an "Aryan" border strip, dividing the Small and Large Ghettos. For the past quarter of century, the symbolic landmark dominating within this space have been the subsequent commemorations of the Ghetto's wooden footbridge that existed here between January and August 1942. These commemorative artefacts evolved from a counter-commemoration (1996), through a commemoration with the use of painting (2007) and photography (2008), to a symbolic reconstruction of the bridge (2011). The analysis of this dynamics, from representation of an object to its materialization, is complemented by a reconstruction of the patterns and stakes of narratives that make up the subsequent layers of the Chłodna Street narrative palimpsest. An important context of the analysis, apart from the history of the site, is the fact that today, the means of control over the space of the former Ghetto are in exclusive possession of the non-Jewish majority.A breaking point in the commemoration process was Roman Polański's film The Pianist (2002). The bridge over Chłodna was reconstructed "one to one" – in Warsaw but outside the space of the former Warsaw Ghetto. The film was shot in the midst of a nationwide debate taking place in Poland over Jan Tomasz Gross's book Neighbors (2000). The debate concerned the Poles' participation in the Holocaust and the socio-cultural determinants of their attitudes and behaviors. Within the Polish dominant culture, the narrative shock was so immense that a return to the old Polish tale of heroism and martyrdom seemed impossible. Meanwhile the mainstream journalistic discourse cast Gross and Polański on the two sides of a narrative opposition. The former supposedly represented subjectivism and rash generalizations, while the latter was supposed to embody objectivism and fair judgment. The silhouette of the bridge over Chłodna Street merged at that point with a counterfactual vision of the Polish context of the Holocaust. The international success of The Pianist (Palme d'Or and Oscar) sealed the evolution of the bridge as a figure: from an abject to an object of desire, a tourist attraction, and an export. (A separate issue, also tackled in the article, is how the story told in the film relates to the story of Władysław Szpilman, mediated originally by Szpilman's ghostwriter Jerzy Walfdorff and then by the scriptwriters, Ronald Harwood and Roman Polański. In both cases the most serious discrepancies concern depictions of the Poles' attitudes toward the Jews during, but also before, the Holocaust).The success of the film was the determining factor in a decision made to invest public funds in another, and thus far last, commemoration of the bridge over Chłodna: its symbolic reconstruction in situ. What was reconstructed was not so much the bridge as it was in 1942 but the bridge from the film, and with it – the film's idealized portrayal of the Polish context of the Holocaust. The figure of the bridge suggests tight isolation of Jews and Poles – an isolation instituted by the Germans. By so doing, it feeds into the image of Poles as helpless bystanders (onlookers/gawkers, at times even witnesses) in the face of the Holocaust. The figure of the Polish bystander/witness to the Holocaust, in its turn, is a key figure of Polish innocence. In addition, the symbolic reconstruction of the bridge draws the attention of the users of this space away from another site on Chłodna Street, where Jews and Poles came in direct contact throughout the entire existence of the Warsaw Ghetto. By obscuring the factual state of affairs uncovered as a result of the Jedwabne debate, the symbolic reconstruction of the bridge over Chłodna Street functions as a discourse-reproducing machine of sorts, allowing the dominant majority to "indulge in retrospective hallucination."The article uncovers the workings of a roly-poly narrative mechanism that renders impossible any successful reassessment and rejection of the Polish dominant culture and prevents common knowledge about facts from bearing in any way on the collective consciousness. To jest wycofany artykuł, którego poprawiona wersja o tym samym tytule jest dostępna pod następującym numerem DOI: https://doi.org/10.11649/slh.2417. Korekty artykułu dokonano na prośbę Autorki. Brama triumfalna polskiej opowieści. Symboliczna rekonstrukcja mostu nad Chłodną wobec kryzysu dominującej polskiej narracji o ZagładzieTekst zawiera studium topografii symbolicznej ulicy Chłodnej w Warszawie. W latach 1940–1942 Chłodna była "aryjskim" pasem granicznym dzielącym małe i duże getto. Dominantę symboliczną w analizowanej przestrzeni stanowią dzisiaj upamiętnienia gettowego drewnianego mostu dla pieszych, który istniał w tym miejscu od stycznia do sierpnia 1942 roku. Owe komemoracyjne artefakty ewoluowały od przeciwupamiętnienia (1996), przez upamiętnienia wykorzystujące malarstwo (2007) i fotografię (2008), do symbolicznej rekonstrukcji mostu nad Chłodną (2011). Analizie dynamiki wiodącej od reprezentacji przedmiotu ku jego materializacji towarzyszy rekonstrukcja wzorów i stawek narracji składających się na kolejne warstwy narracyjnego palimpsestu. Prócz historii miejsca istotnym kontekstem analizy jest fakt, że środki kontroli przestrzeni dawnego getta stanowią dzisiaj wyłączną własność nieżydowskiej większości.Przełomem w procesie komemoracji był film Romana Polańskiego Pianista (2002). Wówczas to most nad Chłodną został zrekonstruowany w skali 1:1 – w Warszawie, lecz poza obszarem dawnego getta. Zdjęcia do filmu miały miejsce w trakcie ogólnokrajowej debaty o książce Jana Tomasza Grossa Sąsiedzi (2000). Debata dotyczyła współudziału Polaków w Zagładzie oraz społeczno-kulturowych uwarunkowań ich postaw i zachowań. Dla polskiej kultury dominującej był to wstrząs narracyjny tak potężny, że zdawał się wykluczać powrót do dawnej polskiej opowieści heroiczno-martyrologicznej. Tymczasem dyskurs prasowy głównego nurtu ustawił Grossa i Polańskiego w narracyjnej opozycji. O ile pierwszy miał reprezentować subiektywizm i pochopne uogólnienia, o tyle drugi miał wnosić obiektywizm i sprawiedliwy osąd. Sylwetka mostu nad Chłodną zespoliła się wówczas z kontrfaktyczną wizją polskiego kontekstu Zagłady. Międzynarodowa kariera Pianisty (Złota Palma i Oscar) przypieczętowała ewolucję figury mostu: od abiektu do obiektu pożądania, atrakcji turystycznej i towaru eksportowego. (Osobno rozważaną kwestią jest relacja filmowej opowieści do opowieści Władysława Szpilmana już wyjściowo spisanej przez ghostwritera Jerzego Waldorffa, dodatkowo zaś zapośredniczonej przez scenarzystów Ronalda Harwooda i Romana Polańskiego. W obu wypadkach najpoważniejsze rozbieżności dotyczą obrazu stosunku Polaków do Żydów w okresie Zagłady, a także przed Zagładą).Sukces Pianisty przesądził o inwestycji funduszy publicznych w kolejne i ostatnie upamiętnienie mostu nad Chłodną: rekonstrukcję symboliczną in situ. Przedmiotem rekonstrukcji stał się nie tyle most z 1942 roku, ile most filmowy, a wraz z nim wyidealizowany filmowy wizerunek polskiego kontekstu Zagłady. Figura mostu sugeruje szczelną izolację Żydów i Polaków – przez Niemców. Podsyca tym samym wyobrażenie o Polakach jako bezsilnych świadkach Zagłady (bystander/onlooker w porywach do witness). Figura polskiego świadka Zagłady natomiast jest kluczową figurą polskiej niewinności. Dodatkowo symboliczna rekonstrukcja mostu odwraca uwagę użytkowników przestrzeni od miejsca zlokalizowanego przy tej samej ulicy, w którym Polacy i Żydzi mieli styczność bezpośrednią przez cały okres istnienia getta warszawskiego. Zasłaniając stan faktyczny odsłonięty w wyniku debaty jedwabieńskiej, symboliczna rekonstrukcja mostu nad Chłodną stanowi rodzaj maszyny do reprodukcji dyskursu, który zapewnia większości dominującej "rozkosz retrospektywnych halucynacji".Tekst przynosi rozpoznanie narracyjnego mechanizmu typu wańka-wstańka, który sprawia, że rewizja polskiej kultury dominującej nie dochodzi do skutku, a powszechna wiedza o rzeczywistości nie znajduje odzwierciedlenia w świadomości zbiorowej.

Media coverage of public events not only reflects the existence of society but also influences the regulation of public relations in the field of culture and entertainment. For the most part, Ukrainian media analysts and media educators delve into the study of media products in terms of their craftsmanship, but an equally important issue is a comprehensive analysis of the interaction of creators of expression with the public, a way of working with sources of information according to the possibilities of access to target audiences. Since 1991, Ukrainian media looking for national identity and represent it in new national narratives relied on the achievements of the intellectual Ukrainian elites, cultural figures and personal preferences of those who had access to resources. This backbone allowed the Ukrainian media outlets to distance themselves in the early 1990s from the Soviet propaganda tradition of producing mass-media products and provide specifics for the development of public communication as an independent branch of public life. The importance of the first alternative media of the former USSR for the exercise of spreading the ideas of freedom of expression and diversity of opinion in independent Ukraine can hardly be overestimated. But were the Ukrainian media of the 90s able to take advantage of the window of opportunity that opened up for them to change the political paradigm? The purpose of this study is to identify trends in the representation of public relations by the media, the public, and the authorities on the example of entertainment television programs. This is especially true now, in the second decade of the 2000s, when populists and celebrities from the world of popular culture enter the political arena. According to Yury Andrukhovich's apt statement, «we are all back to an era of advanced laugh culture». This thought draws us to the concept of M.Bakhtin's laugh culture, with the study of the ambivalence of laughter as a tool to reduce the significance of being to bodily understanding in F.Rable and the «seriousness of laughter» of М.Gogol, which returns real meaning to humiliated phenomena through the «catharsis of vulgarity». The context to which laughter is the antithesis is important for understanding the function of laughter praxis. In the absence of cultural value platforms as a consequence of the postmodern era, laughter as entertainment destroys the object and replaces reality, serious being, denying culture and the right to privacy, in which the dictates of the mass become more important than the individual. Observing the dynamics of representations of public relations and media in television entertainment programs from 1989 to 2019 is not simply as a phenomenon of culture, but as acts of public communication to determine whether the communication is informative or manipulative on the part of creators, implementers and interpreters of public expression. This is important in terms of the ecology of public opinion, as the consumer is always in a weak position with respect to the information producer. ; Освещение в СМИ публичных событий не только отражает бытие общества, но и влияет на регулирование публичных отношений в сфере культуры и развлечений. Украинские медиааналитики и просветители в основном углубляются в исследование медиапродуктов с точки зрения мастерства их создания, но не менее актуальным вопросом является комплексный анализ взаимодействия создателей высказывания с публикой, способ работы с источниками информации в соответствии с возможностями доступа к целевым аудиториям. Поиск национальной идентичности и открытия новых национальных нарративов в украинских медиа после 1991 года опирался на достижения интеллектуальной украинской элиты, культурных деятелей и личные предпочтения тех, кто имел доступ к ресурсам. Этот бэкграунд позволил украинским медийщикам дистанцироваться в начале 1990-х от советской пропагандистской традиции производства продуктов масс-медиа и дал толчок развития публичной коммуникации как самостоятельной отрасли общественной жизни. Значение первых альтернативных медиа бывшего СССР для реализации права на свободу слова и представленность разнообразия мнений для развития СМИ независимой Украины трудно переоценить. Но смогли ли украинские медиа 1990-х воспользоваться окном возможностей, которое открывала перед ними изменение политической парадигмы? Целью настоящего исследования является определение тенденций репрезентации публичных отношений медиа, общественности и власти на примере развлекательных телевизионных программ. Особенно это актуально сейчас, во втором десятилетии двухтысячных, когда на политическую арену выходят популисты и селебритис из мира популярной культуры. По меткому выражению Юрия Андруховича, «все мы вернулись к эпохе развитой смеховой культуры». Эта мысль обращает нас к концепции смеховой культуры М.Бахтина, который уделяет внимание исследованию амбивалентности смеха как инструмента снижения значения явлений бытия, обращается к телесному пониманию смеха у Ф.Рабле и «серьезности смеха» Н.Гоголя, который замечает, что смех возвращает реальный смысл униженным явлениям через «катарсис пошлости». Для понимания функции смехового праксиса важен контекст, к которому смех является антитезой. В условиях отсутствия культурных ценностных платформ, что является следствием эпохи постмодерна, смех как развлечение уничтожает объект и замещает действительность, серьезность бытия, отрицая культуру и право на приватность, в котором диктат массы становится важнее мнения отдельного человека. Наблюдение за динамикой репрезентаций отношений публики и медиа в телевизионных развлекательных программах с 1989 по 2019 годы не просто как явления культуры, а как актов публичного общения позволяет определить, является ли коммуникация информационной или манипулятивной со стороны создателей, реализаторов и интерпретаторов публичного высказывания. Это важно с точки зрения этики и экологии формирования общественного мнения, поскольку потребитель всегда находится в слабой позиции по отношению к производителю информации. ; Висвітлення в медіа публічних подій не тільки відображає буття суспільства, але і впливає на регулювання публічних відносин у сфері культури та розваг. Українські медіааналітики та медіапросвітники здебільшого заглиблюються в дослідження медіапродуктів з точки зору майстерності їх творення, проте не менш актуальним питанням є комплексний аналіз взаємодії творців висловлювання з публікою, спосіб роботи із джерелами інформації відповідно до можливостей доступу до цільових аудиторій. Пошук національної ідентичності та відкриття нових національних наративів в українських медіа після 1991 року спирався на здобутки інтелектуальної української еліти, культурних діячів та особисті уподобання тих, хто мав доступ до ресурсів. Цей бекґраунд дозволив українським медійникам дистанціюватися на початку 90-х від радянської пропагандистської традиції виробництва продуктів мас-медіа та надав специфіки розвитку публічної комунікації як самостійної галузі суспільного життя. Значення перших альтернативних медіа колишнього СРСР для реалізації права на свободу слова та розмаїття думок і розвитку ЗМІ незалежної України важко переоцінити. Але чи змогли українські медіа 90-х скористатись вікном можливостей, яке відкривала перед ними зміна політичної парадигми? Метою цього дослідження є визначення тенденцій репрезентації публічних відносин медіа, публіки та влади на прикладі розважальних телевізійних програм. Особливо це є актуальним зараз, у другому десятиріччі двотисячних, коли на політичну арену виходять популісти та селебрітіс зі світу популярної культури. За влучним висловлюванням Юрія Андруховича «всі ми повернулись до епохи розвинутої сміхової культури». Ця думка повертає нас до концепції сміхової культури М.Бахтіна, із дослідженням амбівалентності сміху як інструменту зниження значення явищ буття до тілесного розуміння в Ф.Раблє та «серйозності сміху» М.Гоголя, який повертає реальне значення приниженим явищам через «катарсис пошлості». Для розуміння функції сміхового праксису важливий контекст, до якого сміх є антитезою. В умовах відсутності культурних ціннісних платформ, що є наслідком епохи постмодерну, сміх як розвага знищує об'єкт та заміщає дійсність, серйозне буття, заперечуючи культуру та право на приватність, в якому диктат маси стає важливішим за думку окремої людини. Спостереження за динамікою репрезентацій відносин публіки та медіа в телевізійних розважальних програмах з 1989 по 2019 роки не просто як явища культури, а як актів публічного спілкування дозволяє визначити, чи є комунікація інформаційною чи маніпулятивною з боку творців, реалізаторів та інтерпретаторів публічного висловлювання. Це важливо з точки зору екології формування громадської думки, оскільки споживач завжди перебуває у слабкій позиції відносно до виробника інформації.

Loše reakcije na krize koje su izazvane ljudskim ili sistemskim greškama mogu značajno uticati na zaustavljanje ili prekid radnih procesa u okviru organizacije. Ove greške moguće je minimalizovati korišćenjem metoda koje su zasnovane na primeni agentnog modelovanja, odnosno agentne tehnologije. Osnovu agentnog modelovanja čini softverska i/ili hardverska realizacija sistema koji je sačinjen od nezavisnih, ali ne i izolovanih komponenti – agenata, koji imaju mogućnost samostalnog odlučivanja i komunikacije sa okruženjem, zbog realizacije zadatog cilja. Princip agentnog modelovanja primenjen je na proces edukacije, odnosno uspostavljanja, održavanja i nadogradnje sistema zasnovanog na informacionim tehnologijama (IT sistemi), i na obučavanje personala s ciljem smanjenja uticaja grešaka koje nastaju tokom krize. U radu je prikazan originalni model agenta edukacije koji je namenjen prevenciji, suzbijanju i smanjenju uticaja kriza koje nastaju kao posledica spore reakcije na incidente, neadekvatnog odlučivanja ili loše komunikacije. Agent edukacije sadrži agent indikatora stanja koji reaguje na incidente i agent menadžmenta koji je namenjen smanjenju vremena trajanja i intenziteta krize. Kroz primer fiktivne vojne organizacije VORG predočene su funkcije agenata edukacije za konkretan slučaj. ; Introduction Crises caused by human or system errors vary in intensity and duration, and may cause adverse changes in the functioning of an organization. The prevention as well as a good response to incidents and fast reaction to the crisis when it escalates are essential. Therefore, all decisions during the crisis must be precise and concise, and the reaction of the information and communication systems as well as that of personnel must be adequate. The agent technology described in this paper is used to model the education agent for establishing, maintaining and upgrading IT systems, as well as for the staff training. The education agent consists of an indicator of changes in the environment (status indication agent) and a management system (management agent) for the reaction to crises. Through an illustrative example of the VORG organization, the functions of these agents are described. Causes of IT Crises IT crises are generally caused by human or system errors. The intensity and duration of the crisis vary and cannot be predicted. Still, problems that may arise as a result of the crisis may be far-reaching for an organization. However, well educated staff and a high-quality IT infrastructure can minimize errors and reduce the consequences for the organization. Agent-Based Modeling An agent is a software or hardware memory-based component that can be implemented in an information system. It can independently make decisions and communicate with the environment. It also receives, processes and transmits information in accordance with existing protocols, and its validity is determined by the ability to adapt to changes. In carrying out the activities it is characterized by a certain form of intelligence, which enables the agent's response to be directed towards the realization of objectives. Agent-Based Modeling of Education With proper education, there is a possibility for employees to avoid some mistakes that lead to crises. However, crises can occur due to unforeseen events. If the crisis management and incident indication are the parts of a business plan, then a proper training increases resistance to human and system errors. Therefore, the management agent and the status indication agent, i.e. the education agent, are used to train personnel, make information concise and decisionmaking faster when a crisis hits. Moreover, the education agent also monitors, controls and upgrades IT-based systems. The status indication agent is realized as a software module for a rapid response to the occurrence of incidents. High speed indicates a need for the selection of one of the options defined in advance in the initial phase of the education agent. The indication is based on symbolic logic. If the agent does not recognize one of possible options, it reacts by alarming the person in charge. The management agent is a synonym for the crisis management processes. When setting the initial conditions for the management agent, it is necessary to define how and when to use the information needed in a given situation, which is performed by forming the matrix of responses to the if-then kind of questions. In that way, it is possible to reduce the duration and intensity of the crisis. Education agent: Education includes the establishment, maintenance, upgrading IT systems and staff training. The initial settings of an organizational structure also mean that the basic parameters of an education agent and its functions are also initalized in order to provide a proper reaction to the incident and, consequently, the crisis. As a part of the education agent, the status indication agent is used to notify and recognize incidents, while a proper reaction to the crisis is a function of the management agent. After the crisis ends, the education agent is used to return the operational capabilities and make changes in the organizational structure. Example of an Error Impact Reduction for the Vorg Military Organization THE VORG, An imaginary military organization, is a three-level structure consisting of managers, executives and employees. The VORG's functions include implementing new IT systems and maintaining the existing ones, co-operating with other organizations and scientific research. In that way, the sources of crises in the VORG can be inadequate response to incidents, poor communication and education following the inadequate decision-making. The crisis caused by an inadequate response to the occurrence of incidents: The reaction to the occurrence of incidents is important for each function in the organization. A reaction to the crisis depends on the quality of IT systems, and the way the employees cope with crises. In this case, the education agent functions are primairly a periodic check up (announced or unannounced) on the employees and the incident-response systems as well. The crisis caused by an inadequate communication and education: In organizations with an inflexible hierarchy, the employees have to recognize a crisis, but they are also required to respect the rules when addressing the superiors. An organization has to be prepared for the events that could cause a crisis. This is enabled by the initial state activities. In this example, the education agent is used to forward only important information to the collegium. The crisis caused by an inadequate decision making: Decision making is mostly related to the supervisors and the executive staff. During the crisis it is necessary that the supervisors let the emergency teams make decisions. It is also essential that the decision-making staff is tested and that their work is revised by accredited experts. One way of checking the competence is to introduce certain deadlines and demands for the personnel that should be a part of the top management. Conclusion Many different errors can cause crises that vary in intensity, duration and consequences. Educating staff, checking their skills and a qualitative structure of an organization represent the basis of a quick and accurate response to a crisis. Nevertheless, human errors as well as system failures may happen. These errors can be prevented by the functions of the education agent which consists of a status indication agent and a management agent. The education agent is realized as a software or hardware-based module which functions at a basis for the IT system activities before, during and after the crisis. The causes of crises are inadequate responses to the occurrence of incidents, inadequate communication and education as well as inadequate decision making, which is explained in details in the illustrative example of the VORG organization.

M. Diane Krantz, April 4, 2014 ; The Weber State University Oral History Project began conducting interviews with key Weber State University faculty, administrators, staff and students, in Fall 2007. The program focuses primarily on obtaining a historical record of the school along with important developments since the school gained university status in 1990. The interviews explore the process of achieving university status, as well as major issues including accreditation, diversity, faculty governance, changes in leadership, curricular developments, etc. ; The following is an interview with Dr. Diane Krantz conducted on April 4, 2014 by Ruby Licona. Dr. Krantz discusses her early life and her career at Weber State University from 1995 to 2011. ; 39p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 video disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program M. Diane Krantz Interviewed by Ruby Licona 4 April 2014 i Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah M. Diane Krantz Interviewed by Ruby Licona 4 April 2014 Copyright © 2014 by Weber State University, Stewart Library ii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in University Archives. The Stewart Library also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description The Weber State University Oral History Project began conducting interviews with key Weber State University faculty, administrators, staff and students, in Fall 2007. The program focuses primarily on obtaining a historical record of the school along with important developments since the school gained university status in 1990. The interviews explore the process of achieving university status, as well as major issues including accreditation, diversity, faculty governance, changes in leadership, curricular developments, etc. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Krantz, Diane., an oral history by Ruby Licona, 4 April 2014, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. iii M. Diane Krantz April 4, 2014 Abstract: The following is an interview with Dr. Diane Krantz conducted on April 4, 2014 by Ruby Licona. Dr. Krantz discusses her early life and her career at Weber State University from 1995 to 2011. RL: Today is April 4, 2014. I'm Ruby Licona from the Stewart Library at Weber State University. Also present is Stacie Gallagher, our video technician. We are speaking with Dr. Diane Krantz, who came to Weber State in 1995, retired just a couple of years ago and is never still for a moment. Every time I encounter her she's got plans for one activity or another, so she's not a shy retiring kind of person, she is living her life to the fullest. Good morning, Diane, and thank you for coming in to talk with us. DK: Good morning, Ruby, thank you for the privilege of donating my thoughts to the library. RL: Well, we are anxious to learn about you. To that effort, why don't you start out telling us a little bit about your origins and some of the things with which you were involved prior to coming to Weber State? You did not come here straight out of—well, you came straight out of your Ph.D., but that was a few years following your bachelor's degree. So, why don't you talk to us a little bit about that? DK: Okay. Well, I was born in a small coal town in Pennsylvania called Carbondale. I was a very devout Catholic and always wanted to be a religious woman, so when I graduated from high school, I entered a convent that was in the town where I 1 was living. I got a bachelor's degree in mathematics from St. Louis University, ultimately, and was credentialed to teach math. I taught elementary school math for three years and then went on to high school math and got my master's in teaching mathematics from Fairfield University. I taught high school mathematics for 17 years. RL: That was at Fairfield University in Connecticut? DK: Yes. RL: So, how did you get from St. Louis to Connecticut? DK: Well, actually, I started in Pennsylvania. We moved to Connecticut and then after I had taken my vows, I was transferred from the convent in Connecticut to St. Louis. Actually, my first foray there in higher education was a sister's college called Mirallac College. It was for religious women. I was there for a year, but there program was so convoluted; it would have taken me five more years after my Associate of Arts degree to get my bachelor's. So, the Provincial and I decided I would go to St. Louis University. Then I taught for three years in the elementary school in St. Louis and was transferred back to the high school in Connecticut to teach there. Math teachers, even in the convent, are at a premium especially because a lot of sisters did not go directly on for their degrees. They got them part-time. Getting a math degree that way could take 12 or 13 years. I was going full-time, so I managed to get mine in a reasonable amount of time. I got a National Science Foundation grant, so most of my master's degree was free for me and the convent. So, that was nice. I taught many years, as I said, in the high school and religious life somewhat changed and I began to—a lot of 2 women left religious life during those following years as the church became—as their thinking became more modern. I always thought I was in it for the long haul, but I began to realize at one point that I had become somewhat like my mother in the sense of not knowing my own mind after a while. I was following superiors and I wasn't thinking for myself anymore. I didn't know, actually, what I wanted. At that point, I decided that I would at least try life outside the convent. So, when I was in my early 40's, I had permission to live outside the convent for two years and at that point I had been transferred to California and taught part-time in an elementary school while I looked into attending the University of California at Davis. I had requested to get a Ph.D., but that wasn't common at that time among the sisters, so I was refused for that. I went on—I was enrolled in the master's program. I spent two years and I think most people that knew me from the convent assumed that I was enough of a flake that I would never manage in the outside world. But, it turned out that I had my father's sense of economics, so I did very well, actually. By that time, I had decided that it was time for me to try a new direction in life. So, I was enrolled in the English program at U.C. Davis and I made a formal request for dispensation from my vows and received it. I then went on to get a Ph.D. at the University of California at Davis. RL: So, you got relieved of your vows in, what, the late 80's? DK: Yeah, it would have been about 1985 or 1986. A Ph.D. would take seven years at U.C. Davis if you didn't have—well, I didn't even have a bachelor's degree in English, so that was a little bit more of a challenge. At any rate, I got a Regents Fellowship my first year there and then forgot to apply for it the second year. I 3 ended up with fellowships in teaching, but the University of California system was very generous at that time and it had a lot of money, so they actually paid me what I considered a full salary, although, my colleagues in the English Ph.D. program were not doing quite as well because they were more used to being on their own and spending money as they wished. RL: They hadn't been in the religious life. DK: They had not been living a vow of poverty, right. After a year, while I was still debating, I said, "What would be the one thing I would be sorry for if I went back in the convent? What would I be sorry not to have done?" So, I took a trip to Europe—a bus trip to Europe. It was one of those bus trips where, "It's Tuesday, this must be Belgium." And it was literally like that. You got up in the morning and it was Belgium and you were going to go back on the bus and over to Holland all that day and then you'd spend a couple of days in Holland and then go on to the Rhine. That was very exciting. I had thought if I had a chance to go back to Europe, it would be nice to have an overview of it, so that's why I went on that particular trip. I was still a little bit behind for my doctorate. My father died in the meantime. My mother died three weeks before I left the convent, so that was a little traumatic because, a) I wasn't expecting it and, b) that her timing was impeccable to make me feel guilty. I failed the exams I took right after my father's death, so they gave me another chance. So, I did get through my exams and my defense of my dissertation. Then I realized I couldn't finish the dissertation on time and they would cut off my teaching pay, but there was an opportunity to go 4 to Germany on an exchange and that would be fully funded—by the Germans, actually. Because I was, shall we say, older, and also had several master's degrees they paid me through the nose in Germany. So, I was very well off in Germany. RL: Did you go to Germany to teach? DK: I went to Germany on an exchange of doctoral students to teach at the University of Mainz. So I lived in Mainz and traveled again through parts of Europe. I enjoyed my time there and taught six classes the first semester and seven the next, but German classes are much different than American classes as I learned. Students basically don't hand in anything until the end or they take three Claysure tests if they're not on that type of a schedule. It was probably less work with the six classes there than with my high school teaching, so it worked out very well for touring. After I came back from Germany, about a month before I had to hand in my dissertation, I had some work on graphics to do because I hadn't had a Mac computer there. I got my three signatures and the Ph.D. and then had a post doc at U.C. Davis for a year and applied for jobs. I got four responses. I was much more careful the second time I applied than the first time I applied. The first time, in Germany, I sent out a hundred applications and I wasn't specific at all. The second time when I was back in the United States, I said, "I'm going to research these universities." I think I applied to four and I got responses from two. One was Weber State and the other was the University of Puerto Rico at Mayaguez. The only thing that really attracted me there was that they had one of the large 5 radio telescopes at Arecibo, I think it is. At any rate, it wasn't too far from Arecibo. But, I don't speak Spanish. I was worried that the cultural differences, not for me, but the differences between the rich and the poor there would be a source of constant pain to me. The other thing, of course, was that by this time with both parents dead, my siblings were living across the country. One was in Connecticut, one in Iowa and one in Portland, Oregon. So, I would never get any visits if I stayed in Puerto Rico because it would have been quite a long trip for them. I decided that I would be happier all around accepting the job at Weber. When I came to Weber, I was really impressed with the English people who met me. Tom Burton was my predecessor in the English Department and he met me at the airport, shepherded me into Ogden and was very sweet, very kind, and very helpful. Then, I went through the interview process and was very impressed with the committee, with their friendliness, their warmth and their welcoming—also by the efficiency of the process, because I had been waiting for months to hear from Puerto Rico whether I was being offered the job or not. At this point, I was sort of disappointed that they had taken so long, but also it just seemed like a better fit to come to Weber State. So, I mean, it was largely the charm of the English Department people that I met that drew me here. RL: Can you remember who was on your search committee? DK: Well, there was Tom Burton. Levi Peterson was Chair at the time. Sally Shigley was on the search committee. John Schwiebert may have been on the search committee and Michael Wutz might have been, but I'm not sure. These later became close friends. That's as much as I remember. I remember Sally because 6 I was going to teach one of her classes—her Renaissance class—as part of my interview process. She had sent me information and I had prepared to teach something about George Herbert, a 17th Century poet. So, I remembered her of course and I met her on the committee. After that it becomes a little bit of a blur in the nervous tension one feels when one's life is basically hanging in the balance. RL: Yeah, you get a lot of really big butterflies, don't you? DK: Right. Actually, the teaching went well because part of it was that I—having taught so much in the years previously and when students were not always being very cooperative. I had also taught at U.C. Davis as well as at Mainz, so I had a lot of teaching experience behind me. So, I had kind of a dynamic in the classroom that I wanted to set up, and Sally had prepared her students very well to be kind to me, I think. So, the class went just very well, and that made it a much more positive experience than if I'd kind of lost it in the classroom, so I enjoyed that. RL: So, your first impressions, of course, were formed by the search committee and by the department. When you got here, having taught in—I'm not certain the size of U.C. Davis, but I know U.C. Berkeley was tremendous. Did you notice a difference in the students when you finally got here? DK: I think I noticed a larger range in the students. I had bright students. I had students who were very capable and well-prepared at Weber State, but I also seemed to have a number of students who were struggling from the time that they got into my classroom. So, that was a difference because the students at 7 U.C. Davis tended to be more homogeneous. They weren't all happy to be there. They weren't all happy with their majors, etc.—I had several encounters with students who were telling me how they had been forced to major in science rather than in English, which was their love. The parents, I think, put a lot more pressure on the students at U.C. Davis also, which you could say, "It's the cost," except, it wasn't the cost. At that point, the price of U.C. Davis was very low, but— RL: Well, I think there's probably a difference in all of the U.C. campuses. They have very high admissions standards as far as GPA's and background and SAT scores and so forth. Here at Weber, with open enrollment— DK: Right. It wasn't quite open at the time. Some of my English colleagues were very miffed at that because I think Bob Smith had put some limitations on admissions, which didn't seem high to me, but there were a few things in place. That changed as I stayed here, but it's also possible that some of the students as U.C. Davis would not have been as motivated as students at Weber State in the sense that their parents may have been paying for their education. Whereas here—and that was I think the biggest shock—to find so many of the students were working full-time. That was my biggest surprise at Weber State. RL: The nontraditional aspect of it. So many of them come back from a mission and get married and are supporting at least a spouse if not children. That makes a big difference. DK: Yes, it did. One had to be conscious of that in terms of how much time students were able to put into their studies. I always kept my standards fairly high, but 8 then that had been my problem since I was teaching first grade. I was always like one year beyond what the students were capable of until I got to the master's program here, and at that point we all came together as to where I expected them to be and where they were. That was a very happy experience. I was very impressed here with a lot of the women students who were very very bright and very well read and just seemed capable of handling a ton of things at the same time. That was impressive. At U.C. Davis, it would probably be just the student and her books. RL: Well, and also, I think the difference in having the commuter campus as opposed to students living on campus or right close by, does make a difference too. Now, you'd been teaching in earlier years, probably in Catholic schools, and having been in a religious background, what was your reaction to coming to Utah to a totally different religious environment or approach to religion? What were your impressions? DK: Well, of course, the first thing I did was draw kind of a parallel between my own times in Catholic school as a very devout young person with the students here. The one annoying part of it was that the students, oftentimes, are much narrower in their approach. Not more narrow than conservative Catholics, certainly, at all, but much more narrow in their thinking than, for instance, the students at U.C. Davis. I was teaching a class in persuasion and I drew up a list of topics that I wanted the students to argue and the students invariably chose positions diametrically opposite to what I would argue. Of course, if they argued well they got an 'A' on the papers, but it began to dawn on me that this was, politically, the 9 state was very much the opposite of what I had left in California, in the north of California. Because as someone once pointed out to me, Southern California is so conservative that they've had mostly Republican governors, so, but that wasn't true the year I was in in Davis. So, it was the political rather than the religious element that I found challenging when I taught my students. RL: And yet that's surprising because Ogden is fairly different from the rest of the state. DK: Well, some people have called Weber "little BYU," so there was, at least historically, a group of very conservative men who were leading the university. Now, that's actually changed as I've been here. It's been wonderful to see women assume leading roles at the university, so at one point I had a—and this was exciting for me—a woman president, a woman Dean, and a woman Department Chair. It spoke well for Weber's openness to women and to their advancement. I think that colored life to a certain extent on the campus. One incident that occurred in English was that a student was complaining—I guess to a teacher, it wasn't to me. The teacher told him he should talk to the Chair because that would be his right, so he went to the Chair and I guess he was very disgruntled to find out that there was a woman Chair. She said, "Well, you can go on up, but the Provost, the Dean, and the President are all women also." It sort of gave him a little more perspective on what women's roles were, at least at this university. Not necessarily what he thought women's roles would be. This was a person from one of the Middle Eastern 10 countries, so, of course, the culture that he was from would have suggested that women didn't belong in such roles. He got his eyes opened very quickly. RL: But I think one of the things that we've been very lucky about is that women who have served in these capacities are so capable and have been so successful in carrying out their assignments and their missions. DK: Absolutely. RL: That's become more and more common in Arts and Humanities and other areas at the University too. Of course, President Milner, who just stepped down not that long ago, had that love and respect of everyone in the legislature and all of the people in higher education and so forth. I think she has set a really high standard that other women will be striving to reach. DK: And men. I mean, basically, because her political acuity was so great she constantly kept the legislators on our side despite the economic problems of the times, and Weber has continued to grow from this enormously. So, of course, it says a lot for Weber. RL: She gained a lot of respect for the institution. Weber had always been a little brother kind of place. I think it's risen in people's viewpoints. DK: Well, in fact, I've been very impressed at times reading just a little bit in the past five years about some nationally known figures from Weber and people certainly making their mark in our culture and in the American culture as a whole. Of course, I have to say that when I told my mentors at U.C. Davis that I was coming to Weber State, their first reaction was, "Oh, the winners of the Big Sky 11 conference." I said, "Well, I had never heard of Weber State, but the men at U.C. Davis certainly were very respectful." RL: That was right after the time that I think they had beat out both North Carolina and Michigan in the NCAA. First round they knocked them flat on their backsides. DK: Great. Yes. RL: I mean, with me, people would say, "Weber State? You came here from Weber State? Never heard of it." Then, all of sudden, they got the reports and it was, "Ruby, is that your Weber State?" It made quite an impression. As you say, it was not necessarily women, but the men that—well at least they didn't say, "Why?" or "Where in the world is that?" It gave a little bit of information to hang things on. It sounds like you were happy with the choice of coming here. DK: I was very happy. One of the things I've always appreciated about Weber is its people, I think of my department—and my department is very, very large and very diverse and tends to be like herding cats to a certain extent. People could have sticking points about things that you thought, "Well, this will be just a little conversation," and all of a sudden there's a big uproar. Yet, I always felt a kind of warmth, a kind of encouragement from my colleagues all through my career. I never felt, as I think often happens at large research schools, like I was competing in order to get tenure, in order to get promotion and in order to get various and sundry privileges that went with my job. The students also are very warm and very accepting of a lot of different things. Not necessarily different ideas, depending on which students you're talking about. It's quite possible that, of course, the composition classes are where I would hit this type of negative 12 response and that's because I would have students from across the campus, and I think some other departments may be a little bit more rigid in their thinking than the arts and humanities and even—well, not even, but the social sciences also would be in how they think about issues and how they think about people. I always felt like this—I always felt very comfortable around and accepted by both the faculty and the students. RL: You mentioned Tom Burton and Levi Peterson who were highly respected and very accomplished in their areas. Did they or any others—I realize you came here as an older person, but did anyone work in the capacity of a mentor for you? DK: I was thinking about that question because we didn't have a formal mentorship at the time in English or, as far as I know, across campus. But, Sally, Judy Elsley, and Priti Kumar included me in their lunch sessions together and I think that was a kind of mentoring. That was in my first maybe five years where we met all the time. We met on a regular basis, and they were very helpful about different things. Levi, of course, kept an eye on people. He would give you hints about things. Then, when I became Women's Studies Coordinator, which was in, I believe, my third year, that's its own little story, but Gloria Wurst had been coordinator the year before, and she very much took me under her wing in terms of how to go about taking care of the program. RL: The program was fairly new when you got here. DK: Well, yes. 13 RL: In 1990 or 1991, and I think Gloria was probably the second director. She was very invested in it and remains so even now. DK: Yes. Literally invested. RL: The three women that you mentioned that included you in their lunches, they were highly involved with the women's program in the early days. So, again, that's an example of the strong women that have been coming to Weber in the last 20 or 25 years. So, you became involved with the Women's Studies Program through them or just through seeing things about it on campus? DK: I'm not sure how I got word of the annual meeting—the Women's Studies annual meeting. I think it must have been my second year of being at Weber State that I either learned of it from something that was sent out or it's possible that Sally or Judy mentioned it to me. Anyway, I went to the meeting and we were concluding the business and they said, "Well, we need a coordinator for next year. Diane, what about you?" "Okay, let me think what skills I have." I had been Department Chair, of course, at both high schools that I had taught at, so I had some administrative experience under my belt—certainly not the amount that I could have used, but again, Women's Studies Coordinator is for three years and it's basically the secretary that runs the program. Really the point of that is that people promised to be supportive and mentoring in that position. The only drawback was I didn't have tenure yet, but I guess they decided they would take a chance. I think they thought that maybe having been a nun, I had some sense of how women should organize things and run them and be good to other women. So, I did in fact take on the job and Gloria 14 gave a lot of help. We had Norma, who was secretary, who had been secretary for Gloria but she wanted to retire at Christmas time, so we went on search for another secretary and we found Linda Shoemake. She was spectacular. She came from—she had been in an office for, I think the public schools for a long time and she came and she was fully invested in the program and extremely good at communicating with the other secretaries. Of course, Women's Studies is an interdepartmental program. RL: It's all volunteer. DK: Right. It's all volunteer and inter-departmental, so you have to be able to communicate with secretaries across campus in order to know what's going on and how you should be operating. Linda actually mastered the budget, which no one before or since, I think, has done. We actually did quite well with that, except that at one point I actually went hat in hand to five deans to beg for some money for Women's Studies. So, that was a really interesting experience for me to meet the deans in other colleges. So, Linda just really helped and I had set up—Gloria had actually done all the paperwork to get us through semester conversion, but I drew up sheets for the students coming in so that we could make their converting of the courses they had already taken from the quarter to semester credits easier. So, that was my accomplishment in that timeframe. Also, the University went into program evaluation and I set something of that up for Women's Studies—a sheet of criteria for whether the program was a success or not. Kathleen Lukken was the temporary Provost. I think at the time she was also in 15 charge of that evaluation program where we were looking across the University at different— RL: Accreditation and five year reviews. DK: Right. She had a website and I plugged all sorts of data in there. RL: Now, at about the time you came was when they were pushing Teaching and Learning Forum and strategic planning in different areas of the University and so forth. Were you involved in any of those activities or did you pretty much keep your nose to the grindstone with English and Women's Studies? DK: Only in terms of just setting up that evaluation criteria for Women's Studies. Of course, I participated at the Teaching and Learning Forum, but I also was trying to get—by this time Sesh was Chair and he was pushing me to get my book published so that I would be able to get Associate Professor or tenure out of that. RL: They were still doing both at that time. DK: Right, we would do this both at the same time. So, he directed me to a press where we'd probably be able to get the book published and I got an RS&PG grant—again, with the help of Sally—to change my dissertation into a book. So, that was very helpful, but— RL: What was the nature of the book? DK: It was on a medieval mystic called Julian of Norwich and—The Politics of Enclosure was what I wanted to call it, so that's what I eventually called the book itself. It was on the nature of her texts and how they focused on Jesus as mother. So, she was a medieval mystic and her visions—which she only had once, and 16 she turned out to live, we think, quite a long time—but she was a very grounded person, so she wasn't the type of mystic that's some place off in the clouds. She only had the visions once and she wrote a book from that and then after meditating for maybe 20 years on that, she wrote a longer book. So, I looked at the structure of the book in terms of enclosure and how this reflected her emphasis on Jesus as being a mother. Of course, the cognitive dissonance with that type of gender disparity that might exist for moderns was not prevalent in the medieval mind where gender was as gender did—that is to say, your actions determined your gender. Of course, your actions were highly circumscribed so they could determine you gender, but she listed qualities of Jesus that are mothering qualities. She also lived a life of enclosure, and she talks about being in Jesus, almost as in a womb, and there are different images in the Middle Ages that look at Jesus as a mother with a womb. But, that, again, would be the subject of another discussion. RL: You mentioned Bob Smith earlier as Vice President for Academic Affairs, and I think toward the end of his time here they made the change and that position was called Provost. Were you able, in your capacity as Coordinator of Women's Studies and on other committees as well, did you have much experience working with him? DK: I didn't actually. I knew his wife, Adele, much better because she was the one who was closest to Women's Studies. They gave us their cabin to use, for instance, for our annual meetings, so we did that for a couple of years. I knew and admired Bob, but I never actually worked alongside him. Probably the Dean I 17 would have worked most with would be Richard Sadler because he was the Dean for Women's Studies. June Phillips, I worked on various general education committees within the college, and we worked with her on those and also another thing on evaluation with her. There were large movements in terms of the student evaluation and program evaluation. The program evaluation was the most dynamic development change that I was witnessing as I taught here—after semester conversion which was its own little nightmare, but we managed to get through that. I worked with Levi Peterson on that when he was Chair to do semester conversion and then with Dean Phillips on those types of committees, the types of committees that looked at program review and general education development. So, those were the Deans I best knew. RL: Was Sherwood gone by the time you got here? DK: Yeah, he was no longer around. He had been replaced as Dean of Arts and Humanities by June. RL: You were here under two different presidents, Paul Thompson and Ann Milner. DK: Right. Two different Provosts—well, there was Bob Smith, there was Kathleen Lukken and Mike Vaughn while I was here. Who was the Richard that was head of diversity—well it wasn't called diversity— RL: Richard Ulaberry. DK: I did work with him because I was on the diversity committee again because, well, partly because I wanted to be there to represent Women's Studies and he wanted me to be there. He was very very supportive of Women's Studies, so I 18 tried to make sure that I worked well on that committee with him and we worked on the Diversity Conference, I don't know if the first one was one of the ones I worked on, but we worked to make the Diversity Conference a good one and handled all sorts of different issues. I, of course, was there, but first mostly to encourage looking at women's issues. RL: Then there was Mike Vaughn. Did you have occasions working with him? DK: No. I didn't work with people in their capacity as Provost at all, nor the Presidents in their capacity as presidents. As I said, Richard Ulaberry, who was Vice President for Diversity I guess at the time— RL: Assistant to the Vice President for Diversity. DK: Okay. He was the one I would have worked with and then Dean Sadler and Dean Phillips, so none of the other higher administrators. I was mostly intent of getting through my tenure and promotion process and running Women's Studies and teaching classes of which I've taught quite a few different ones. This is another appeal, I might say, of Weber State, to me—despite a Ph. D. in Medieval Literature, I am basically a generalist at heart. I love to dabble in a lot of different things, and Weber was a wonderful resource for being able to teach all sorts of different classes, and my Department Chairs encouraged and enabled that. It was easier, of course, when we were on quarters because there were simply more electives. Even when we had semester conversion and we were working in semesters I had opportunities to teach science fiction, fantasy, Perspectives in Women's Literature, some women's studies courses, the Women's Studies Critical Theory course for both women's studies and for English, and The Bible 19 as Literature. This was another happy dovetailing of my interest with what Weber State enabled. RL: So, the Weber State that you came to and the Weber State from which you retired, were different? It developed over the years and what are your impressions with the directions in which Weber has changed? DK: I've had to come to grips with having attended Jesuit universities and having been formed in a philosophy of education that came out of a Catholic background, I had a much more classical view of how a university should operate than I encountered even when I first came to Weber State and certainly throughout the decade and a half that I was here afterward. I think it's a necessary direction. I don't think it's—I mean, it would be very nice to say, "Well, this is what the University should look like." But I don't even know that's true even what is best for our country. Weber State has joined the computer revolution and the technological revolution in general. I taught all sorts of online courses and enjoyed putting courses on the internet even before it was popular. So, I had lots of material that my students were accessing through computers even before it became almost mandated that we do that. I don't like the business model of education, but I don't know if there's a way around it economically today. So, I think Weber has done what it needed to do to survive and to flourish in this particular culture—culture meaning the whole of the economic reality of the United States and its educational needs. It still needs a populous that is educated in order to keep a vibrant democracy going and even the philosophy of the Jesuits has changed with respect to that. They 20 see the need for a more democratic approach to education. So, universities may have offered scholarships to some poor but talented students in the past, but I think it's become increasingly necessary to draw in middle class and working class students because that's the only way they're going to survive economically and even politically today. People have to be savvy about those things. RL: Certainly, the level of wisdom that went into the idea of preparing Weber students for the economy and society here in Utah. I know it has paid off. There was an article recently about Weber having the highest return of investment for the schools in Utah. A greater percentage of our students are working. We do a lot more with a lot less money. Of course, when you first came, this was strictly, well, pretty much an undergraduate school. I think at that time we would have had three master's programs. DK: I don't even know if there was that many. RL: When I came there was accounting, education, and— DK: Nursing? Did nursing have one? RL: No, it was something in the social sciences area. It's grown to where we have quite a few master's program and I know when I first arrived people were saying, "There will never be doctorates at Weber." Now I'm hearing conversations in that direction. Yet, I think we're successful because we can still keep that approach to education where our faculty actually teach. They're doing research, they're publishing, they're doing all kinds of travel and gaining a lot of respect for the institution, but they still teach and they really love it. 21 DK: In fact, this is what impressed me about my replacement from Yale. She comes from a very high-powered university, obviously. She was tired of maybe the type of students who felt the world owed them a living at Yale. RL: Who was your replacement? DK: It was Samantha, and her name was changed because she was married, but I don't remember her last name right now. She turned out to be a spectacular teacher. She was so impressive in the classroom when she came for her interview that it put her at the top of the list for who we would hire. Before I left U.C. Davis, again, the economic situation changed. I heard other doctoral students at conferences like the Modern Language Association Conference, which is a big hiring place, mumbling that why would they want to go to a teaching university. I thought, "Well, maybe if you wanted a job you'd go to a teaching university because those are where the jobs are these days." So, the job market has changed. That's been a major change, but I do have to say that as I got older, it just flabbergasts me that people are so capable. These younger, incoming professors are so capable to be able to basically do everything. I'm not sure if it's the best use of their energy because it certainly must be draining on a certain number of them, but I think Weber is flourishing at this point with the type of people we've hired and the type of loyalty that both previous faculty and alumni have toward the school. I think it's on the right track for what has to be done. 22 RL: Now, you spoke about the students and how they were when you first came here and certainly the faculty and the staff have changed over the years. What are your impressions of the students? Did the face of the students also change? DK: I think, as far as the majors in English, I didn't find a big difference. I was finding in the composition students a sort of less preparedness in terms of attitude as I went on. Of course, I couldn't tell if it was because I was getting old and therefore, less patient about the type of things that they didn't want to do, like assignments. I did find that, it seemed at one point to me, and this was just a momentary dawning of an idea that the number of students—I was still getting good quality work out of most of my students and I was getting outstanding work out of some, but it seemed that there were a growing number of students who simply didn't bother with the final project. I heard other teachers complaining about the same thing. The students would be in class all semester and just not bother with the project that they needed to do in order to pass the class. That was one thing that I found to be unsettling. I don't know if it's partly because some of these students are younger in terms of they may have taken college courses while they were still in high school. RL: Advanced placement courses. DK: Yeah, advanced placement or the early college courses while they were in high school and they just weren't mature enough once they got to the university to buckle down and do the work. Or they had reached the point where they had exhausted themselves from high school and they weren't ready to take on college responsibilities, but that was a little bit of a challenge. On the other hand, 23 I was teaching master's students. I actually got to teach—and again, Merlin Cheney, who shepherded the master's program for English into its existence, was very willing to have me in that program and I found it very gratifying. I found students there who were very exceptional in terms of the quality of work they produced and their preparedness across the board for the courses that they were taking. That was a good deal of fun for me, intellectually. I also enjoyed my upper division courses quite a bit. RL: Were there students with whom you've kept in touch? DK: Actually, I do have a Facebook friend who was one of my students and then other people will say to me, "Oh, Dr. Krantz, I was one of your students." I'll see them in the grocery store or someplace else and we'll greet like that. I don't tend to be very personal in the classroom, so I didn't tend to keep a lot of students friendly, but I had, for instance, not too long before I retired, probably about five years before I retired, a student came back with—two students came back actually—they were both alumni and they had both taken a class from me and they had married and I had been at their wedding, I think. But, the sad part of that return was he was in a wheelchair. He was actually a quadriplegic because the summer after he graduated, they went to Idaho to do swimming and he dived off a cliff onto a pile of rocks. There had been storms—he had done it before in that particular spot on the river, but there had been bad storms that winter, so there was a pile of rocks where they didn't expect them. So, what was a blessing for him is he had already been hired by—it might have been BYU Idaho, I'm not sure, but he was working for the LDS church and so he had insurance that 24 summer even though he had just graduated from college. It looked like his young wife was going to be called upon to do quite a bit of work, but I was honored that they returned to talk to me, to see me as part of their return to Ogden. Then, Melissa Halverson, who was one of my students, and I used to share stories because at the time I had a pet rat and she kept pet rats, so we had something in common there, so she's one of my Facebook friends at this point. Several other students just, you know, dropped into my office when I was still on campus, but I don't correspond with anyone from here. I actually do correspond with a couple of my high school students, but that was a little bit exceptional also. I tended not to—I never believed in a classroom where you were kind of close friends with students, although people would often say, "Well, you really like so and so because she's so bright." I'd say, "Well, I also like other people that are not really doing that well in my class," so it's not fair to just say because this person is so bright is why I give her attention. I say "her" because at that time I was teaching all girls. I had a few friends among the high school students and a few friends among the students here. I attended several weddings. One of the reasons I got my second car—after which "totaling," I got my third car, which I totaled and then quit driving—at any rate, one of the reasons I got my second car was because I missed the wedding of one of the students I was friends with and I was very disappointed at that. She was just married in a place I couldn't get to by bus. So, a number of the students—a number of the men students also have come back 25 and talked to me when I was still in my office. I felt very gratified to see them and excited. RL: Do you feel like any students stand out in your mind as successes? Sometimes you take someone on and help them just a little bit and it makes a big difference. DK: I can no longer recall names. I have a terrible time with names to begin with and then I don't recall them very well afterward. I just remember some of my—the men students were very sharp, I'm not trying to downplay those at all, but just some of the women students who had such spectacular insights. I was trying to get one—I wrote a glowing letter for one student to try to get her into the University of Utah, but her ACT scores weren't good, so I actually called the head of the English department to see why they hadn't accepted her and basically, what I was accused of doing was lying for the student. The student was brilliant. She had insights into literature that I rarely encountered even in the master's level and I very much thought she belonged in a graduate program and at the time we didn't have a graduate program. He basically said he wouldn't trust any of the professors at Weber State to write letters of recommendation for their students. He said one of the letters he got for her seemed like a template. I said, "You know, I found her outstanding." I guess this is one of the signs that, in fact, my students and I did have a good relationship. I did have, over the years, a good number of requests for recommendations. There was only once when I told the student that I though perhaps she should try another professor because she hadn't done that well in my class. She hadn't done that well in anybody's class, which was why she was asking me for a recommendation, but I felt I couldn't 26 write her a good recommendation. Other students, both male and female, I could write glowing recommendations for and did. They were just very insightful. RL: Your standpoint was your different involvements of teaching that you would consider your biggest successes? Or is there something that you see as a— DK: Culminating experience? RL: Your greatest accomplishment. DK: I think having the Women's Studies program survive me is an accomplishment. I've enjoyed the teaching and I think my students have been—at least they were successful in terms of getting into higher education if they wanted to go there and that makes me very happy. For high school teaching too, over two and a half decades, I also realize that oftentimes—well, I got a letter from a students whom I had taught in high school some 15 years after I had taught the student saying how happy he was that he had me because he had encountered a situation where my advice in the classroom had gone a long way to helping him out in that situation. RL: That's always a good feeling. We'll never get rich, but it's the little gems that make it worthwhile. DK: I mean, basically, with teaching you cast your bread on the waters. It's planting ideas and I often thought—and I tried to do this with my Comp students—that I would make composition not only a course where I would teach them how to write for all of their courses in the future, but that I would also try to give them a little homely advice or advice from my own experiences as a student that I hoped 27 would one day stand them in good stead. So, I told them that sometimes it's just hanging in there that gets you a degree. It's not being the most brilliant one in the class or even necessarily the most productive one in the class, but keep persevering and it takes you a long way toward being educated. So, I think, you know, hopefully some of the students in their darker moments in college remembered that advice and kept on. RL: It sounds as though you've been rather happy with most of your accomplishments here at Weber. Any regrets about anything? DK: You'll see that at this point, I was looking to see what I had written as a regret—if I looked at anything with a regret. If I could go back, I guess what I would do is try to meet more colleagues from more of the colleges at Weber. I think I had a wonderful opportunity in terms of being on the Diversity Committee and being chair of Women's Studies to get a little bit across campus, but I think I could have got more out of some of those situations and I would have liked to have known more of my colleagues across campus that way. I did belong to—I was on the board of the employee association, the Faculty Staff association. I was on the board of that for several years and that was also a nice opportunity to meet people across campus. RL: And not just faculty members. DK: Right. Well, I've often—I have a very good rapport with the secretaries in English and the office manager in English, so I'm very pleased with that and I also got to take my dog to campus the last year I taught. I would leave him in my office. The first semester—the spring semester I took him first was because I was teaching a 28 night class and it's kind of eerie around here at night especially at nine at night. So, I said, "Well, I'm taking Benji and if somebody objects, then that will be the end of it," so I took him over and he stayed in my office while I taught and then I went back upstairs and I'd say, "Okay, we're going to take a walk home," and he was just as happy as a little lark and we walked home. By this time, of course, I had given up driving. The next semester was fall semester, I said, "Well, we got away with it in the spring, let's see what happens now." So, actually, the dean told me there were no restrictions on campus about bringing an animal. Of course, you're not supposed to bring them into the classroom, so I did not do that, but I had him in my office and the secretaries made a big fuss over him and I just thought he kind of enlivened the floor when he was out of my office on a leash. I think that would be the one thing I would try to meet more people and maybe socialize with more people because my socializing was mostly with the English department. RL: Which is not necessarily a bad thing. That's not much of a regret to have. It's good to be able to speak about your years here in such a positive tone. DK: It's good to be—I mean, I think even with my leaving, again, there was this support, this kind of quiet support. It wasn't people making a big fuss over it, but quiet support in a number of ways, so I was thinking that I should retire, not necessarily that I wanted to or needed to, but I should retire by the time I was in my later sixties, so I had gone to inquire at personnel and they said, "Well, wait until the end of the year before you put in a formal declaration." Well, that was before the voluntary separation plan was public and then a couple of months 29 later they made it public. I thought, "You know, those people, without saying anything directly, made sure that I would be eligible for that." RL: Directing you in the way to go. DK: So, again, it was just very quiet, but very helpful because, of course, I only worked for pay for the 17 years I was at Weber—I was teaching actively at Weber the 18 years I was here and then for graduate student fellowships for six or seven years while I was at U.C. Davis, but it wasn't much to build social security on, or even a pension, but you know, I'm doing well. I have no regrets that Weber State has done me a great deal of good and it's a fine place. It's got wonderful people in it and wonderful students and faculty and staff and I'm just glad I was here and got to know everyone. RL: Sounds like you built a good life here and have fond memories. DK: I do indeed. RL: What more can you ask for than that? DK: Exactly. RL: Diane, is there anything else you would like you tell us about or any information you would like to share? DK: I'm just glad that I also had the opportunity to give a last lecture because I had originally thought that it was supposed to be one's last lecture. Then, it turns out, no, you're supposed to be delivering it as if it were a last lecture. But, for me, it was a last lecture and it was my one opportunity to take my two areas of expertise and kind of reflect on them as a whole instead of in pieces. 30 RL: I was there and you managed to come in there and shine. DK: Thank you, Ruby. RL: You sounded as though you were happy with both of the pieces of your life and were able to combine them in a very intriguing manner. I really like that approach. DK: I think it's special to Weber State that I was able to do that. I don't know if there are other universities where that would have been possible. I think at other universities, things are very compartmentalized. It's part of the ambiance of Weber State that it allows for that. RL: And you brought together a rather eclectic audience just because of the nature of the lecture. DK: I did. I was hoping the scientists wouldn't get up and shoot me, but everybody seemed pleased, so I was happy. RL: Well, I want to thank you for spending time with us today. We try to get people's perspectives on different aspects of Weber State and this will really help us do that. DK: Thank you, Ruby. I enjoyed doing this. This was much more fun than I envisioned. RL: People get a little nervous about it, but just sit back, relax, and enjoy it. It's better than going to the dentist. DK: That's true. Almost anything is. 31 RL: Thank you so much, Diane. DK: Thank you, Ruby. 32

Issue 25.3 of the Review for Religious, 1966. ; Constitutions of Lay Congregations by Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. 361 Attitudes towards Religious Garb by Sister M. Clauddle Miller, S.U.L. 438 Charity: A Doctrinal Synthesis by Guy de Broglie, S.J. 447 One Art of the Confessor by Andrew Weigert 484 Spiritual Preparation of a Chapter by Sister M. Guthbert Hdlwig, S.G.M.M. 489 The Particular Friendship by Joseph B. Simons, G.S.G. 496 Charity and/or Human Love by Brother Joachim Frederick, F.S.G. 501 o The Religious Habit by Sister Mary Bonaventure, O.S.F. 505 Searching for Good Managers by Richard M. McKeon, S.J. 511 Gnosis by Donald A. Spoto, F.S.C.H. 515 Survey of Roman Documents 516 Views, News, Previews 524 Questions and Answers 530 Book Reviews 534 JOSEPH F. GALLEN, S.J. .,Typical Constitutions of Lay Religious Congregations INTRODUCTION The purpose of the present work is to give the canoni-cal or legal articles found in the constitutions of pontifical and diocesan congregations of sisters and brothers, both with and without provinces, but not those of the con-stitutions of orders of nuns nor of a lay order of men. The collection has been compiled from approved constitutions and is intended primarily as an aid to the understanding of the law that governs all such institutes. It will be of service in any revision of the constitutions of lay con-gregations, even after the revision of the Code of Canon Law. The collection will likewise help any study not only of the excessive but also of the proper and necessary place of law in the religious state. It should be useful also for any theoretical 'or practical effort for the more perfect union and harmony of the juridical with the scriptural, theological, ascetical, and liturgical elements of the re-ligious life. The usual terms have been retained because they are in actual use in constitutions. There is a discernible de-sire or tendency at present to replace some of these ,terms with more familiar words, for example, dining room for refecto}y, room or bedroom for cell, directress for mistress, and so forth. The pertinent canons are cited under the individual articles for ready reference. They should not be so expressed in general revisions of con-stitutions proposed to the Holy See and, if included in the printed edition of the constitutions, canons are more appropriately placed in a table at the back of the book. The canons given in the table or index of sources at the back of this article are those that appertain to the con- 4. 4. 4. Joseph F. Gallen, $.J., is professor of canon law at Wood-stock College; Woodstock, Mary-land 21163. VOLUME 25, 1966 stitutions of a pontifical congregation of women. A trans-lation of the canons that concern lay religious can be found in Canonical Legislation concerning Religious, Rome: Vatican Press, 1918. The second column in the index of sources contains the citations of a ~,ery fundamental document on which the constitutions of most lay congregations are at least ultimately based, that is, Normae secundum quas Sacra Congregatio Episcoporum et Regulariura procedere solet in approbandis novis institutis votorum simplicium, Rome: Vatican Press, 1901 (referred to as the Normae of 1901). The third column is the Normae pro constitutioni-bus congregationum iuris diocesani a Sacra Congrega-tione de Propaganda Fide dependentium, Rome: Vatican Press, 1940 (referred to as Propagation of the Faith Con-stitution Outlines of 1940). This document is expressly for diocesan missionary congregations but it is a good guide to the more general practice of the Holy See. A like extension is true of the document of the fourth and last column of the index of sources, which is Statuta a sorori-bus externis monasteriorum monialium cuiusque ordinis servonda, Rome: Vatican Press, 1931 (referred to as Statutes for Extern Sistersof 1931). These Statutes can be found in Latin in Coronata, Institutiones iuris canonici, V, ed. 2, Turin: Marietti, 1947, 244-57, The Normae of 1901 and the Propagation of the Faith Con-stitution Outlines of 1940 are contained in Latin in Schaefer, De religiosis, ed. 4, Rome: Apostolato Cattolico, 1947, 1079-1135, and also in Ravasi, De regulis et consti-tutionibus religiosorum, Rome: Descl~e, 195.8, 195-226, 234-57. ÷ ÷ ÷ ]. F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 362 CONTENTS " PART I PURPOSE OF THE CONGREGATION ADMISSION OF MEMBERS MANNER OF LIFE CHAPTER PAGE I Title, Purpose, and Spirit of the Congregation (I-4) 365 II Members, Precedence, and Titles (5-9) 365 III Religious Habit (10-17) 368 IV Dowry and Material Entrance Requirements (18- 28) 369 § 1 Dowry (18-25) 369 § 2 Material Entrance Requirements (26-28) 370 V Admission of Candidates (29-37) 371 VI Postulancy (38-45) 373 VII Noviceship (46-71) 374 § 1 Place of the Noviceship (46-49) 374 § 2 Requirements for the Noviceship (50-57) 374 § 3 Formation of the Novices (58-64) 375 § 4 End of the N0viceship (65-69) 376 § 5 Profession of a Novice in Danger of Death (70--71) : 377 VIII Religious Profession (72-81) 377 IX Vow and Virtue of Poverty (82-93) 380 X Vow and Virtue of Chastity (94) 381 XI Vow and Virtue of Obedience (95-100) 381 XII Penance and Holy Eucharist (101-117) 382 § 1 Penance (101-112) 382 § 2 Manifestation of Conscience (113) 384 § 3 Holy Eucharist (114-117) 385 XIII. Religious Exercises (118-124) 385 XIV Mortification and Penance (125-126) 386 XV Enclosure, Correspondence, Silence (127-138) 387 § 1 Enclosure (127-133) 387 § 2 Correspondence (134-136) 388 § 3 Silence (137-138) 388 XVI Apostolate (139-141) 389 XVII Care of the Sick (142-146) 389 XVIII Suffrages for the Dead (147) 390 XIX Departure and Dismissal (148-.164) 390 § 1 Unlawful Departure (148-151) 390 § 2 Departure at the Expiration of Temporary Profession (152) 391 § 3 Exclaustration and Secularization (153-154) 391 § 4 Dismissal by Decree of a Professed of Tem-porary Vows (155-156) 392 § 5 Dismissal by Decree of a Professed of Per-petual Vows (157-160) 393 § 6 Automatic Dismissal of a Professed of Per-petual or Temporary Vows (161) 395 § 7 Provisional Return of a Professed of Per-petual or Temporary Vows to Secular Life (162) 395 + ÷ + Constitutions VOLUME 25, 1966 363 § 8 Effects of Dismissal (163) 396 § 9 Charitable Subsidy (164) 396 ÷ 4. ÷ PART II GOVERNMENT -o XX Supreme Authority (165-167) 396 XXI General Chapter (168-232) 397 § 1 Convocation and Members (168-176) 397 § 2 General Norms to be Observed in Elections (177-194) 398 § 3 Election of Delegates (195-205) 400 § 4 Provincial Chapter (206-213) 403 1. Convocation and Members (206-207) 403 2. Sessions (208-213) 403 § 5 Preliminary Sessions (214-216) 404 § 6 Election of the Mother General (217-222) 404 § 7 Election of the General Officials (223-224) 405 § 8 Chapter of Affairs (225-232) 406 XXII Mother General (2~3"241) 408 'XXIII Canonical Visitation (242-249) 409 XXIV General Council (250-271) 411 § 1 Councilors and Their Duties (250-265) 411 § 2 First Councilor (266-271) , 415 XXV Secretary General (272-276) 416 XXVI Procurator General (277-280) 416 XXVII Treasurers and the Administration of Temporal Goods (281-306) 417 § 1 Treasurers (281-282) 417 § 2 Treasurer General (283-284) 417 § 3 Provincial (and Regional) Treasurers (285) 418 § 4 Local Treasurers (286-287) 418 § 5 Administration of Temporal Goods (288- 303) 418 § 6 Prohibited Acts (304-306) 421 XXVIII Provinces (307-320) 421 § I Mother Provincial (309-314) 421 § 2 Provincial Councilors, Secretary, and Treas-urer (31 5-320) 423 XXIX Regions (321-324) 425 XXX Houses (325-339) 426 § 1 Houses (325-327) 426 § 2 Local Superiors (328-334) 427 § 3 Local Officials (335-339) 427 XXXI Mistress of Novices (340-346) 428 XXXII Constitutions (347-356) 429 § i Ol~ligation, Change, Interpretation (347- 353) 429 § 2 Dispensation (354-356) 430 Index of Sources 431 ~. F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 364 PART I PURPOSE OF THE CONGREGATION ADMISSION OF MEMBERS MANNER OF LIFE CHAPTER TITLE, PURPOSE, AND SPIRIT OF THE CONGREGATION 1. The Sisters of . are a pontifical (diocesan) con= gregation1 whos~ general purpose'i~ the glory of God and the sanctification of its members by the observance of the three simple vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, (of.the Rule of),2 and,of theseconstitutions. 487-8, 1--4°; 593;. 492, § 38 2. The special purpose (for example) is the imparting of a Christian education and the care of the sick in hos-pitals. 3. (Pontifical,and diocesan erected from July 16, 1906)4 Without the permission of the Holy See the special pur-pose may not be changed, nor m~y works that are not included in it be added in a general and permanent man-ner.' 618, § 2, 1° , ~ 4. (Diocesan erected before July 16, 1906) Without the consent of all the ordinaries ih whose dioceses the congre-gation has houses, the special purpose, etc., as in the pre-ceding.~ 492, § 2; 495, § 2 CHAPTER II MEMBERS, PRECEDENCE, AND TITLES 5. The members form one class of sisters subject to the one mother general and living under'the same com-mon discipline. Those who have made profession of ¯ Aggregation to a first order, if it exists, should be expressed here, e.g., "affiliated to the Order of Friars Minor." Canon 492, § 1 should also be then added to the canons cited~ ~ "Of the Rule of" is included only if the congregation has a Rule, for example, of St. Augustine, Benedict, Francis. s When the number of.a canon is printed in roman type, the rela-tive article "of the constitutions is wholly or partly the canon. When the number of a canon is in italics, the relative article has reference to the canon. The canons are cited here under the individual articles for facility of reference. They should not be included in the text pro-posed to th~ Holy'See, find in the' printed text, if included, they are much more suitably placed in a table immediately before the alpha-betical index. ' By the motu proprio Dei providentis of Pius X, July 16, 1906, the local ordinaries were not permitted thereafter to erect diocesan congregations without first consulting the Holy See on th~ name, habit, purpose~ and other matters, none of which could then be changed, without the consent of the Holy See. 5 One.or more articles on either or both the spirit and the patrons of the congregation arevery frequently added to this chapter. + Constitutions VOLUME 25, 1966 365 ÷ ÷ ÷ I. F. Gallen, S.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 366 temporary vows enjoy the s'ame indulgences, privileges, and spiritual favors as the professed of perpetual vows, and in case of death have the right to the same suffrages. They are equally obliged to the observance of the con-stitutions. The novices also enjoy all the privileges and spiritual favors granted to the congregation; if they die they have a right to the same suffrages as are prescribed for the professed sisters. The novice is subject to the mistress of novices and the superiors and is obliged to obey them. 578, 1-2°; 567, § l; 561, § 2; 488, 7° 6. The sisters' are granted active and passive voice by perpetual profession.6 578, 3° 7. The following is the order of precedence.7 a) The mother ge'neral precedes all superiors and sisters in the whole congregation. b) The mother assistant has the same precedence after the mother general. , N.B. In some constitutions the mother assistant is given only, ~he precedence accorded to the gen-eral councilors. c) The general councilors, in the order of their elec-tion, in the motherhouse. In other houses they follow the mother provincial and the local superior. N.B. In some congregations the general councilors have this precedence also in the other houses; in some the local superior precedes the general coun-cilors also in the motherhouse. d) The secretary general, in the motherhouse. e) The treasurer general, in the motherhouse. In other houses the secretary and treasurer general follow the local superior. N.B. In a few congregations the treasurer gen-eral precedes the secretary general. In pontifical congregations of brothers, the procurator gen-eral precedes or follows the secretary and treasurer general or precedes the latter. f) Former mothers general, in the motherhouse. In other houses they follow the local superior. N.B. The varying practice on former mothers general in some constitutions is as follows: they immediately follow the general councilors; they are always preceded by the mothers provincial or the local superiors; or they are given no special precedence. g) The mothers provincial. N.B. In her own province, the mother provincial ~ This is merely an illustrative article. The possession of active and passive voice varies in different institutes. The article on this matter is found more commonly only under the election of delegates. 7 The norms of constitutions on precedence are very varied. The typical article given here consists of norms frequently found. usually yields only to the mother general, a gen-eral visitor, and in some institutes, to the mother assistant. Outside their own provinces, provincials rank among themselves according to first pro-fession, or date of appointment or election, but after the local superior, except in the general motherhouse, in some institutes the local superior always precedes the provincials of other provinces. h) Vice-provincials, regional superiors, superiors of missions. i) The provincial councilors, in the provin~cialate. In other houses they follow the local superior. N.B. In some constitutions the assistant pyovincial is given precedence after the mother provincial throughout the province. The order of precedence among elected provincial councilors is that of election. j) The provincial secretary, in the provincialate. k) The provincial treasurer, in the provincialate. In other houses the provincial secretary and treasurer follow the local superior. N.B. In some institutes provincial councilors and officials are given precedence throughout the province. Other practices are: they are given no special precedence; they are given special prece-dence only when exercising their office; frequently they always follow the local superior. 1) The local superiors. N~B. In her own house the local superior usually yields only to the mother general, visitor general, mother provincial, provincial visitor, and some-times to the mother assistant and assistant provin-cial. She accordingly ranks over other local su-peridrs in her own house. Among themselves local superior~ usually ~:ank by first profession, some-times by date of appointment, and in at least one institute by the date of the foundation of their houses. m) The mistress of novices, in the novitiate house only. N.B~ Frequently the mistress follows the local as-sistant. In more recent constitutions the mistress of.junior professed is given special precedence and in at least some of these before the mistress of novices. Her precedence also is confined to the juniorate house. n) The assistant mistress of novices, in the novitiate house' o~ly. N.B. Frequently the assistant mistress is given no special precedence. o) The local assistants, in their own houses. ÷ ÷ ÷ Constitutions VOLUME 25, 1966 367 N.B. In some constitutions the local assistant pre-cedes the local superiors of other houses. p) The local councilors, in their own houses. N.B. Frequently the local councilors are given no .special precedence. At least one congregation gives former mothers provincial precedence after the local councilors. q) The professed sisters according .to the seniority of their first profession. r) The novices according to the priority of their recep-tion. s) The postulants according to the order of their en-trance. If there is no difference in the time of profession, recep-tion, or entrance to the postulancy, the senior in age pre-cedes. 106; 491 8. The visitor during the time of her visitation pre-cedes all the sisters, even the local superiors in their own houses. 106, 1° (or) A general visitor during the time of her visitation precedes all the sisters, even the provincial and" local su-periors, and a provincial visitor in the same w~ty precedes even the local superiors. 106, 1 ° 9. The mother general shall be called . The title of ¯. shall be given to . The title of all other religious is Sister. The sisters are not permitted to assume or retain any merely honorary titles or privileges. The mother gen-eral alone at the expiration of her term of office shall re-tain the title of Mother and have the precedence stated in article 7. 515 CHAPTER III ÷ 4- 4- J. F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 368 TtIE RELIGIOUS HABIT 10. The habit is of suitable black material, reaching from the throat to the feet. It is plaited on a yoke and at the waist and has sleeves fitting close to the arms.s 492, § 3 11. The veil' of the professed sisters is of black material and light in weight. The veil of the novices is white. The coil and guimpe are of wldte material.492, § 3; 557 12. A rosary of large black beads hangs on the right side from a black leather cincture. 13. The professed sisters wear a silver ring on the third finger of the left hand. 14. The sisters are permitted to wear white habits, veils, cinctures, and rosaries while occupied in duties or in a climate that necessitates or counsels this dress. 15. All professed sisters must wear the habit both in s Al'ticles 10-14 are taken from one sqt of constii~utions and are il-lustrative of the merely external app.earanc~ of the habit that should be described in the constitutions; and out of the house, unless for a serious reason they are legitimately excused according to the judgment of the mother general (in provincial congregations: higher su-perior), 9 or, if the case is urgent, of the local superior. The habit prescribed by the constitutions for novices must likewise be worn during the entire period of the noviceship, unless special local circumstances determine otherwise. 596; 557 16. No permanent, substantial, or general change in the form or color of the habit may be made without the permission of the Holy See (but ~in a diocesan congrega-tion whose habit was not approved by the Holy See: with-out the consent .of all the ordinaries in whose dioceses the congregation has houses). 492, § 3; 618, § 2, 1° (but in the latter type o[ diocesan congregation: 492, § 2; 495, § 2;" 492, §. 3).10 17. Postulants shall wear a modest dress different from that of the novices. 540, § 2 CHAPTER IV "-FHE ~DowRY AND MATERIAL ENTRANCE I~.EQUIREMENTS § 1. Dowry 18. Postulants shall bring the dowry determined by the general chapter. The chapter may grant delegation in this matter to the mother general and her council. The dowry must be given to the mother general (in provincial con-gregations usually: mother provincial) before the be-ginning of the noviceship, or at least its payment guar-anteed in a manner recognized as valid in civil law. 547, §§ 2-3 19. The mother general (in provincial congregations: higher superior) with the consent of her council may remit wholly or in part the dowry of a candidate who lacks financial means, or because of special reasons.H 20. The prescribed dowry may not be cohdoned in any other case, either in whole or in part, without an indult of the Holy See (in diocesan congregations: without a dis-pensation from the local ordinary).1-~ 547, § 4 21. A postulant dispensed from the dowry is obliged to establish one later if she receives any substantial gift or bequest,x3 0 For brevity a congregation divided into provinces is indicated in these constitutions as a provincial congregation. a0 On diocesan~ congregations, see note 4. , = This power varies in different constitutions, and academic de-grees or like qualities are frequently emphasized as the equivalent, =In virtue of their faculties outside the Code of Canon Law, bishops and local ordinaries may dispense from the dowry also in pontifical institutes. ~ This article is found in several constitutions. ÷ + Constitutions VOLUME 25, 1966 369 22. After the first profession 0[ a sister, the mother general (in provincial congregations usually: mother pro-vincial) with the consent of her council and that of the 16cal ordinary must invest the dowry in safe, lawful, and profitable securities. The same conditions are necessary for any change in the investment. It is absolutely for-bidden before the death of a sister to spend the dowry it-self for any purpose whatsoevey, even for the building of a house or the payment of a debt. 549; 533, § 1, 2°; § 2; 2412, 1 o 23. The dowries must be prudently and justly ~dmin-istered at the habitual residence of the mother general (in provincial congregations usually: mother provincial). It is the right of the local ordinary to see to it that the dowries are maintained intact and to exact an account of them, particularly on the occasion of his canonical visitation. 550; 535, § 2 24. The dowry is irrevocably acquired by the congre-gation on the death of a sister, even though she had made profession of only temporary vows. 548 25. If aprofessed sister leaves the congregation for any reason whatsoever, her dowry must be returned to her in frill but not the interest already derived from it. 551, § 1 ÷ ÷ ÷ ]. F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 370 § 2. Material Entrance Requirements 26. The mother general (in provincial congregations: mother provincial, or: higher superior) with the consent (or advice, or no vote required) of her council shall deter-mine the wardrobe and the sum to be paid for the ex-penses of the postulancy and noviceship. In particular cases and for just reasons, the mother general (in provin-cial congregations: higher superior, or: mother provin-cial) has the right to dispense wholly or in part from this requirement. 570, § 1 27. A record shall be kept in a special register of all the property that the candidate brings with her to the. postulancy, signed by the candidate and two sisters as witnesses. The property that has not been consumed by use shall be returned to h~r in its current condition if she leaves without having made religious profession. 570, § 2 ' 28. Those wh6 leave, either at the expiration of temporary profession or by an indult of secularization or dismissal, may not seek compensation for services ren-dered the congregation at any time from their entrance. The candidates, therefore, upon their admission to the postulancy, must sign a civilly valid document in which they declare that they" will not seek compensation for services given before or after profession, whether they leave or are dismissed. This document is to be renewed at the time of perpetual profession. 643;§ 1 CHAPTER V ADMISSION OF CANDIDATES 29. Any Catholic woman may be admitted provided she is free from all impediments, is motivated by the right in-tention, and is capable of fulfilling the duties of the re-ligious life. 538. 30. The mother general (in provincial congregations: higher superior) shall not admit a candidate to the postu-lancy before careflfl investigation has been made regard-ing her character and conduct,14 544, § 7 31. The following are invalidly admitted to the novice-ship: a) Those who renounced the Catholic faith and joined a non-Catholic sect. b) Those who have not completed their fifteenth year. c) Those who enter religion induced by force, grave fear, or fraud; also those whom the mother general (provincial congregation: higher snperior) receives under pressure of the same influences. d) A married woman as long as the bond of matrimony endures. e) Those who are or have been professed members in any religious institute. f) Those who are menaced with punishment for a grave crime which they have committed and of which they have been or can be accused. 542, 1°; 2411; 2352 32. The following are illicitly but validly admitted to the noviceship: a) Those who are burdened with debts which they are unable to pay. b) Those who are under the obligation of rendering an account of some administration or who are im-plicated in other secular affairs from which the con-gregation may have reason to fear lawsuits or an-noyance. c) Those whose parents or grandparents are in grave necessity and need their assistance; and mothers whose help is necessary for the support or education of their children. d) Those of an Oriental rite, nnless they first obtain written permission from the Sacred Congregation for the Oriental Church. 542, 2°; 98; 756; 2411 33. Only the Holy See or those who have received the faculty from it can dispense from the impediments enu-merated in articles 31-2.80; 118; 2411 34. The mother general, must have the deliberative "Canon 544, § 7 applies only to candidates for institutes of women; + + + Constitutions VOLUME 25, 1966 371 ~. F. Gallen, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS vote of her council to dispense the following who are bound by an impediment of the constitutions against their licit admission to the noviceship: a) Those who are illegitimate and have not been legiti-mated. b) Those over thirty years of age. c) Those who were postulants or novices in another religious institute. d) Widows. 35. When there is question of admitting candidates who have been in a postulancy or noviceship of another institute, the mother general (provincial congregation: higher superior) shall obtain testimonial letters from the higher, superior of that institute. These letters must contain the reasons fo~ the aspirant;s dismissal or volunta.ry departure, must be signed under oath by the superior, and sealed. The letters shall not be given to' the aspirant but must be forwarded to the mother ~general (higher superior) who applied for them. 544, § 3; 545; 2411 (Congregation of 'brothers) Testimonial letters must be obtained from the ordinary of the place of origin of the candidate and of every place in which he has resided beyond a morally continuous year after the completion of his fourteenth year. When ther~ is question of admitting candidates who have been in a seminary, ecclesiastical college, postulancy, or noviceship of another institute, the brother general (provincial congregation: 'higher superior)shrill obtain testimonial letters from the rector of the seminary or college after consultation with the local ordinary or from the higher superior of the religious institute. These letters must contain the reasons for the aspirant's dismissal or voluntary departure, must be signed under oath by the,rector or higher superior, and :sealed. The letters shall not be given to the aspirant but must be for- " warded to the brother general (higher superior) who ap-plied for them. 544, §§ 2-3; 545; 2411 36. Before being admitted candidates must present these credentials: a) Certificates of baptism and confirmation. b) A. testimonial of good moral character from their pastor or another priest, unless .the aspirant is al-ready well known to the mother general (higher su-perior). c) CertifiCates 6[ good health, both physical and men-tal, from reliable professional sources. d) Other testimonials that the mother general (higher ~ This article is not necessarily contained in constitutions and, when so contained, often varies in content. superior) may consider necessary or opportune. 544, §§ l, 6-7 37. All who receive any of the foregoing information are strictly obliged to keep secret not only the information but also the names of the persons who supplied it.16 546 CHAPTER POSTULANCY 38. The right to admit an applicant to the postulancy belongs to the mother general (provincial congregation: higher superior), who has also the right to dismiss.her if she is judged Unfit for the life of the congregation. A pos-tulant has full liberty to leave the co.ngregation. 39. The postulancy, under the direction of a religious of tried virtue, shall be made in the novitiate house or in another house of the congregation where the discipline prescribed by the constitutions is faithfully observed.17 540, § 40. The time prescribed [or the postulancy is a year. For a jUSt reason and with the advice of her council, the mother general (higher superior) may prolong or shorten this time, but not beyond six months,is 539 41. Every three months, the mistress shall give to the mother general (higher superior) and her council a re-port of the postulant's virtues, defects, and aptitude for the life of the congregation. 42. About three months before the beginning of the noviceship; the postulant shall in writing p.etitioia the mother general (higher superior) for the holy habit. 43. The superior must inform the local ordinary at least two months in advance of the approaching admis-sion of a postulant to the noviceship, in order that he or his delegate, at least thirty days before the noviceship be-gins, may examine the postulant and determine whether she was deceived or forced into entering the congregation, ¯ and whether she understands the import of what ~he is about to do. If there is certainty of her religious and free intention, the postulant may be admitted to the noviceship. 552; 2412,2° 44. The right to admit to the noviceship belongs to X0Articles are often added in this chapter on the n~cessary quali-tiers, and signs of a vocation, the responsibility ~f all concerned to encourage and admit only suitable candidates, and on personal inter-views with the candidates. 17 In institutes of men, only lay brothers are obliged to the pos-tfllancy prescribed by the Code (c. 539, § 1); but in institutes of :brothers,, the common practice is tbat all make a postulancy. P A postulancy of hind months to a year is the common practice at present in congregations of sisters. Con~tlt.utions VOLUME 25, 1966 J. F. Gallen, S.$. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 374 the mother general (higher superior) with the consent of h~r council. 543 45. Before beginning the noviceship, the postulant shall make a spiritual retreat of eight entire days and, ac-cording to the prudent judgment of the confessor, a gen-eral confession of her past life.a9 541 CHAPTER VII NOVICESHIP § 1. Place of the Noviceship 46. The establishment or transfer of a novitiate may be made only by the mother general with. the consent of her council and the (pontifical congregation) permis-. sion of the Holy See (diocesan congregation:., her coun-cil and the permission of the local ordinary)3° 554, § 1 47. (Provincial congregation) As soon as possible, each province shall have its own novitiate. More than one novitiate house may not be erected in the same province without a serious reason and a special apostolic indult. 554, § Z 48. As far as possible, the novitiate shall be separated from the part of the house occupied by. the professed sisters so that, without a special reason and the permission of the superior and the mistress of novices,, the novices may have no communication with the professed sisters nor the latter with the novices. 564, § 1 49. Superiors shall have in the novitiate house only sisters who are exemplary in their zeal for religious ob-servance. 554, § 3 § 2. Requirements for the Noviceship 50. (One year) The duration of the noviceship is one year, and it is completed on the day following the anni-versar. y day of its inception. 555, § 1, 2°; 34, § 3, 3° 50. (Two years) The duration of the n0viceship is two years. The first is the canonical year. The second year is no.t required for the validity of profession, although only the Holy See (diocesean congregation: local ordinary) may dispense from it wholly or in part. An apostolic in-dult is requi~ed to transfer the canonical year to the sec-ond year. 555; 34, § 3, 3° 52. The canonical year begins with the reception of the habit, or in any other manner determined by the mother general (provincial congregation: higher superior). It is 19 Articles on the purpose and discipline of the postulancy and on the qualities and appointment of the mistress of postulants are often included in this chapter. '-~ The mother provincial with the consent of her council presents to the mother general the request for the erection or transfer of a novitiate. completed on the day after the first anniversary of its commencement. The second year ends on the second anniversary of the inception of the canonical year, and on this day the temporary profession may be licitly pro-nounced. 553; 34, § 3, 3° 53. Besides the conditions enumerated in article 31, it is further required for validity that the canonical year be made for an entire and uninterrupted yea~ and in the novitiate house. 555, § 1 54. The canonical year is interrupted so that it must be begun again and completed: a) If a novice is dismissed by the~mother general (pro-vincial congregation frequently: higher superior or mother provincial) and leaves the house. b) If a novice, without the permission of the superior, leaves the house with the intention of not returning. c) If for any reason whatever a novice has remained outside the house, even with the intention of return-ing and with the permission of the superior, for more than thirty days, whether these days were con-secutive Or not. 556, § 1; 32, § 1 55. If a novice, either with the permission of super!ors or constrained by force, has remained outside the house under obedience to the superiors for more than fifteen but not more than thirty days of the canonical year, even if these days were not consecutive, it is necessary and suf-ficient for the validity of the noviceship that the novice make up the time thus passed outside. If the absence un-der these conditions did not exceed fifteen days, the mother general (provincial congregation frequently: higher superior or mother provincial) may require that it be made up, but this is not necessary for the validity of the noviceship. 556, § 2; 32, § 1 56. If a novice is transferred from one novitiate to an-other, the noviceship is not interrupted, but articles 54 and 55 are to be observed. 556, § 4. 57. Superiors shall not grant a novice permission to remain outside the confines of the novitiate except for a just and serious reason. 556, § 3 § 3. Formation of the Novices 58. The time of the noviceship under the direction of the mistress must have for its object the forming of the mind and will of the novice by.the study (of the Rule and) of the constitutions; devout meditation and assiduous prayer; instructions on matters which appertain to the vows and virtues; suitable exercises for the thorough amendment of defects, the restraining of evil inclinations, and the acquisition of virtues.~x 565, § 1 '-'~ "Of the Rule and" are omitted if the congregation has no Rule. See note 2. ÷ + ÷ Constitutions VOLUME 25, 1966 375 ÷ ]. F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 376 59. During the first year, the novices must not be em-ployed in extei-nal works of the congregation nor should they apply themselves intensively to the study of letters, sciences, or the arts. They may perform domestic-duties in a subordinate capacity and only insofar as these do not interfere with the prescribed exercises of the novice-ship. 5.65, § 3 60. "During the second year, the novices may be em-ployed in the external works but without prejudice to the fundamental laws of the noviceship. Therefore, during the second year, the discipline of the spiritual life must be attended to above all other duties. 61. This employment must. be assigned with prudence and moderation and only for the instruction and train-ing of the novices. N~vices shall never have the entire charge of any such employment, but shall always be under the direction and supervision of an experienced and exemplary religious who by word and example shall in-struct arid guide them. 62. For a grave reason and by way of exception, a nov-ice may be assigned to external works outside the novitiate house during this ~ime. This may be done only for a rea-son founded on the requirements of the novice's training, but never for the utility or necessity of the congregation. 63. NoviCes' shall abstain from all external works two months before their profession and, if they are outside the novitiate house, they are to be recalled, so that dur-ing this entire period they may strengthen-themselves in the spirit of their vocation and prepare for their religious profession. 64. The novices and postulants are 'to be instructed thoroughly in Christian doctrine. A special conference on this subject shall be given to them at least once a week, if posgible by a priest approved by the local ordinary. They Shall not only commit to memory the ordinary for-mulas of the faith, but shall also be able to explain them properly. The mother general (provincial congregation frequently: motfier provincial or higher superior) shall not admit novices to profession unless they .satisfactorily pass a special examination in Christian doctrine. § 4. End o[ the Noviceship 65. Three months before the end of the noviceship, the novices, shall in writing reque.st admission to profes-sion frbm the mother general (provincial congregation frequently: mother-provincial). ' 66. 'The novice shall be informed of her admission to .vows so that in due time she may relinquish the admin-istration of her property, dispose, of its use and usufruct, and +make a will, as prescribed in the chapter on poverty. 569 67. She may freely leave the congregation, or for any just reason be dismissed by the mother general (provincial congregation frequently: higher superior or mother pro-vincial) with the advice of her council. The superior is not obliged to reveal to the novice the reason [or her dis-missal. 571, § 1. 68. When the noviceship is completed, the novice shall be admitted to profession if she is judged suitable; other-wise she must be dismissed. If her suitability is doubtful, the mother general (provincial congregation frequently: higher superior) with the advice of her council may pro-long the time of the noviceship but not beyond six months. 571, § 2. 69. Before pronouncing her vows, the novice shall make a spiritual retreat of eighi entire days. 571, ~. 3 , § 5. Profession of a Novice in Danger of Death 70. Even though she has not completed the time of her noviceship, a novice in danger of death may, for the con-solation of her soul, be admitted to profession by any superior, the mistress .of novices, or their delegates. The ordinary formula of profession is to be used if the con-dition of the novice permits, but without any determina-tion of time. 7i. By this profession, the novice'is granted a plenary indulgence in the form of a jubilee; the profes~ion,how-ever, has no canonical effect. If the novice should'recover her health, her state will be the same as if she had made no profession. Therefore, if she perseveres, she must com-plete the full time of the noviceship and on its com-pletion m~ke a new profession.2~ CHAPTER VIII RELIGIOUS PROFESSION 72. Upo~ the completion of the noviceship and in the novitiate house, the novice shall, make profession of simple vows for one year. This profession is to be re-newed annually until five full years of temporary vows are completed,z~ The mother general (provincial con-gregation: mother provincial or higher superior) may prolong the prescribed period of temporary pro.fession, but not beyond a ),ear, in which, case the sister must re-new her temporary profession. 574; 34, § 3, 5°; 577, § 1 OR:. the novice shall make profession of simple vows for three (two) years. At the end of this period, the sister ~ This cha'pter often contains spiritual articles on the formation of novices and on interviews with the mistress. . , -~ Five years of temporary vows is.the growing 15ractice in cOngre-gations of sisters. 4, 4, 4, Constitutions VOLUME "~S, 1966 shall renew her vows for two (three) years.24 The mother general. OR: Upon the completion of the noviceship and in the novitiate house, the novice shall make profession of sim-ple vows for" three years or until the completion of her twenty-first year if a longer time is necessary to attain the age prescribed for perpetual pro~ession. The mother general . may prolong the prescribed period of tem-porhry profession, but not beyond a second term of three years; in which case the sister must renew her temporary profession.2~ 574; 573; 34, § 3, 5°; 577, § 1 73. The right to admit to profession belongs to the mother general with the vote of her council. This vote shall be deliberative for the first temporary profession but onIy consultative for the renewal and prolongation of temporary vows and for perpetual profession. Before the first and perpetual profession, the local ordinary shall be informed in the manner described in article 43. 543; 575, § 2; 552; 2411; 2412,2° (Provincial congregation) The right to admit to first profession, prolongation of temporary vows, and per-petual profession appertains to the mother general with the vote of her council. This vote shall be deliberative for ¯ the first temporary profession but only consultative for the prolongation of temporary vows and perpetual pro-fession. The mother provincial presents the requests ~or admission to the mother general, with the deliberative vote of her' council for first profession and the consulta-tive vote for prolongation of temporary vows and for perpetual profession. The right to admit to renewals of temporary vows ~appertains to the mother provincial with the consultative vote of her council. Before the first. (as in the preceding).26 74. For the validity of any profession these conditions are necessary: a) That the. sister who makes profession will have com-pleted her sixteenth year before temporary and her twenty-first year before perpetual profession. b) That she be admitted to profession by the mother 4, 4, 4, .1. F. Gallen, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ~ The Holy See does not insist on any determined division of the five-year duration and has approved five annual professions, three annual professions and one of two years, a profession of two' years followed by one of three years, and a profession of three years fol-lowed by one of two years. z~ In a thre~-year duration also the Holy See has not insisted on any determined duration of profession and has approved constitu-tions in which the profession is made in the one act for three years, the most common practice, or that the first be made for one and the second for two years, or vice versa. ~ There is sufficient variety on the right of admission in provincial congregations. See R~vmw fOR R~ezous, 19 (1960), 144. general (higher superior) according to the constitu-tions. c) That the profession be preceded by a valid novice-ship. d) That it be made without violence, grave fear, or fraud. e) That it be made in express terms. t') That it be received by the mother general or a sister delegated by her. (Provincial, regional, and) Local superigrs and their l.egitimate substitutes are,dele-gated by the constitutions to receive all professions in their (provinces, regions, and) houses and with power also to subdelegate. For the validity of the simple perpetual profession it is further required that it be preceded by three .complete years of temporary vows. The added period of two years is not necessary for the validity of the perpetual prqfes-sion but only the Holy See (diocesan congregation: local ordinary) may dispense from it wholly or in part. 572-3; 2352 75. The following is the formula of profession: . 576, § 1; 585 76. The written declaration of the profession, whether temporary or perpetual, must be signed by the p~rofessed sister, the mother general or sister delegate who received the profession, and two other sisters as witnesses. This document shall be carehdly preserved in the files of the congregation. 576, § 2 77. Three months before the expiration of each tem-porary profession, the' sisters'shall present a written peti-tion to the mother general (provincial congregation fre-quently: mother provincial) to be admitted to the renewal of temporary vows or to perpetual profession. 78. When the time for which the vows were pro-nounced has expired, they must be renewed without de-lay~ However, for a just reason, the mother gen.eral (pro-vincial congregation frequently: higher superior or mother provincial) may permit the renewal of temporary vows to be anticipated, but not by more than a month. An anticipated profession expires only on the day on which a non-anticipated profession would have expired. 577 79. Before perpetual profession, the sisters shall make a retreat of . . entire days, and before the renewal of temporary vows, a retreat of . day(s). Only the first pro-fession must be made in the novitiate house. 574, § 1 80. When the period of temporary profession has ex-pired, the sister must without delay make perpetual pro- ~ession or return to secular life; but even during the pe-riod of temporary pro[ession, it not judged worthy to pronounce perpetual vows, she may be dismissed by the + VOLUME 25, 1966 379 ÷ ÷ ~. F. Gallen, S~J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 380 mother general (diocesan congregation: local, ordinary) conformably to articles 155 and following. 575, § 1 ' 81. Simple profession, whether temporary or perpetual, ¯ renders acts contrary to the vows illicit but not invalid.27 579 CHAPTER IX Vow AND VIRTUE OF POVERTY 82. By the vow of poverty the sisters renounce the right of disposing licitly Of any temporal thing of mone-tary value without the permission of their lawful superior. 83. With the permission of the local superior, the sis-ters may perform acts of proprietorship required by civil law. If such an act includes alienation of property or con-cerns an important matter, this permission is reserved to the mother general (provincial congregations: higher su-periors) unless the case is urgent, when it may be given by the local superior. " 84. The sisters, .whethEr of temporary or perpetual vows, retain the ownership of their property and the capacity of acqtiiring other property, subject to the pro-visions that follow regarding its disposition and adminis- .tration. 580, § 1 85. Whatever the sistersacquire after profession by their personal activity or for the congregation or as re-ligious becomes the property of the congregation (,prov-. ince,) or house. 580, § 2 86. A professed sister, whether of temporary or per-petual vows, may not renounce the ownership of her property by a free gift effective during her lifetime. 583, 1 ° 87. If during the course of her noviceship a novice renounces her property in any m~nner or burdens it with any obligation, the renunciation or obligation is not only illicit but also null and void. 568 88. Before her first profession and for the entire time that she will be bound by vows, the novice must cede the administration of her property to whomsoever she chooses and freely dispose of its use and usufruct. 569, § 1 89. If this cession and disposition were omitted because the novice had no property and if subsequently property comes to her, or if, after making the provision, other property comes to her under any title, she shall, notwith-standing her simple profession, make or renew the provi-sion stated above for the newly acquired property. 569, § 2 90. A professed sister may change this cession and dis-position with the permission of the mother general, but ~ This chapt.er Often contains an article on the devotional renewal of vows and articles on the formation of the junior professed. The former is fkequently placed in ~l~e chapter(s) on the religious exer-cises, the latter in a special section of the chapter on the works of the congregation. the permission of the Holy See is necessary if the change is of a notable part of the property in favor of the congre-gation. 580, § 3 91. If a sister leaves or is dismissed, the cession and dis-position cease to have any validity. 580, § 3 92. Before profession of temporary vows, a novice shall freely.make a civilly valid will concerning all the property she actually possesses or may subsequently acquire. A pro-fessed sister may not alter her will without the permission of the Holy See or, if the case is urgent and time does not permit recourse to the Holy See, without the permission of the mother general (provincial 'congregation: higher su-perior); when recourse cannot be .had to the latter, ~with-out the permission of the local, superior. 569, § 3; 583, 2° ¯ 93. Common life must be observed exac.tly in all houses and by all the sisters even in matters of food, clothing, and personal necessities.2s 594; 2389 CHAPTER X VOW AND VIRTUE OF CHASTITY 94. By the vow of chastity :the sisters bind themselves to a life of celibacy and, by a new obligation from the virtue of religion, to abstain from any internal or external act opposed to chastity39 1058; 2388, § 2 CHAPTER XI VOW, AND VIRTUE O~ OBEDIENCE 95. By the vow of obedience the sisters consecrate to God their own will and oblige themselves from the virtue of religion to obey the commands of their lawful superiors in everything that directly or indirectly concerns the ob-servance, of the vows and constitutions.¯ 96. The sisters are bound to obey by reason of the vow only when lawful superiors command expressly in virtue of holy obedience or in equivalent words.30 ~s Other articles are usually included in this chapter on the pur-pose of religious poverty, that the cession anti disposition are to be made in a manner civilly binding, that a clause should be added al-lowing the sister to revoke the cession and disposition at her mere will, the virtue or spirit of poverty, that superiors are to insist on the observance of poverty, exhortations to all to observe it, the example of our Lord, His counsel on poverty, the importance of common life and insistence on its observance, norms on gifts, the level of material things permitted in the congregation, a prohibition against being the custodian of property of seculars, norms on asking for contributions especially from students, and exhortations to trust in divine provi-dence. = Other articles are commonly found in this chapter on the pur-pose of religious chastity, exhortations to its most perfect observance, and some norms on precautions and preservatives. ~ Other formulas are found, for example, under formal precept, and so forth. + + q. Constitutions VOLUME 25, 1966 381 97. Superiors shall rarely, prudentJy, and cautiously command in virtue of holy obedience and only for a grave reason. It is expedient that a formal precept be given in writing or at least in the presence of two wit-nesses. 98. Local superiors, especially of small houses, shall not give commands in virtue of holy obedience except in grave and urgent cases and they should then immediately notify the mother general (provincial congregation: mother provincial).31 99. The sisters are obliged by the virtue of obedience to fulfill the prescriptions of the constitutions and other orders of superiors. 100. The sisters may. always have their vow as the mo-tive of any act of obedience, and such an intention is implicitly contained in the act of their religious profes-sion. The special merit of the vow thus extends not only to formal precepts but also to the usual directions of su-periors and to every act in conformity with the constitu-tions. 32 CHAPTER XII PENANCE AND HOLY EUCHARIST 4- 1. F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 38_'2 § 1. Penance 101. The sisters will usually go to confession at least once a week. 595, § 1, 3 °; 566, § 1 102. For every house there shall be only one ordinary confessor, designated by the local ordinary, .who shall hear the confessions of the entire commpnity, unless it is necessary to assign, two or even more confessors because of the large number of sisters or for any other just reason. 520, § 1 ¯ 103. If a particular sister, ~or the .peace of her con-science or greater spiritual progress, should ask. for a special confessor or spiritual director, the request shall be made to the local ordinary. It is his duty to see that abuses do not arise, and if they do arise to eliminate them. 590, § 2 104. To every community sh~ll be assigned an extraor-dinary confessor, who at least.four times a year shall come to the religious house and to whom all the sisters shall present themselves, if only to receive his blessing. 521, § 1 al Various forms of this article are found in constitutions, for ex-ample, the authority to give a precept in virtue of the vow is reserved in some congregations to higher superiors. a~ Other articles are ordinarily included in this chapter on the pur-pose of religious obedience, the obedieuce of will and judgment, the example of our Lord, representation, on asking ordinary permissions from the immediate superior, respect and reverence for superiors, avoidance of criticism and murmuring, prompt aud faithful attend-ance at common duties, and on following the horarium. 105. Snperiors shall inquire from the local ordinary what priests have been designated for each house, to whom in particular cases the sisters may easily have re-course for the sacrament of penance without having to apply to the Ordinary on each occasion. 521, § 2 106. If a sister should ask for one of these confessors, no superior is allowed either personally or through others, either directly or indirectly, to inquire into the reason for the petition, to show opposition to it by word or deed, or in any way manifest displeasure at the request. 521, § ~; 2414 107. If notwithstanding the prescriptions of the pre-ceding articles, a sister has recourse for the peace of her conscience to a confessor approved by the local ordinary for the confessions of women, even though not approved for religious women, this confession is valid and licit provided it is made in a church or oratory, even semipub-lic, or in any other place legitimately designated for the confessions of religious or secular women, The superior may not forbid such a confession nor ask about it even indirectly, and the sister is under no obligation to inform the superior of the matter. Nevertheless, the sisters are bound to respect the requirements of religious discipline. 522; 2414; 909-10, § 1 108. When sisters are seriously ill, even though not in danger of death, they may call any priest approved for the confessions of women, though not designated for re-ligious women, and make their confession to him as often as they wish during their serious illness. The superior may not either directly 0r indirectly prevent them from doing so. 523; 2414 109. When in danger of death, the sisters may make their confession to any priest, even to one not approved for confessions, and even if an approved priest should be present. 882 110. All superiors are to strive earnestly to have con-fessors readily available before Communion. 111. The ordinary confessor of the sisters may not exer-cise his office for a term exceeding three years. The local ordinary, however, may appoint him for a second and even a third term if scarcity of priests suitable for the office does not permit him to provide otherwise; oi if the majority of the sisters, including even those who in other matters have no right to vote, petition by secret voting for the reappointment of the confessor. Those who dissent are to be otherwise provided for if they so desire,sa 526; 524, § 2 " re.In virtue of their Pastorale munus faculty n. 33, bishops may make this reappointmcnt even for a fifth triennium. + + + Constitutions VOLUME 25; 1966 383 112. The sisters shall remember that the confessors may not in any manner interfere in the internal or external government of the community. 524, § 3 In institutes of brothers, the preceding section on penance will be as follows: § 1. Penance 1. The brothers will usually go to confession at least once a week. 595, § 1, 3 °; 566, § 2, 1" 2. Every house shall have an ordinary confessor, and an extraordinary confessor is to come to each house four times a year. Both confessors are appointed by the local ordinary. If a brother requests a special confessor, the su-perior is to grant the request without in any way inquir-ing into the reason for the petition. 528; 874, § 1; 875,.§ 2 3. There shall be one or more ordinary confessors for the novitiate according to the number of novices. These are to come at least frequently to the novitiate house to hear the confessions of the novices. 566, § 2, 1-2" '~ 4. Some other confessors are to be appointed, in addi-tion to the ordinary confessors, whom the novices may freely approach in particular cases. The master of novices is to show no displeasure on such occasions. 566, § 2, 3° 5. At least four times a year the novices shall be given an extraordinary confessor, to whom all the fiovices must present themselves, if only to receive his blessing. 566, § 6. I[ a brother has recourse [or the peace o[ his con-science to a confessor approved by the local ordinary, even though he is not among the appointed con[essors, the con~ession is valid and licit. 519 7. When in danger o~ death, the brothers may make their con~ession to any priest, even to one not approved for confessions, and even ff an approved priest should be present.~ 882 8. All superiors.are to strive earnestly to have donfessors readily available before Communion. 1. F. Gallen, SJ. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 384 § 2. Manifestation of Conscience 113. All superiors are strictly forbidden to induce their subjects in any manner whatever to make a manifestation of conscience to them. Subjects are not forbidden to open their consciences freely and spontaneously to their su-perid~ s; on the contrary, it is profitable for subjects to approach their superiors with filial confidence. 530 ~ In some constitutions of brothers the following confessor is also found: "In case of illness the sick brother may ask for any confessor he desires. His pious wishes shall be respected as regards Holy Com-munion," § 3. Holy Eucharist 114. The sisters shall assist daily with all possible d'evo-tion at the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass. Superiors shall promote among their subjects the frequent, even daily, reception of Holy Communion, and liberty must be given to every properly disposed religious 'to receive the Holy Eucharist frequently and even every day.35 595, § :'1, 2°; § 2;. 863 1.15. Superiors must carefully eliminate every obstacle to the liberty of the individual religious to receive or ab-stain from Holy Communion. 116. If a sister since her last sacramental confession has given grave scandal to the community or committed a serious external fault, a superior may forbid her to re-ceive Holy Communion until she has again approached the sacrament of penance. 595, § 3 117. Super,iors are obliged to give the sisters sufficient time for preparation and thanksgiving for Mass and Holy Communion, as well as for confession.36 CHAPTER XIII RELIGIOUS EXERCISES 118. The :sisters shall recite daily in common and in the vernacular Lauds, Vespers, and Compline of the Di-vine Office.3r 595, § 1, 2° 119. Every morning (day)the sister~ shall spend a half hour in mental prayer,a8 They shall individually prepare the subject of the prayer the preceding evening. 595, § 1, 2o ~'~ The articles on Mass and Communion may be very appropriately expressed in liturgical language. ~ Other articles frequently included in this chapter are on the grandeur of the Mass and the sacraments, preparation for them and the manner and dispositions for receiving and assisting with profit, and the observance of rigid secrecy by superiors in matters of' mani-festation of conscience. 27 The Little Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary is the one that has usually been recited in institutes of simple vows. Constitutions en-joining only private recitation of this Office arc relatively few. The amount and days of common recitation prescribed in other institiates are sufficiently varied. In some congregations the whole Office is re-cited daily in common and in all the houses; in others this same ob-ligation extends only to the mother house, while houses engaged in the external works of the institute recite the entire Office in common only on Sundays, holydays and other vacation days; finally; some in-stitutes demand that only a part og the Office be~:recited daily in common. See R~vmw for l~e~ous, 13 (1954), 129-30. An article such as that on the Office could be expressed in liturgical language. On the Divine Office for congregations, see R~wEw for R~tm~ous, 24 s(~1 9T6h5is) ,m 4i7n~im-4u. m ~of a half hour is the practice in very many con-gregations; many have a half hour in both morning' and afternoon; a few have a notably greater period, for example, a hour and a half or three quarters daily. + + Constitutions VOLUME 25~ 1966 385 120. They shall make the particuIar and general exam-ination of conscience at noon and at night. Privately and at a convenient time during the day, they shall recite five decades of the rosary and devote at least fifteen min-utes to spiritual reading. 125, 2°; 592; 595, § 1, 2° 121. The sisters shall accustom themselves to make fre-quent visits to the Blessed Sacrament. 125, 2°; 592 122. Annually the sisters shall make a retreat of. full days.39 They shall observe a day of monthly recollection, which ordinarily is to be the. Sunday of the month. 595, § 1, 1° 123. The sisters shall make a public devotional renewal. of their vows on . They should renew their vows fre-" quently in private, particularly after Holy Communion and on the day of monthly recollection. The formula of this renewal is: . 595, § 1, 2° 124. Superiors shall grant another suitable time to sis-ters who are prevented from performing the prescribed spiritual duties at the regular time.4° 595, § 1 CHAPTER XIV MORTIFICATION AND PENANCE 125. Once a month (four times a year) the sisters in public chapter shall accuse themselves of external trans-gressions of religious discipline. 126. In the practice of corporal mortifications and penances of a private nature, the sisters are to be guided solely by the confessor; for those that are public they must have the permission of the superior.41 + + + J. F. Gallen, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 386 ~0 Ordinarily the prescribed duration is eight or six days, but seven and five days are found. Some also have a retreat of one or three days at the close of the year. ,0 Other exercises are very frequently prescribed in the constitu-tions, for example, morning and evening prayers, way of the cross, holy hour, hour or half hour of adoration of the Blessed Sacrament, Franciscan rosary, novenas, exercises in honor of the Passion on Friday, the Blessed Mother on Saturday, and added prayers or devo-tions during the months of March, May, June, October, November, and the season of Lent. The chapter usually also contains articles on the obligation of superiors to see that the religious exercises are per-formed, their power of dispensing from these, and that the religious are not to absent themselves from the exercises without permissiou. In these typical constitutions the article on the exhortations is placed in the chapter on local houses and superiors. 4~The more spiritual section of the constitutions is ordinarily found in this part in chapters on virtues and devotions, for example, spirit of the congregation, charity, fraternal charity, union and char-ity, humility, modesty, simplicity, constancy in striving for perfection~ meekness, zeal, mortification and penance, religious observance, per-fection of ordinary actions, order of the day, employment of time, devotion to the eternal Father, to the Passion of our Lord, the Sacred Heart, the Eucharist, the Holy Spirit, the Blessed Virgin Mary, angels, and St. Joseph. CHAPTER XV ENCLOSURE, CORRESPONDENCE, SILENCE § i. Enclosure 127. The law of enclosure shall be observed in. every house. This requires that certain parts of the convent re-main so reserved to the sisters that no person of the other sex42 may be admitted. These parts are the refectory, the dormitories~o[ the sisters, their ceils, the infirmary, in a word, all places destined by the mother general (pro-vincial congregation: higher superior) for the exclusive use of the sisters. 604, §§ 1, 3 128. The following are permitted to enter the en-closure: the local ordinary or his delegate for the canoni-cal visitation, priests to administer the sacraments to the sick or to assist the dying, physicians, and those whose services are necessary. Others also may be admitted when a just and reasonable cause exists in the judgment of the superior. The proper precautions are always to be ob-served. 604, § 1; 598, § 2; 600 129. When a convent has attached to it a school for day or boarding pupils or quarters devoted to other works proper to the congregation, at least a separate part of the house should be reserved, if possible, for the living quar-ters of the religious, and this part should be subject to the law of enclosure. Even to places outside the enclosure re-served for day or boardingp~upJilssor for works proper to the congregation, those o[the other sex should not be ad-mitted except for a good reason and with the permission of the superior. 604, § 2; 599 130. If the.chaplain or other priests live in the house of the sisters, their apartments shall if possible have a separate entrance and be separated from the part of the house occupied by the sisters. 131. Superiors shall diligently insist that the law of en-closure be strictly observed and that neither the visits of externs nor useless conversation relax religious discipline nor weaken religious spirit. 605; 604, § 3 132. The sisters may not leave the house without the permission of the superior. Ordinarily they may not go out without a sister companion. 606, § l; 607 133. Superiors may not permit their subjects to live outside a house of the congregation except for a just and serious reason and [or as brief a.period as possible. For an absence of more than six months, except for study, the permission of the Holy See (diocesan congregation: local ordinary) is, always required. In the case of study the ~"-Some congregations exclude by the law of their own constitu-tions also those of the same sex. + + + Constitutions VOLUME 25, 1966 ~8~ I. F. Gallen, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS sisters are obliged to live in a religious house if possible, and to attend institutions that are approved or recognized by ecclesiastical authority. 606, § 2 § 2. Correspondence ¯ 134. The sisters shall not send or receive letters without permission of the superior, who has the right to read them, and to deliver or retain them according to her judgment. The superior should exercise this authority with discretion, charity, and prudence, She is obliged to observe rigorous secrecy about what she has learned from the sisters' correspondence. 135. All the sisters may freely send letters exempt from all inspection to the Holy See, to its legate in the country, to the mother general (provincial congregation: higher superiors) and her (their) councilors, to their local su-perior when she is absent from the house, and to the local ordinary in matters in which they are subject to him. From all of these persons the sisters may also receive let-ters which no one has the right to inspect. 611 136. The correspondence of the junior professed, novices, and postulants is under the supervision of their mistresses and superiors with the exceptions mentioned in the preceding article. § 3. Silence 137. Sacred silence shall be observed throughout the house from., until . If it should be absolutely neces-sary to speak during this time, the sisters shall do so as briefly as possible and in a low voice. During the re: mainder of the day except at times appointed for recrea-tion, they should observe ordinary religious silence, speak-ing briefly and quietly when this is required by duty, charity, or courtesy. 138. Silence shall be observed at meals~ according to the custom oL the congregation. The reading at table shall be from a spiritual or instructive book approved by the superior.43 ~ ~ Other articles found frequently inthis chapter are on the pur-pose of cloiste.r; location of parlors and necessity of permission to re-ceive visitors; restrictions on visits, at least outside of special cases, during Advent, Lent, days of special recollection, and time of reli-gious exercises; deportment with visitors; permission of higher su-perior necessary for overnight absences; norms on family visits; when traveling the sisters are to stay in one of their own convents or, if poss.ible, in the house of another religious institute; norms for fre-quency and style of correspondence; purpose of silence; observance of interior silence; strict silence to be observed always in determined places, for example, chapel, sacristy, dormitories or ceils, and the corridors of the convent; duty of superiors to guard the observance of silence; frequency of and deportmeht during daily recreation; and an. article stating that talking is permitted on recreation days at the customary times and places. APOSTOLATE 139. Superiors shall have in the juniorate house only sisters who are exemplary in their zeal for religious ob-servance. 554, § 3 140. The sisters in hospitals shall be guided by' re-ligious and ethical principles in their professional ac-tivities. In case of doubt they shall consult religious or ecclesiastical authority. 141. A sacristan shall be appointed in each house, She should have a thorough knowledge of liturgical require-ments and be particularly attentive to the laws concern-ing shcred vessels, the washing of Sacred linens, the cus-tody of the tabernacle key, the necessity of having at least one lamp burning before the Blessed Sacrament, and on the material that may be used for the lamp. 1269, § 4; 1271; 130644 CHAPTER XVII CARE OF THE SICK 142. Spiritual aid shall aI~ays be promptly given to the sick. The sisters who are seriously ill may ask for the ~ The part of the constitutions on the apostolate contains very canons or other common legal articles. It is frequently divided into sections or contains articles on the following topics. 1. General. Sub-limity of apostolate; solidarity of all members in it; necessity of excel-lence in all aspects of formation and of the apostolate and of constant progress; need of prudent adaptation of methods to the times; ne-cessity of loyal cooperation in all; fostering.of vocations. 2. Juniorate and mistress of junior professed. Obligation of complete undergrad-uate education before full assignment to apostolate; generosity in supplying necessities for studies to juniors; motive in, studies; naturd' of period of temporary vows; outline of subjects to be studied; teach-ers in the juniorate; qualities of mistress; manner of appointment; norms for her direction of juniors. 3. Period of greater recollection before perpetual profession and renovation or tertianship. Purpose of both; time o~[ making latter; norms for the mistress o[ each; gen-eral plan of both. 4. Supervisor(s) oI schools and studies. Duties; re-lation to higher superiors; annual visitation of schools. 5. Teaching sisters, Purpose; necessity of preparation; relation to principal; man-ner of dealing with students. 6. Principals. Duties. 7. Hospital super-visor, whose duties parallel those of supervisor of schools. 8. Hospital sisters. Purpose of their apostolate; their training; necessity of con-stant progress in their work; relations with doctors and other hospital personnel. 9. Hospital administrators. Norms for their work and for the harmonious direction of those under them. 10. Social service su-pervisor. Qualities; relation to higher superiors; visitation; norms for her work, 11. Sisters in social work~. Purpose; to be properly and fully trained; directives for their work. 12. Convent duties. Purpose of and norms for the work of those engaged in laundry, sewing, housekeep-ing departments and as sacristan or portress, and so forth. The arti-cles on the latter two are usually found in the chapter on local houses and superiors. 4. 4- 4. Constitutions VOLUME 25, 1966 389 ÷ ÷ ÷ J. F. Gallen, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 390 confessor they prefer, and he should be called conform-ably with articles 108-9. 523; 882 143. All sisters who are ill should be given the oppor-tunity of receiving Holy Communion frequently, and even daily, during their illness. 863; 865 144. When a sister is in danger of death, it is the duty of the superior and infirmarian to have the last sacra-ments administered in due time. 865; 944; 882; 468; 514, 145. It is both a permissible and salutary practice that a sister receive Holy Viaticum daily, even when not fast-ing, as long as the probable danger of death continues, 864, § 3 146. At .the approach of death, a priest shall be called° to assist the sister who is dying according'to the rite pre-scribed by the Roman Ritual.4~ '/68 CHAPTER XVIII SUFFRAGES FOR THE DEAD 147. At the death of a professed religious or novice, the local superior shall immediately inform the mother gen-eral (provincial) and the close relatives of the deceased. The mother general (provincial)46 shall promptly send a notification to all the houses (o[ the province). 567, § 1; 578, 1o CHAPTER XIX DEPARTURE" AND DISMISSAL § 1. Unlawful Departure 148. An apostate from religion is one who, having made profession of solemn or simple perpetual vows, unlawfully leaves the religious house with the intention of not re- 4~ The matter of this chapter is principally norms on the obliga-tion of the superior to care for the health of the sisters and of the latter to use the ordinary means but to avoid excessive care, the ob-ligation to inform the superior when ill, norms for the care of the sick and for suffering patiently, on consulting and visits to doctors, obligation of superiors aml counsel to other sisters to visit the sick. care for and charity also to aged and feeble sisters, qualities of and norms for the infirmariao, reservation at least in larger~houses of a suitable section as an infirmary, Eucharistic fast for sick, prayers for those in danger of death, attendance of other sisters at rites for the dying, and on funerals and burial. : - 4n This chapter is composed principally of articles on the suffrages for professed and novices, greater suffrages for present and past su-periors and officials, suffrages for the Roman pontiff, cardinal pro-tector, local ordinary, father and mother of a sister, for benefactors, relatives, and friends, means for informing all of the anniversary of a sister's death, and an exhortation to perform the prescribed suf-frages promptly and to remember deceased sisters in.other prayers and good works. turning; or who, with the intention of withdrawing her-self from religious obedience, though she lawfully left the house, does not return to it. The evil intention referred to in the preceding para-graph is legally presumed when the religious within a month has neither returned nor manifested to her su-perior the intention of returning. . A fugitive is one' who without the permission of her superiors deserts the religious house but with the inten-tion of retufning to her institute. 644; 2385-6 149. Neither apostates nor fugitives are freed from the obligation of the rule and vows and must without delay return to their institute. The superiors must seek them with solicitude and re-ceive them if they return animated by a sincere repent-anew. 645 150. A religious who apostatizes from her congregation automatically incurs an excommunication reserved to the ordinary o~ the place where she is staying. She is ex-cluded from legitimate ecclesiastical acts and is deprived of all the privileges of her institute. If she returns, she is perpetually deprived of active and passive voice and is moreover to be otherwise punished by her superiors ac-cording to the gravity of her guilt and in conformity with the constitutions. 2385 151. A religious fugitive automatically incurs the priva-tion of any office she holds in the institute. When she re-turns, the higher superior shall inflict punishments in proportion to the gravity of her guilt. 2386 § 2. Departure at the Expiration of Temporary Profession 152. Tl~e mother general47 with the advice of her council, for just and reasonable motives, may exclude a religious from renewing the temporary vows or from mak-ing profession of perpetual.vows; not, however, because of ill health, unless it is proved with certainty that it was fraudulently concealed or dissimulated before profession. Religious who have made profession of temporary vows may freely leave the congregation when the term of vows has expired. 637; 575, § 1 § 3. Exclaustration and Secularization 153. An indult to remain outside the congregation temporarily, that is, an indult of exclaustration, may be ~r Canon 637 leaves to the constitutions the determination of the superior competent for exclusion. The constitutions usually assign this right to the superior general with the consultative vote of her council, but a few demand the deliberative vote. A small number of constitutions give this power to the provincial or higher superio~:s either alone or with the consultative or, less frcquently~ the delibera-tive vote of the council. See REVIEW fOR RELIGIOUS, 16 (1957), 216. ÷ ÷ ÷ Constitutions V01.1JME 25, 1966 ~. F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW-FOR RELIGIOUS 3911 granted only by the Apostolic See (diocesan congregation: is granted by the ordi~ahry oi the diocese where the sister ' is staying). Anyone who has obtained this indult remains bound by her vows and the other obligations of her pro-fession compatible with her state; but she must put of[ the religious habit. During the time of the indult she lacks active and passive voice but enjoys the spiritual privileges of her institute. She is subject to the ordinary of the diocese in which she resides, and this even by virtue of her vow of obedience, in the place, of the superiors of her own institute. 638-9 154. An indult to remain outside the congregation perpetually, that is, an indult of secularization, or a dis-pensation from the vows, may be granted only by the Apostolic See (diocesan congregation: is granted by the ordinary of the diocese where the sister is staying). There-fore, if a sister of perpetual, vows, or of temporary vows during the term of these vows, wishes of her own accord to leave the congregation, an indult of secularization must be obtained from the Holy See (diocesan congregation: local ordinary). A secularized religious is no longer a member of her congregation. She must put off the religious habit, is freed of her vows, and is not bound by the other rules and the constitutions. If she is again received into the congregation, in virtue of an apostolic indult, she must make a new noviceship and profession, and her rank among the professed mem-bers is computed from the day of her new profession. 638; 640 § 4. Dismissal by Decree of a Professed of Temporary Vows 155. (Pontifical) A sister of temporary vows may dur-ing the term of her temporary profession be dismissed by the mother general with the consent of her council ex-pressed by secret ballot. 647, § 1 (Diocesan) A sister of temporary vows may during the term of her temporary profession be dismissed by the or-dinary of the place where the religious house to which she is assigned is situated. The ordinary may not use this right without the knowledge or contrary to the just op-position of the mother general. An application for dis-missal must be presented by the mother general with the consent of her council. 647, § I 156. The (diocesan .congregation: local ordinary land the) mother general and the members of her council are bound by a grave obligation in conscience to observe the following: a) The reasons for the dismissal must be serious. b) They may be .on the part of either the congregation c) d) or the sister. The absence of the religious spirit which is a cause of scandal to others is a sufficient motive for dismissal when at least two admonitions given in writing or in the presence of at least two witnesses, with a threat of dismissal joined with a salutary penance, have produced no effect. Ill health is not a sufficient motive unless it is proved with certainty that it was fraudulently concealed or dis-simulated before profession. Although the reasons must be known with certainty by the mother general and her council (diocesan congregation: local ordinary), it is not necessary that they be proved by a formal trial; but they .must al-ways be manifested to the sister, :and she must be given full liberty to answer the charges. Her answers must be faithfully submitted to the.mother general and her council (local ordinary). The sister has the right to appeal to the Holy See against the decree of dismissal and if she makes this appeal within ten days from the date on which she was informed of her dismissal, the decree has no juridical effect while the recourse is pending. 647, § 5. Dismissal by Decree oI a Pro[essed o[ Perpetual Vows 157. The dismissal of a sister of perpetu, al vows is re-served to the Holy See (diocesan congregation: local ordi-nary). 652, §§ 1, 3 158. For such a dismissal, serious external reasons are required, together with incorrigibility, after attempts at correction have been previously made without success, so that in the judgment of the mother general and her coun-cil there is no hope of amendment. The efforts at correc,- tion shall include not only the admonitions, as above, but. also a-change of employment, transfer to another house, and other suitable means if judged expedient for a reform of conduct. 651, § 1 159. The reasons for dismissal must always be mani-fested to the sister, and she must be given full liberty to answer the charges. Her replies must be faithfully re-ported in the acts. 651, § 2; 650, § 3 160. If by the consent of the council expressed in secret ballot .the sister has been found incorrigible and her dis-missal approved, the mother general shall transmit the whole matter with all the relevant acts and documents to the Sacred Congregation of Religious (diocesan congrega-tion: ordinary of the diocese where the religious house to which the sister is assigned is situated). 652, §§ 1, 3 (Added article in diocesan congregation) The sister has the right to appeal to the Holy See against the decree of dismissal; and if she makes this appeal within ten days ÷ ÷ ÷ Constitutions VOLUME 25, 1966 393 from the date on which she was informed of her dismissal, the decree of dismissal has no juridical effect while the recourse is pending. 647, § 2, 4° ]. F. Gallen,. S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 394 In institutes of brothers the preceding articles on the dismissal of a professed of perpetual vows will be replaced by the following. 1. A brother of perpetual vows may not be dismissed except after three serious external crimes against the common law or the constitutions, two admonitions, and the failure to amend. 649; 656 2. There must be at least three crimes of the same species or, if of. different specieg, of such a nature as to manifest, when viewed collectively, a will obstinate in evil, or one continued crime that, after 'repeated admoni-tions, becomes virtually three. 657 3. An admonition may not be given unless the crime is notorious or certain from the extrajudicial confession of the defendant or from other sufficient proofs obtained in a prelimiiaary investigation. 658, § 1 4. The admonition is to be given by the immediate higher superior personally or by another acting on the former's mandate. A superior is not to give this mandate unless he has obtained information of the facts according to the norm of the preceding article. A mandate given for the first admonition is valid also for the second. 659 5. There must be two admonitions, one for each of the first two crimes; but in the case of continuous or per-manent crimes, an interval of at least three whole days must elapse between the first and second admonition. 660 6. The superior shall add opportune exhortations and corrections to the admonitions, also imposing penances and other penal remedies that he judges apt to effect the amendment of the erring member and to repair the scan-dal. The superior is likewise obliged to remove the of-fender from the occasions of relapse and even to transfer him, if necessary, to another house where ~npervision would~be easier and occasions of relapse more remote. A threat of dismissal must be added to each admonition. 661 7. The brother is considered as not having amended if he commits a new crime or perseveres in the same continuous crime after the second admonition. At least six days must elapse after the last admonition before any ~further steps are taken. 662 8. The reasons for dismissal must always be manifested to the brother, and he must be given full liberty to answer the charges. His reply must be faithfully 'reported in the acts. 650, § 3 9. (Pontifical) The brother general and his council shrill study all aspects of th~ matter and consider whether the case is one of dismissal. If a majority of the votes favor dismissal, the brother general shall issue the decree of dismissal, which is not effective unless confirmed by the Apostolic See. 650, §§ 1-2, 2° I0. (Diocesan) The brother general and his council shall study all aspects of the matter and consider whether the case is one of dismissal. If a majority of the votes favor dismissal, the brother general shall forward the entire matter to the ordinary of the place where the re-ligious house of the defendant is located. The decision on the dismissal appertains to the prudent judgment of the ordinary. 650, §§ 1-2, 1 ° (Added article in diocesan congregation) The brother has the right to appeal to the Holy See against the decree of dismissal; and if he makes this appeal within ten days from the date on which he was informed of his dismissal, the decree of dismissal has no juridical effect while the recourse is pending. 647, § 2, 4°; 650, § 2, 1 ° § 6. Automatic Dismissal of a Professed of Perpetual or Temporary Vows 161. The following are automatically dismissed: a) Religious who have publicly apostatized from the Catholic faith. b) A religious woman who has run away with a man. c) Religious who attempt or contract marriage, even the so-called civil marriage. In these cases, it is sufficient that the mother general (provincial congregation: higher superior) with the ad-vice of her council make a written declaration of the fact, but she is to take care that the collected proofs of the fact are preserved in the files of the 'congregation. 646 § 7. Provisional Return of a Professed of Perpetual or Temporary Vows to Secular Life 162. In the case of grave external scandal or of very serious imminent injury to the community, any professed sister may be immediately sent back to secular life by the mother general (provincial congregation: higher superior) with the consent of her council or even, if there is danger in delay and time does not permit recourse to the mother general (higher superior), by the local superior with the consentof her council and that of the local ordinary. The sister must ifiamediately put off the religious habit. The local ordinary or the mother general (higher superior), if she is present, must without delay submit the matter to the judgment of the Holy See. 653 VOLUME 25, 1966 395 § 8. Effects oI Dismissal 163. A sister who has been canonically dismissed ac-cording to articles 155-61 'is by that very fact freed from all her religious vows. 648; 669, § 1 § 9. Charitable Subsidy 164. If. any professed sister who leaves or is dismissed was received without a dowry or with an insufficient dowry and cannot provide for herself out of her own re-sources, the congregation is obliged in charity to give her what is necessary to return safely and becomingly to her home, and to provide her, according to natural equity, for a certain period with the means of a respectable liveli-hood. This is to be determined by mutual consent or, in the case of disagreement, by the local ordinary of the former religious,as 643, § 2; 647, § 2, 5°; 652, § 3 (In a congregation that does not impose a dowry) If any professed sister who leaves or is dismissed cannot provide for herself out of her own resources, the congregation . PART II GOVERNMENT CHAPTER XX REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS SUPREME AUTHORITY 165. All the sisters are subject to the Roman pontiff as their highest superior, whom they are bound to obey also in virtue of their vow of obedience. 499, § 1; 218 166. (Pontifical)They are likewise, according to the norm of the ~acred canons, under the jurisdiction of the locaFordinaries. The sisters shall manifest the most pro-found respect for the ordinaries. 500, § 1; 618-20 (Diocesan) The local ordinaries exercise complete au-thority over the houses and sisters within their dioceses in accordance with the sacred canons. The sisters shall mani-fest the most profound respect for the ordinaries. 492, § 2 167. Supreme internal authority is exercised ordinarily by the mother gefieral assisted by her council and extraor-dinaril~ by the legitimately assembled general chapter. 501, § 1; 502 ~ A similar article is often found in the constitutions of brothers, for example: "Brothers who leave the institute shall be given the money necessary to enable them to return home, unless they have sufficient money from other sources." Constitutions frequently also contain 'an :article of the following type: "Superiors must observe justice, charity, and prudence in dismissing a sister. They shall do all in their power to safeguard the reputation of a sister who is leav-ing or is dismissed, and they shall act with such motherly kindness that the sister will depart well disposed toward the congregation." CHAPTER XXI GENERAL CHAPTER § 1. Convocation and Members 168. The general chapter must be convoked as often as general elections are necessary. The ordinary convocation takes place every sixth year at the expiration of the term of office of the mother general and on her death~, resigna-tion, or deposition. 162; 161; 178;'34, § 3, 5° 169. (Pontifical) To convoke the chapter for any reason other than those specified above, the permission of the Holy See is required in addition to the consent of the gen-eral council. (Diocesan) To convoke the chapter for any reason other than those specified above, the mother general must have the consent of her council. 170. The chapter must be convoked by the mother gen-eral six (three) months before the day fixed for its assem-bly. In the letter of convocation, the date and place of the chapter shall be designated, and the prayers to be said for the success of the chapter shall be prescribed. The place for the ~ssembly of the chapter shall be determined by the mother general with the consent of her council. 171. Before the convocation the mother general must inform the ordinary of the diocese in which the chapter will convene of the date of the election of the mother gen-eral, that he may preside either personally or by delegate at this election. 506, § 4 172. The meeting of the chapter may be anticipated or deferred for an important reason, but not more than three (six) months in either case. 161; 178 173. In the event of the death, resignation, or deposi-tion of the mother general, the chapter must be convoked by the mother vicar as soon as possible, so that the assem-bly of the chapter will not be postponed more than six (three) months after the vacancy of the office. 162; 161; 178 174. The members of the chapter are: a) The mother general b) The four general councilors c) The secretary general d) The treasurer general e) (The procurator general) t') Former mothers general g) The mothers provincial h) __ delegates elected by each province49 + Constitutions,~ ~OThe elected delegates from a province are almost universally VOLUME 25, 1966 two, most rarely three or four. See REVmW FOR RELIGIOUS, 24 (1965), 132-3. 397 J. F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 398 or g) The regional superiors5° h) The delegates elected by (the regions and) houses according to article(s) -- or g) The local superiors of houses in which at least twelve sisters habitually reside51 h) One delegate elected by the sisters of each of these larger houses52 i) Two delegates elected by each group of smaller houses or g) The ___ delegates elected from the houses~ The mother general, general councilors, secretary gen-eral, treasurer general, (and procurator general), continue as members of the assembled chapter even though at the elections other sisters have succeeded them in office. 164-8 175. The mother general with the consent of her coun-cil may summon other sisters to assist in the clerical and similar work of the chapter. She may in the same manner invite such sisters and externs to present and discuss questions with the chapter. None of these are permitted to vote, and all such sisters have the same obligation to secrecy as the capitulars. 165 176. The chapter elects the mother general, general councilors, secretary general, treasurer general, (and pro-curator general) and treats of the more important affairs that concern the entire congregation.~4 § 2. General Norms to Be Observed in Elections 177. The tellers elected for the general chapter must take an'oath to perform their duty faithfully and to keep secret the proceedings of the chapter even after the elec-tions are completed. All the capitulars are likewise bound to secrecy. The places of the tellers and secretary shall be near the president. 171, § 1 178. The tellers are to take care that the ballots are cast by each elector secretly, individually, and in order of prec- ~ Regional superiors may be made ex officio members of the gen-eral chapter. See REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, ibid., p. 132. ~ Twelve is the common norm for a larger house; twenty-three the highest usually in the present practice of the Holy See for the group-ing of smaller houses, but many other limits have been approved. See REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, ibid., p. 135. ~ Added delegates have been admitted for larger houses. See RE-VIEW fOR RELIGIOUS, ibid., pp. 135-6. ¯ s This illustrates the usual way of expressing a group system in this article. ra The procurator general in pontifical institutes of men is ordi-narily elected in the general chapter and is an ex officio member of this chapter. The Holy See in its present practice demands that both the secretary general and treasurer general be given ex officio mem-bership in the general chapter and that the treasurer general be elected by the general chapter. Election is also preferred in the case of the secretary general, but it is permitted that the secretary be ap-pointed by the mother general with the consent of her council. edence. The secretary draws up accurately the proceedings o[ the chapter, which shall be signed by the president, the tellers, and the secretary herself. These are to be preserved in the archives of the congregation. 171, §§ 2, 5 179. Two-thirds ol~ the capitulars must be present for the validity of the acts of the general (and provincial) chapter, but all must be convoked. 162-3 180. Even though a sister may have the right to vote in her own name under several titles, she may nevertheless cast but one vote. 164 181. The capitulars must be present in person at the election. No one may validly vote by letter or proxy. If a capitular in the house where the election is being held cannot be present at the election because of illness, her written vote shall be collected by the tellers in a sealed envelo.pe. 163; 168 182. If a capitular believes that she cannot attend the general (or provincial) chapter on account of sickness or for some other serious reason, she is to inform the mother general (or mother provincial), who shall decide with the consent of her council whether the capitular should be excused and her substitute snmmoned. 183. All the sisters, whether capitulars or not, are for-bidden to procure votes directly or indirectly for them-selves or others. Prudent consultations regarding the qual-ities of those eligibl~ is permitted within the bounds of justice and charity. 507, § 2 184. Each of the electors shall write on her ballc~t the name of the sister for whom she votes, fold the ballot, and drop it in the ballot box placed before the president. 185. When all the ballots have been cast, the tellers shall first count the folded ballots in the presence of the president and the electors to ascertain whether the num-ber of ballots corresponds to the number of electors. If the number of ballots exceeds the number of electors, the bal-loting is null and void. Otherwise they shall proceed to the inspection of the ballots. 171, §§ 2-3 186. The ballots are then opened and examined. They are read first by the junior teller, then by the president, and lastly by the senior teller who in an audible voice shall make known the name on each ballot. The votes must be recorded by the secretary. At the end of each bal-loting, the president must announce the names of all the sisters voted for and the number of votes given to each. 171, §§ 2, 5 187. No sister may validly vote for herself. A vote is also null and void: a) If given by one who is incapable of a human act or has by law been deprived of active voice; b) If it is not given freely. Consequently a vote is in-valid if an elector is forced directly or indirectly by Constitutions VOLUME 25, ~.966 ]. F. G~llen, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 400 ~' grave fear or fraud to elect a specified sister or one or the other among several specified sistei's; c) If it is not secret, certain, absolute, and determined; d) If it is blank or foran ineligible person. 167; 169-70 188. Eveh if one or more votes are null and void, the election' is valid provided the one elected received the number of valid votes required by ~he constitutions. 167, 189. Unless otherwise prescribed for a particular elec-tion, all elections shall be decided by an absolute majority of secret votes, that is, a number which exceeds half the number of valid votes cast; but if after two ballotings no one has received an absolute majority, a third and last balloting shall be held, in which a relative majority de-cides. In an equality of votes among several candidates in this third balloting, the~ senior by first profession is elected; if the sisters made their first profession on the same day, the seni0r.by age is elect6d. This same norm shall re-solve an equality of Votes on the only, limiting, or decisive balloting of any election. 17~; 101, § 1, 1° 190. After the required number of votes has been ob-tained, the president shall declare the election legiti-nlately made and announce the name of the sister elected. This proclamation of the newly elected mother general tei:minates the duties of the presiding local ordinary. 174 ¯ 191. All sisters are obliged to accept any office to which they have been elected.55 175-6 192. 'The ballots must be burned by the tellers after each session. 171, § 4 193. If a sister elected as mother general or general offi-ci~ d is not present at the chapter, she is to be summoned immediately; but the sessions of the chapter are suspended only in the former case. 194. The office of the mother general and of the elected general officials always terminates at the election of their successors. § 3. Election o[ Delegates~ 195. From the date of. the letter of convocation until the completion 'of the election of delegates, no vocal shall be transferred from one house to another. Neither shall local superiors be changed. If their term of office expires after the date of convocation, it is extended without fur-. ther formal' confirmation until after the general (provin-cial) chapter. 196. All professed sisters, including those of temporary vows, have active voice in the election of delegates. Only r= Many but not all constitutions approved by the Holy See con-tain this article. ~To th~ general chapter or, if there are provinces, to the pro-vindal chapter. sisters of perpetual vows have both active and passive voice. 578, 3° 197. The election of delegates shall be made according to the norm of article 189'and shall take place on the day specified in the letter of convocation, in local chapter, in the houses where at least twelve professed sisters habit-ually reside. Every such house shall elect one delegate.57 198. After the election of the delegate, they shall also, by separate balloting and according to the same norm, elect two sisters as substitutes, who in the order of their election' shall replace either the local superior or the elected delegate, if for any reason these should be pre-vented from attending the general (provincial) chapter. 199. The local superior presides at the elections and is assisted by the two junior sisters of perpetual vows as tellers. The younger of these shall also act as secretary. The duties of these sisters are the same as those of the tellers and secretary of the general chapter. 200. When the elections are completed, the secretary shall write two reports of the proceedings, which must be signed by the presiding local superior and the two tellers. One copy is to be sent immediately to the mother general (provincial); the other is to be preserved in the files of the house. 201. The smaller houses, in which fewer than twelve professedsisters habitually reside, shall be formed into groups by the mother general (provincial) with the con-sent of her council, so that each group shall comprise at least twelve and not more than twenty-three professed sis-ters. 5s 202. In each of these houses, on the day determined in the letter of convocation, the voters shall assemble under the direction of their local superior and shall elect by se-cret ballot two delegates belonging to their group, one of whom must be a local superior, the other a sister who is not a local superior. 203. The local superior shall collect all the ballots with-out inspecting them and enclose them with her own vote in an envelope, which she shall seal in the presence of the electors. She shall inscribe upon this inner envelope: "The election of the delegates of group N., house N.," and for-ward it immediately to the mother general (provincial). 204. The mother general (provincial) with her council shall open these envelopes and count the votes. The secre-tary general (provincial) shall record the votes. The sisters who received a relative majority are elected. The substi-tute of the superior will be that superior who received the highest number of votes after the superior elected; the See footnote 52, ~SSee footnote 51. Constitutions VOLUME 25, 1966 substitute of the other delegate will be the sister, not a superior, who received the greatest number of votes after this delegate. The mother general (provincial) shall im-mediately inform the congregation (province) of the re-sults. 174; 101, §1, 1° 205. (Provincial congregation) Houses immediately sub-ject to the mother general elect two delegates, superiors or subjects, to the general chapter. The voting is carried out and the votes forwarded to the mother general accord-ing to the norms of articles 202-4. The substitutes are the sisters who in order received the next highest number of votes.~9 ]. F. Gailen, $~J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 402 Group and List System of Articles 1. From the date of the letter of convocation, local su-periors shall not be changed. If their term of office expires after this date, it is extended without further formal con-firmation until after the general (provincial) chapter. 2. The mother general (prov.incial) with the consent of her council shall divide the sisters of perpetual vows into seven equal groups according to precedence so that each group will have the same gradation of older and younger sisters, superiors as well as subjects. Sisters who are mem-bers of the general (provincial) chapter in virtue of any .office are not eligible as delegates. 3. In each house on the day determined in the letter of convocation, the sisters shall assemble under the direc-tion of their local superior. Each shall elect by secret ballot from prepared lists three delegates belonging to their group (of each group), one of whom must be a local superior, the others, sisters who are not local superiors. (Other forms are, for example: a) From a prepared list containing the names of all local superiors then in of-rice, each sister shall vote for ten delegates. On a second ballot, each sister shall vote for twenty delegates who are neither local superiors nor members of the general (provincial) chapter in virtue of any office. b) Each sister shall vote for thirty de!egates, whether local superiors or subjects, and in any proportion.6°) 4. The local superior shall collect all the ballots with-out inspecting them and enclose them with her own bal-lot in an envelope, which she shall seal in the presence of the electors. She shall write on this inner envelope, "Elec-tion of delegates, house N.," and forward it immediately to the mother general (provincial). U This article is found only in some provincial institutes. The number of delegates from such houses varies~ See R~wEw FOR RE-LIGIOUS, 24 (1965), 133. ® These articles sufficiently illustrate the group and list systems. For others, see REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, ibid., pp. 131-42. 5. As soon as possible after all [he envelopes have been received, the mother general (provincial) with her council shall open the envelopes and count the votes. The secre-tary general (provincial) shall record the votes. The elec-tions are decided by a relative majority. The substitutes are the local superiors and sisters of each group who in or-der received the next highest number of votes. § 4. Provincial Chapter6t 1. Convocation and Members 206. The provincial chapter is to be convened as often as a general chapter is to be held and at least three months before the date of the assembly of the latter. This chap-ter is presided over by the 'mother provincial, and its prin-cipal purpose is to elect the delegates tO the general chap-ter. The mother provincial shall convoke the provincial chapter at least two months before its assembly. 162 207. The members of the chapter are: a) The mother provincial b) The four (two) provincial councilors c) The provincial secretary d) The provincial treasurer e) (. The delegates from the houses as stated in n. 174, g), h), i))~ 164-8. 2. Sessions 208. The chapter shall immediately elect from among the capitulars, by a relative majority of votes and on the one secret ballot, the two tellers and the secretary of the chapter. The tellers for this election shall be the two junior capitulars by first profession, and the secretary shall be the provincial secretary. 171, §§ 1, 5 209. The chapter shall then elect by separate and se-cret ballotings and according to the norm of article 189 two (three, four) delegates and two (three, four) ~ubsti-tutes to the general chapter. These must be sisters of per-petual vows. 210. After these elections, the chapter shall deliberate on matters that concern the spiritual and temporal wel-fare of the province. The same procedure shall be fol-lowed in deliberations as in the general chapter.63 m This section is obviously found only in the constitutions of in-stitutes divided into provinces. It is frequently placed in the chapters on provinces. o~ This article is ordinarily followed by articles 195 ft. on the elec-tion of delegates to the provincial chapter. : ~This power is contained only in relatively few constitutions. A great.er number grant the power stated in a. 212 to deliberate on pro-posals to the general chapter. + + + Constitutions VOLUME 25, 1966 4O3 ~. F. ~ Gallen, S.l.~ REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 211. Enactments of the provincial, chapter have no force until they are approved by the mother general with the consent of her council. They are ,then promulgated to the province by the mother provincial. 212. The chapter shall finally deliberate on the pro-posals to be made to the general chapter by the province. 213. The secretary shall draw up the complete pro-ceedings of the chapter according to the norm of article 178. One copy is to be' sent immediately to the mother general and a second copy is to be preserved in the ar-chives of the province. The mother provincial shall imme-diately publish the elections to the province. § 5. Preliminary Sessions 214. The chapter immediately elects from among the capitulars, by a relative majority of votes and on the one secret ballot, the two tellers and the secretary of the chap-ter. The tellers for this preliminary election shall be the two capitulars youngest by first profession, and the secre-tary general shall be the secretary.64 171, §§ 1, 5 215. The chapter shall then elect by a relative majority of secret votes and by one secret ballot a committee of three capitulars who had no part in preparing or approv-ing the reports of the mother general. This committee is to examine the reports thoroughly and give its observa-tions to the chapter before the election of the mother gen-eral. 216. The mother general presents to the chapter two distinct and complete reports: one of the persons, discip-line, and works; the other on the material and financial condition of the congregation since':the last chapter. Both reports must have beenlapproved and signed by the gen-eral councilors before the opening of the chapter. The fi-nancial report must have been prepared and also signed by th~ treasurer general. Copies of the report should be distributed to the capitulars before the opening session.6~ § 6. Election o[ the Mother General 217. The day before the election of the mother general shall be spent in retreat by the captiulars, and permission shall be requested for exposition of the Blessed Sacra-ment. 66 1274, § 1 218. On the day of the election of the mother general, Mass shall be offered in the house where the chapter is held to invoke the b!essing of God on the work of the o, See REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 23 (1964), 139-40, on the various ways of electing the 'tellers and secretary. en Many institutes in fact.distribute copies but do not mention this in their constitutions. eOThis article is found in a few constitutions. The length of the retreat varies, for example, one, at least one, three days. chapter. All the capitulars are urged, to receive Holy Com-munion for the same intention. I1 the rubrics permit, the Mass shall be the votive Mass of the Holy Spirit. 595, § 4 219. To be elected validly to the ot~ice of mother gen-eral, a sister must have been professed for at least ten years in the congregation computed from her first profes-sion; be of legitimate birth; and have completed her fortieth year. 504 220. The mother general is elected for six years. She may be elected for a second but not for a third consecu-tive term. 505; 34; § 3, 5*. (Institutes of brothers) Before the election of the brother general, each and every capitular shall promise by oath to elect the one who, before God, he judges should be chosen. 506, § 1 221. The mother general is elected by an absolute ma-jority of secret votes. If three ballotings fail to produce this majority, a fourth and last balloting shall be held. In this balloting the electors shall vote for one of the two sisters who had the highest number of votes in the third balloting, but these two sisters themselves shall not vote. If more than two would be eligible by reason of an equal-ity of votes in the third balloting, the norm of article 189 shall limit the candidates to two. Of these two, the sister who receives the greater number of votes in this fourth balloting is elected. 174; 101, § 1, 1° (Diocesan congregation of women) The local ordinary has full power to confirm or rescind the election of the mother general according to his conscience. 506, § 4; 177, 222. The president shall proclaim the newly elected mother general. This act terminates the duties of the pre-siding local ordinary. 174 § 7. Election of the General Officials 223. After the election of the mother general and after she has taken the oath according to article 177, the chap-ter under her presidency shall elect the four general coun-cilors, the secretary general, and the treasurer general (and the procurator general). The elections are made by sep-arate ballotings and according to the norm of article 189. The first councilor elected shall also be the mother as-sistant: and mother vicar,e7 516, §§ 1-3; 506, § 4; 171, § 1 224, To be elected a general councilor or official a sis-ter must have completed her thirty-fifth year and have made perpetual profession. Any one of the councilors ex- ¯ r One or two institutes require a distinct election for the designa-tion of the mother assistant from among the elected councilors. A very small number of institutes elect an admonitrix of the mother general, who is at least ordinarily one of the councilors. ÷ ÷ ÷ Constitutions VOLUME 25, 1966 405 cept the first may be elected as secretary general or treas-urer general. These two officials should possess the special-ized competence required for their offices. The mother general may appoint one or more assistant secretaries and treasurers.0s (Appointment articles) The secretary general and the treasurer general are not elected by the chapter but ap-pointed (for a term of three years) by the' mother general with the consent of her council. Both may be general councilors but neither may be the first councilor. They must possess the specialized competence required for their office. Both must reside in the motherhouse. The mother general may appoint one or more assistant secretaries and treasurers. The secretary general is not elected by the chapter but appointed (for a term of three years) by the mother gen-eral with the consent of her council. She may be a general councilor but not the first. She must possess the specialized competence required by her office. She must reside in the motherhouse. The mother general may appoint one or more assistant secretaries and treasurers.60 § 8. Chapter of Affairs 225. After the elections, the chapter shall treat of the more important affairs that concern the entire congrega-tion. The ordinances of the chapter may not be contrary to canon law or the constitutions. 226. All matters are decided by an absolute majority of secret votes. If the votes are equal, the mother general has the right of deciding the matter after the third balloting. 101, § l, 1o (or) All matters are decided by an absolute majority. If the votes are equal, the mother general has the right of deciding the matter after the third balloting. The voting is public. Any capitular has the right of requesting a se-cret vote on a particular matter. Such a request shall be put to the public vote of the chapter. If a majority favor the request, the voting on the particular matter shall be secret. 101, § 1, 1° 227. (The provincial chapters~ and) All sisters of per-petual vows may submit written proposals to the general chapter either directly or through a capitular. These must be forwarded to "the mother general at least a month be-fore the opening of the chapter. The capitulars retain the right of making.proposals thereafter and during the ses- 1. F. Gallen, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 406 ~ Some constitutions impose limitations on the reelection of gen-eral officials. See REVIEW fOR RELIGaOUS, 23 (1964), 229--31. Some for-bid two relatives in the first or second degree to be members of the general council at the same time. ~ See also footnote 54. sions up to a definite time determined by the chapter, after which no proposals may be submitted.TM 228. At a suitable time before the general chapter ~le-termined by the mother general, one or several commit-tees of three or more capitulars, appointed by the mother general with the consent of her council, shall examine and arrange the pi'oposals and prepare a report on them for the chapter. 229. The chapter is not obliged to deliberate on every matter proposed. It may simply exclude anything that ap-pears useless or inopportune, or it may remit a matter to the study and decision ol~ the mother general and her council after the close of the chapter. 230. The principal affairs are: a) Suitable means of restoring or perfecting religious discipline. b) Proposals submitted to the chapter. c) Determination of the contribution that each house must make to the general treasury. (or) Determination of the contribution that each house must make to the provincial treasury, and each province to the general treasury. d) Extraordinary expenditures which the mother gen-eral (provincial, regional), and local superiors may authorize or make alone, those that demand the ad-vice or consent o[ their councils, and those for which local superiors must recur to the (provincial, regional superiors and either o~ these to the) mother general. e) Norms to be observed in addition to the prescrip-tions o~ the sacred canons in alienations, purchases, the assuming of obligations, and other matters of a financial nature. f) Determination of the dowry. g) Confirmation, modification, or abrogation ~of ordi-nances of previous general chapters. h) (In provincial congregations) Establishment of new provinces or the suppression o~ existing ones; the uniting of provinces or the modification of their boundaries. i) Determination o~ more important.matters [or which the advice or consent ~ff the general (provincial, re-gional,) or local councils is necessary. 231. The enactments of the chapter remain in force permanently unless amended or abrogated by subsequent chapters. (or) The enactments of the chapter remain in force 7o Very many constitutions are indefinite on the right of submit-ting proposals. + + + Constitutions VOLUME 25t 1966 407 J. F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS until the next chapter, in which they may be confirmed, modified, or abrogated. ~232, ~The chapter may not be protracted beyond a reasonable length, of time. The mother general shall pub-lish the elections, ordinances, and other acts which the capitulars have determined should be published.71 CHAPTER XXlI MOTHER GENERAL 233. (Pontifical) The mother general governs and a~l-ministers the entire congregation according to the sacred canons and these constitutions. Her residence shall be at the motherhouse and may not be permanently transferred without the consent of the general council and the ~oer-mission o[ the Holy See. 501, § 1,502 (Diocesan) The mother general governs and adminis-ters the entire congregation according to the sacred can-otis and these constituti6ns. Her residence shall be at the motherhouse and may not be permanently transferred without the consent of the general council and the per-mission of the ordinary of the prdsent and proposed places of residence. 501, § l; 502 234. The office of mother general is incompatible with thato[ local superior, even in the motherhouse, or with that of any other official. 516, § 3 235. The mother general has authority over all the (provinces, regions,)houses and members. With the de-liberative vote of her council, she may place certain houses and works under her immediate authority and may also transfer these to a province. 501, § l; 502 236. A serious reason and the deliberative vote of her council are iequired for the mother general (a higher or regional superior) to transfer or remo~ce a superior or of-ficial before the expiration of a prescribed term of office. Unless otherwise specified, offiCials may be reappointed indefinitely. With the consent of her council, the mother general may prolong the term of office 6f (provincial, re-gional, and) local superiors when this is necessary, but only for a short time. 560 237. The mother general has the right to transfer the n Other articles found frequently in this chapter arc on prayers to be said on a prescribed number of days in all houses before the election of the mother general, verification of credentials, ~ prayers for. opening and closing the sessions, distribution of lists of those eligible for the office of mother general and general official, resigna-tion of mother general before the election to this office, symbolic presentation of seal of congregation and/or keys of house to local ordinary by the retiring mother general, priests accompanying the local ordinary may take no part in the election, formula of proclama-tion of the mother general, closing ceremony of her election, and in-forming the local ordinaries of the dioceses in which the congrega-tion has houses of the election of the mother general. sisters from one house to another and to assign their du-ties. 501, § 1; 502 (Provincial congregation)Only the mother gener.al with the advice of her council and ordinarily after con-sulting the interested provincials may transfer a sister from one province to another.501, § 1; 502 238. She shall prudently super~,ise the administration of the temporal goods of the congregation and of each (province, region, and) house in accordance with the pre-scriptions of canon law and of these constitutions. 516,.§ 2 239. Every five years, in the year determin.ed by the Sacred Congregation of Religious, the mother general shall send to the Holy See (diocesan: through the ordinary of her residence) a report of the persons, discipline, and the material and financial condition of the congregation. This report must be compiled according to the instruc-tions of the Sacred Congregation and is to be signed by the mother general, her councilors, (pontifical) and the ordinary of the residence of the mother general. 510 240. The mother general may not appoint a vicar and delegate powers to her, nor may she grant a sister active or passive voice or deprive her of it. 241. If it should ever seem necessary to remove, the mother general from office, the general council must sub-mit the matter to the Sacred Congregation of Religious (diocesan: the ordinary of the residence of the mother gen-eral). If the mother general thinks it her duty tg~ r, esign her office, she shall in writing make known her reasons to the same Congregation (diocesan: same ordinary). 183- 9272 CHAPTER XXIII CANONICAL VISITATION 242. The mother general shall make the visitation of the entire congregation at least every three years (at least once during her term of office). She shall see that the houses immediately subject to her are visited every year. The mother provincial shall make the visitation of all the houses of her province once a year, and the same fre- 7~ Other articles found frequently in this chapter are on the man-her of government of the mother general; manner of dealing with subjects; that she is to have an especial care for the spiritual welfare and progress of all (provinces) houses, and individuals; to exercise vigilance for the careful observance of the vows, constitutions, cus-toms, and distinctive virtues of the congregation; especially supervise the formation of the postulants, novices, and junior professed; is to endeavor to learn the aptitudes of the sisters; that she is to keep in close contact with her councilors, and (provincial, regional, and) local superiors; that she is to guard against the influence of personal af-fection and aversion; her duty of example; of correction of others; and the duty of all to pray for the mother general. + + 4- Constitutions ~ ~., VOLUME 25, 1966 ~ 409 J. F. Gallen, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 410 quency of visitation of ~a region shall be observed by the regional superior. . Both may omit this visitation in the year of the visita-tion by the mother general. Should the higher or regional s~perior be lawfully prevented from making the visita-tion, another sister is to be delegated for this purpose.73 511 243. The mother general may designate a visitor for an individual (province or) house or for a particular matter; (the mother provincial and regional superior may do the same for an individual house or a particular matter;) but to appoint a visitor for the entire congregation (in the case of a provincial or regional superior, for the entire province or region), the consent Of the pertinent council must be obtained. The visitor must be a sister of perpetual vows. 511 244. The purpose of the visitation is to strengthen union and charity, to inquire into the government and administration of the (province, region, and) house as also into the observance of the constitutions and customs, to correct prevalent abuses, and to give occasion to each sis-ter to speak freely on matters that concern her personal welfare or the general good. The (provincial, regional, and) local superiors retain the usual exercise of their of-rice during the visitation. 245. The visitor has the right and duty to question the sisters and to obtain information on matters that pertain to the Visitation. All the sisters are obliged to reply truth-fully to the visitor. Superiors have no right to divert them in any manner whatever from this obligation or otherwise hinder the purpose of the visitation. 513 246. Superiors as well as subjects who personally or through others, directly or indirectly, have induced sisters not to reply to the questions of the visitor, or to dissimu-late in any way, or not sincerely to expose~ the truth, or who under any pretext whatever have molested others be-cause of answers given to the visitor, shall be declared in-capable of holding any office that involves the government of other religious, and if they are superiors the9 shall be deprived of their office. 2413, §

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Ned
Lebow on Drivers of War, Cultural Theory, and IR of Foxes and Hedgehogs









Drawing
on classical political theories, International Relations is dominated by
theories that presuppose interests or fear as dominant drivers for foreign
policy. Richard Ned Lebow looks further back into the history of ideas to conjure up a
more varied set of drives that underpin political action. In this Talk, Lebow, among others, elaborates on
the underpinnings of political action, discusses how war drives innovations in
IR theorizing in the 20th century, and likens himself to a fox,
rather than a hedgehog.





Print version of this Talk (pdf)








What
is, according to you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current IR?
What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?







Well, the big challenge in international politics is always
how do we keep from destroying one another and that's the negative question.
But it is mirrored by a positive question which is, how do we build community
and tolerance and peace? And that's not exactly the flip side, but that's
always been the big question in IR. And part of that, I think, is how we learn
to manage threatening change. Because in my perspective, that's the driving
force of conflict: ultimately, both World Wars can be attributed to
modernization and its destabilizing consequences. That is also the reason why
it is a falsehood to base theory on that little select slice of history during
the World Wars, extrapolate it, and try to think its universal. Yet that is
what IR theory does: so many theorists, and so many of the people you recently
interviewed, are guilty of doing that. So that's the big question and
certainly, that's what drove me to study IR in the hope that I could make some
small contribution to figuring out some of the answers or partial answers to
these questions.







If we turn to what the central debate should be in
International Theory, well, I would frame this in two parts: the first should
be 'what are the different ways in which we can conceive of international
theory and how, by all of us pursuing it the way we feel comfortable with, we
can enrich the field without throwing bric-a-brac at each other and find ways
of learning from each other?'







A few years ago, I edited a book with Mark Lichbach (Theory and Evidence in Comparative Politics
and International Relations) as a rejoinder to King, Keohane and Verba's
book, which we found deeply offensive. It has the narrowest framework and then
they base their understanding on the Vienna school yet they seem to have forgotten
that Hempel and Popper would disavow the positions that King, Keohane and Verba
(KKV) are anchoring themselves in as epistemologically primitive. And the very
examples they give to illustrate 'good science'—Alvarez and his groupaddressing the problem of dinosaur extinction—they fail to see that what
these people did was in fact code on the dependent variable, which is the big
no-no for KKV! And the reason why Alvarez et al were taken seriously, was not because they went through the order
of research that KKV promoted, but rather because they came up with an
explanation for a phenomenon that people have long known about—yet explanations
don't figure at all in KKV's take; they had no interest in mechanisms, it was
all narrow correlations. It's absurd! So we edited the book, and we invited
people who represented different perspectives, but all of whom had evidence and
struggled to make sense of the evidence, to talk to one another and to look at
the problems they themselves find in their positions and how one could learn
broadly from considering this. That's the kind of debate that seems to me is a
useful one. Not who is right or wrong, but how can we learn collectively. And
secondly, I think maybe we need fewer debates, and more good research.











How did you arrive
at where you currently are in your thinking about IR?







I suppose it's a combination of people, books, and events, and
being a dog that constantly gnaws on bones and works it through. Very clearly the
Second World War and the Cold War were what brought me to the study of IR. I'm sure
in their absence, considering the counterfactual, I would have gone into Astrophysics,
which was the other field that really interested me.







I think the first concrete influence was as an undergraduate
and then as a graduate, being struck by certain individuals whose minds seemed
to sparkle; and I admired them for that and they became role models. And I
would make myself, intellectually, a little Hans Morgenthau, a little Karl
Deutsch; see the world through their eyes, and play with it. I never really wanted
to make myself into them, but rather to benefit by seeing what the world was
like when seen through their eyes. So in this sense, let me go back and draw on
Boswell, Hughes, and Mill for my answer. They all conceived of identity as
something that's a process of self-fashioning in which we mix and match the
characteristics that we observe in other people. And the purpose of society is
to throw up these role models and provide interaction with them so that we can
constantly be engaging in self-fashioning. And ultimately, we create something
that's novel that other people want to emulate or reject, as the case may be.
And I think that mixing and matching, and ultimately creating a synthesis of my
own, I developed my own approach to things.







The second element of this is to pick problems that engage
me, and stick with them. My first book in IR was about international crises and
I worked on this, it must have been 8, possibly even 9 years. I started out initially
convinced that deterrence theory made sense but wouldn't fit the historical evidence. Then one day, while
playing around, I realized the theory was wrong and by reversing it, I could
understand why it didn't work and see there were very different dynamics at
play. So working on a problem constantly and going back and forth between
theory and empirical findings, you gradually develop your own sense of the
field.







It also helps, over the course of an intellectual lifetime, to
work on different kinds of problems: I've just finished a book on the politics
and ethics of identity; I finished a manuscript up for review on the nature of
causation and different takes on cause; and the previous two books were on
counterfactuals and the origins of war. And I learned something theoretically
and methodologically by throwing myself into these problems and also, in some
cases, by going beyond what one would normally consider the domain of IR to look
for answers. I've often done philosophy and literature in the identity book. I
also go to musical texts: I have a reading of the Mozart Da Ponte Operas as a deliberate
thought experiment to test out ancient regime
and enlightenment identities under varying circumstances to expose what's wrong
with them and to work toward a better approach of Così fantutte. And I
read the music, not only the libretti,
to get at an answer. Of course, when you've been doing it a long time, it keeps
you alive and alert when you look at something new. I'm just finishing my 46th
year of University teaching. It's a long time!







Thirdly, there were a few pivotal books. I read George
Orwell's 1984 and Aldous Huxley's Brave New World in the early 50s. Both
of those were very powerful books. I also read in about 1950 - Life Magazine
produced a large volume on WWII and it had fabulous photographs and of course
Life was famous, Robert Capa's photographs, and
the text by John Dos Passos. A big big book that I read and re-read and that
was a powerful influence on me. I'd say the Diary of Anne Frank, when it came
out, which was not all that dissimilar but had a different ending from my own
war experience, and then in high school I read, or struggled to read—I don't
think I understood it—Ideology and Utopia
(full text here) by Karl
Mannheim, and then I read Politics among
Nations and the Twenty Year's Crisis.
And both those books made enormous sense to me at the time. But I think the
book that over the course of my lifetime has had the most influence on me of
anything is Thucydides' The History of
the Peloponnesian War (read full text here).











What would a
student need to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a global
way?







I am tempted to give you a flippant answer that an expert is
somebody from out of town; what used to be with slides would now be with a PowerPoint
presentation. I think frankly you need to do two things: you need to be
analytically sophisticated and original on the one hand, but to do it well, you
have to have an empirical base. There has to be some problem or set of problems
that you've rolled up your sleeves, looked at the data, talk to the people who
are on the ground doing these things, and you need to go back and forth between
that empirical knowledge and conceptual one. That's success as a social scientist. 







And traditionally, there's
always been another key. You must have one foot in society in which you belong
and another foot outside so you can do it as an outsider as well as an insider.
That's terribly important. I think, in this sense, that Americans are more
parochial than other people. They are good insiders but they are not very good
outsiders and they just don't understand the rest of the world and when you
read what they write about the rest of the world, you wonder what planet they
are living on. If you don't see the rest of the world, you can't look at the
America from another perspective. It's like people who take hegemony seriously;
it's like believing in Santa Claus, except Santa Claus is benign. To gain a
deep experience of the world in itself is a pre-requisite. Do a year abroad in
some other culture. Learn a language. Have a relationship with someone from a
different culture—you begin to learn the languages and all the rest will come.
That's the way to start.











You are
most famous to most people for your Cultural
Theory of International Relations (2008). What does it comprise and can you
say something about its classical roots?







I return to classical theory of conflict and cooperation
because I find that in modern theory, all drives of human action have been
reduced to appetite, and reason to mere instrumentality. The Greeks, by
contrast, believed there were several fundamental drives—drives that affected
politics—and while these included appetite, they weren't just appetite. Reason was more than instrumentality; it also had
the goal of understanding what led to a happy life; then, next to reason and
appetite, the third drive was spirit or self-esteem (the Greek thumos), which is very different and
often opposed to appetite. It is about winning the approbation of others to
feel good about ourselves. The difference between honor and standing—two
variants of self-esteem—is that honor is status achieved within a fixed set of
rules, while standing is whenever you achieve status by whatever means.







Now most existing IR theories are either only built on
appetites—as liberalism and Marxism—or fear. And for the Greeks fear is not a
human drive but a powerful emotion which can become a motive. And when reason
loses control over either appetite or spirit, people begin to worry about their
own ability to satisfy their appetites, their spirit, or even protect
themselves physically. That's when fear becomes a powerful motive. Realism is
of course the paradigm developed around fear. I differ in that my theory
recognizes multiple motives, that are active to varying degrees at different
times. They don't blend the way a solution does in chemistry, but they retain
their own characteristics, even if jumbled together. So my theory expects to
see quite diverse and often conflicting behavior, whereas other theories only
pay attention to state behavior that seems to support their theory, and feel
the need to explain away other behavior inconsistent with their theory. I revel
in these variations. Second, I vary in describing what derives from these
motives as (Weberian) ideal types—which means, something you don't encounter in
the real world, but rather, an abstraction, a fictional or analytical
description, that helps to make sense of the real world but never maps onto it
exactly. So, a fear-based world gives you a very nice description of a
foundation of anarchy. But of course this is an ideal-type world. Fear is only
one motive. You have go to a place where civil order has broken down, like
Somalia or the trenches in WWII, to see fear-based models compete.







Starting from these three motives and the emotion of fear, I
argue that each of these generates a very different logic of cooperation,
conflict and risk-taking; and each is associated with a different kind of
hierarchy. And all of them except fear rely on a different principle of
justice. Just to give an example: for actors—whether individuals or
states—driven by self-esteem, they tend to be risk prone (because honor has to
be won by successfully overcoming ordeals and challenges); it leads to a
conflictual logic because you are competing with others for honor; and it can
be rule-based (although the rules can brake down and move into fear); and the
principle is one of fairness, in contrast to interest or appetite which has a
principle of equality. The hierarchy is one of clientelism, where people honor
those at the top, which, in return, provides practical benefits for those on
the bottom. The Greeks called this hegemonia;
the Chinese had a similar system.







But because any actual system is not an ideal type, we have
to figure out what that mixture is and we can begin to understand foreign
policies. And I try to give numerous examples in the book. And the big turning
point, I argue, is modernity, where it becomes more difficult to untangle the
motives and their discourses. Because in modernity both Rousseau and Adam Smith
try to understand why we want material things, so the two become connected. You
could argue that even in Egyptian times they were connected, in the pyramids,
which are nothing if not erections of self-esteem. But it becomes more
difficult and so, rather than saying, using literary texts, artistic works and
political speeches as a way of determining the relationship, I approached the
problem differently with the examples of the World Wars, the Cold War, and the
Anglo-American Invasion of Iraq. I said let's run a test of seeing how
carefully we can explain the origins and the dynamics of these conflicts on the
basis of interest, on the basis of fear, on the basis of self-esteem. And I
think that's methodologically defensible.



Now the interesting point is that the honor or self-esteem
explanation is gone completely from modern IR explanations but does at least
just a good a job—if not better—at explaining these conflicts I mention above. There is an important sense—and this is my latest book—in which going to war was the dominant way to get recognized as a great power, and I feel that the example of the war in Iraq illustrates that that principle is on the retreat.







I obviously use Greek thinking as a source here of—again, I
wouldn't use the word knowledge—but as a source of insight into human nature
and the recurring problems regardless of society. Some of the great writers and
thinkers cannot be surpassed as sources of knowledge that we as social
scientists are shadows on the cave by comparison. And I find the Greeks
particularly interesting for several reasons. One, they had a richer
understanding of the psyche that moderns who have adduced everything to appetite
and reason to a mere instrumentality, this is, to me, an incredibly narrow,
crude way of thinking of the human mind. And, for whatever reason, they were
gifted with tragedians who pierced to the core of things. So I find them as a
source of inspiration but it's by no way limited to the Greeks. You can pick
great authors from any culture, in any century, and read them and learn a lot.











How
should we understand your cultural theory of international relations in
relation to the 'big' paradigms?







My theory is constructivist, at every level. I can go even further and claim that my theory is
the only constructivist theory.
Alexander Wendt is not a constructivist. If anything, he's a structural
liberal. It did have preexisting identities and has a teleology as he believes
a Kantian world is inevitable— that's quite a statement to make! And I hope
he's right. On the other hand, I define constructivists in a broader way. Most
constructivists start with identities and identities are certainly an important
feature of my work, but my theory rests on a different premise, and that is the
notion of there being certain core values which are germane to politics, and
they vary in relative importance from society to society, and they find
expression in different ways. So it is constructivist, I think, in the Weberian
sense: we have to understand from within the culture what makes things
meaningful. And, in that sense, you could bring in the notion of
inter-subjective reality, but I go beyond it, because other values are always
present in this mix and therefore there's behavior that appears contradictory
that is often misunderstood if you apply the wrong lens to it. So there's a
lack of interdisciplinary understanding as well: you have to look at both to
see how the world works. So cultural theory is constructivist and it allows us
to reframe and expand what constructivism means.







If I apply this constructivist thinking to one of the core
principles in our approach to world politics: what is a cause? I start by
asking, what does 'cause' mean, in physics? Why physics? Because physics is
always the field that political scientists look at, we have 'physics envy', so
to speak. And interestingly, in physics, there is no consensus about what cause
means. Some physicists think that very notion of cause is unhelpful to what
they do. Others are happy with regularities and subscribe to causal thinking. Still
others thing that you need to have mechanisms to explain anything. Still others,
and here statistical mechanics can be taken as a case in point, invoke Kantian
understandings of cause. Within physics there's no argument between people
adhering to these different understandings of 'cause', because you should do
what works! They don't criticize one another. So if they have this diversity,
why shouldn't we? Why shouldn't we develop understandings of cause that are
most appropriate to what we do? So I develop an understanding I call 'inefficient
causation' (download full paper here),
sort of playing off of Aristotle. And it is a constructivist understanding, but
it also incorporates elements that are distinctively non-constructivist. And
identities are only a small piece of the puzzle.











Is
there any sense to make of the way IR has evolved over the 20th
century?







I think if you look at some of the central figures, it's
quite easy. There are 2 great cohorts of International Relations theorists.
Those born in the early years of the 20th century comprise Hans
Morgenthau, John Hertz, E.H. Carr, Harold Lasswell, Nicholas Spykman, Frederick Schuman, and Karl Deutsch—who was
on my dissertation committee together with Isaiah Berlin and John Hertz. The
second cohort is born between about 1939 and 1945, and it comprises Robert
Jervis (Theory Talk #12), Joseph Nye
(Theory Talk #7), Robert Keohane (Theory Talk #9), Oren Young, Peter
Katzenstein (Theory Talk #15), Stephen Krasner (Theory Talk#21), Janice Steinberg… And I'll tell you what I think the reasons are for
these groups to emerge at these particular moments: the first cohort lived
through World War I. And did so, fortunately, in at an age where they were too
young to be combatants for the most part, but they certainly had to deal
intellectually and personally with its consequences and then watch the horrors
unfold of the 1930s.







And the second, my own, cohort was born at the outset of the
Second World War. I think, in that group, I may be the only one of them born in
Europe (France). The rest of them were born in the US. And we came of age
during the most acute crisis of the cohort. So I was either in university or
graduate school during the Berlin crisis, during the Cuba crisis, and certainly
had an interest first in the consequences of WWII and how something like this
could happen, and then living through the horrors of the Cold War, not knowing
if indeed one would live through
them. And that created a very strong incentive and focus for our group of
people. Now a surprising number of this second group did their graduate studies
at Yale: Janice Stein, I, Oren Young, Bruce Russet, Krasner, later all at Yale
with Karl Deutsch. The rest, Jervis, Keohane and Krasner at Harvard with Samuel
Huntington. I think you have the odd person who's born somewhere in between –
so, Ken Waltz (Theory Talk #40), for
instance, is younger. He must be a 1920 person, almost exactly in between these
two, just as Ernst Haas.







And I wouldn't be surprised now if there is another cohort
emerging, the people of around the age of Stefano Guzinni, Jens Bartelson,
Patrick Jackson (Theory Talk #44).
What ties this third cohort together is that they all watched the end of the
Cold War and are coping with its aftermath. So I believe that it's probably two
things: the external environment and the extent to which you're in an
intellectually nurturing institution. And of course for our cohort, it
certainly helped that there were jobs. That was not true of the earlier cohort.
Almost all of them, except E.H. Carr, ended up in the US as refugees. Did you
know Morgenthau started as an elevator boy in New York? Then he got a job
teaching part-time at Brooklyn College because someone fell ill. His wife
cleaned other people's apartments to supplement their income. Then he got a job
at the University of Kansas City, which was a hellhole, and finally Harold
Lasswell got called to Washington for some war work and got Chicago to hire
Morgenthau to replace him.











What is
the issue with the discipline today if, as you noted before, we fail to ask the
most interesting questions and instead focus on method?







Well, it of course depends on which side of the pond you
sit. On the American side of the pond, positivist or game-theoretical
behaviorist or rationalist modeling approaches dominate the literature; it's
just silly, from my perspective. It's based on assumptions which bear no
relationship to the real world. People like it because it's intellectually
elegant: they don't have to learn any languages, they don't have to read any
history, and they can pretend they're scientists discussing universals.
Intellectually, it's ridiculous. Bruce Bueno de Mesquita (Theory Talk #31) is a classic case in point. He's made a huge
reputation for himself with The War Trap (1981).
That book and the corresponding theory are based on a simple assumption,
namely, that there's a war trap compelling states into war, because initiators
win wars. But just look at the empirical record from 1945 to the present—initiators
lose between 80-90% of the wars they start. And that really depends on the
definition of victory. If you use the real definition, the Clausewitzian one,
you have to ask: do they achieve their political goals through violence? Then
the answer is, even fewer "victories". Well, let's cut them some slack, use a
more relaxed definition: did they beat the other side militarily? Initiators
still lose 78 or 82%—I forget exactly which percentage of their wars. And the
profession right now is so ignorant of history that nobody said 'Wait a
minute!' the day the book came out. Instead IR scholars all focus on this model
and fine-tuning it—it's ridiculous! And well, I don't want to go on with a
critique, but this is a serious problem, for it concerns a huge
misunderstanding regarding one of the most important problems out there.







But what happens now is this kind of thinking metastasizes
throughout the discipline because what students in International Relations or
Political Science more generally are taught are calculus, statistics—and I'm
not against this, one should learn them; I use them myself when I wear my
psychologist hat and do quantitative research and statistical analysis—but they
don't learn languages, they don't learn history, they don't learn philosophy.
They are so narrow! Much of this of course has to do with the reward structure
in the United States. It's clear that the statistical scientists are at the top
of the hill. So, economists transform themselves into scientists; but the
social scientists copy them because there are clear institutional rewards. If
you look at our salaries in comparison to the salaries of anthropologists,
historians—then if you sit at the edge of your chair and look over the abyss
you might see the humanists down there in terms of what they get. So very
clearly, there are strong institutional rewards. Once the positivist crowd got
a lock on various foundations and journals, if you want a job, if you want to
rise up through the profession, students tell me you have to do this stuff. IR
graduate students are bricklayers that get turned out of these universities.
That's the tragedy! It's no longer a serious intellectual enterprise. It's not
connected to anything terribly meaningful.







And mind you, I must say, while on the other, European, side
of the pond there is more diversity (one of the reasons I feel more comfortable
here), at the same time there is a strong tendency to go for a certain
heavy-handed brand of post-modernism. If you don't start an article with a
genuflection to Foucault or De Saussure or Derrida, you don't get published.
And by not looking beyond these 20th century thinkers, people in
Europe are often given credit for inventing things which were common knowledge
for hundreds and hundreds of years. Utterly ridiculous. But in between, there
are of course people who are trying to make sense of the world, including many
people in the positivist tradition who are doing good quantitative research and
trying to address serious problems in the world. The difficulty is that these
two extremes are often people who approach IR as a religion and they think that
their way of doing research is the only way
and they have no respect for others. And that's a kind of arrogance to which,
to me, is a violation of what the university is all about.







Ultimately, what is good theory? One approach would be to
say that a good theory is one that appears to order a domain in a way that is
conceptually rigorous - to the extent that that's even possible - that is
original and that raises a series of interesting questions which haven't been
asked before, but which are amenable to empirical research and finally it
should have normative implications. This is what Hans Morgenthau meant when he
said that the purpose of IR theory is not to justify what policymakers did, but
to educate them to act in ways that would lead to a better and more peaceful
world. And that, I think, is the ultimate goal of IR theory that we should not
lose sight of.











You
indicated that Isaiah Berlin was on your dissertation committee. He famously
tries to explain Tolstoy's philosophy of history (in War and Peace) through the parable of the hedgehog and the fox. If
theorists constraining themselves to one drive underpinning policy choices
would be hedgehogs, how would you see yourself? A fox or a hedgehog?







I am clearly a fox! I do different things. Whether I do them
well is debatable. But I certainly think that I'm a man of many tricks. Of
course the distinction also implies not believing in an overarching truth, and
indeed, I try hard not to think about truth because I don't think you can get
very far when you do. Epistemologically and eclectically, I'm a great believer
that we can never really establish a cause, truth, and knowledge. One of the
great problems here goes back to Plato who was shocked that craftsmen equated
technical ability to produce things with knowledge—Sofia, which is wisdom. And
today you have the problem one step up, so another category of knowledge for
the Greeks was episteme. Aristotle
would describe it as 'conceptual knowledge' or that which might even be
represented mathematically. And the people who would be 'expert' in episteme
think they have sofia and their claim
to being a hedgehog is the same kind of conceit, a form of hubris. Berlin's
distinction between hedgehogs and foxes is a very useful and nice concept to
play around with.







Yet it's a bit much to reduce Tolstoy to that tension. You
could do it as a game but it doesn't do much justice because there is so much
else in Tolstoy. He's tilting against the French historians of the 19th
century who have erected Napoleon into this strategic genius. And he does a
very convincing job of showing that what goes on on the battlefield has nothing
whatsoever to do with what Napoleon or anyone else who is wearing a general's
ebullience or theorists hat says. And also, and in this sense, one could see
him as the beginning of subaltern history of social science, he's telling the
story—admittedly about aristocrats, not commoners—but he's telling the story of
ordinary people on the battlefield, not the people making the decisions. So the
war is in a way a background to the lives of the people, focusing our attention
a very humanist way, on people. This, too, is revolutionary for his time.















Professor
Richard Ned Lebow Professor of International Political Theory at the Department
of War Studies, King's College London and James O. Freedman Presidential
Professor Emeritus at Dartmouth College. He is also a Bye-Fellow of
Pembroke College, University of Cambridge. He has taught strategy and the
National and Naval War Colleges and served as a scholar-in-residence in the
Central Intelligence Agency during the Carter administration. He has
authored and edited 28 books and nearly 200 peer reviewed articles.















Related
links








Read the
first chapter of Lebow's The Tragic
Vision of Politics (2003) here (pdf) 
Read
Lebow & Kelly's Thucydides and
Hegemony: Athens and the United States (Review of International Studies
2001), here (pdf) 
Read
Lebow's Deterrence and Reassurance:
Lessons from the Cold War (Global Dialogue 2001) here (pdf) 
Read
Lebow's The Long Peace, the End of the
Cold War, and the Failure of Realism (International Organization, 1994)
here (pdf) 
Read
Lebow's The Cuban Missile Crisis: Reading
the Lessons Correctly (Political Science Quarterly 1983) here (pdf) 



Print version of this Talk (pdf)

Mención Internacional en el título de doctor ; Android is the leading operating system in smartphones with a big difference. Statistics show that 88% of all smartphones sold to end users in the second quarter of 2018 were phones with the Android OS. Regardless of the operating systems which are running on smartphones, most of the functionalities of these devices are offered through applications. There are currently over 2 million apps only on the official Google store, known as Google Play. This huge market with billions of users is tempting for attackers to develop and distribute their malicious apps (or malware). Mobile malware has raised explosively since 2009. Symantec reported an increase of 54% in the new mobile malware variants in 2017 as compared to the previous year. Additionally, more incentive has been provided for profit-driven malware by the growth of black markets. This rise has happened for Android malware as well since only 20% of devices are running the newest major version of Android OS based on Symantec report in 2018. Android continued to be the most targeted platform with the biggest number of attacks in 2015. After that year, attacks against the Android platform slowed for the first time as attackers were faced with improved security architectures though Android is still the main appealing target OS for attackers. Moreover, advanced types of Android malware are found which make use of extensive anit-analysis techniques to evade static or dynamic analysis. To address the security and privacy concerns of complex Android malware, this dissertation focuses on three main objectives. First of all, we propose a light-weight yet efficient method to identify risky Android applications. Next, we present a precise approach to characterize Android malware based on their malicious behavior. Finally, we propose an adaptive learning system to address the security concerns of obfuscation in Android malware. Identifying potentially dangerous and risky applications is an important step in Android malware analysis. To this end, we develop a triage system to rank applications based on their potential risk. Our approach, called TriFlow, relies on static features which are quick to obtain. TriFlow combines a probabilistic model to predict the existence of information flows with a metric of how significant a flow is in benign and malicious apps. Based on this, TriFlow provides a score for each application that can be used to prioritize analysis. It also provides the analysts with an explanatory report of the associated risk. Our tool can also be used as a complement with computationally expensive static and dynamic analysis tools. Another important step towards Android malware analysis lies in their accurate characterization. Labeling Android malware is challenging yet crucially important, as it helps to identify upcoming malware samples and threats. A key challenge is that different researchers and anti-virus vendors assign labels using their own criteria, and it is not known to what extent these labels are aligned with the apps' real behavior. Based on this, we propose a new behavioral characterization method for Android apps based on their extracted information flows. As information flows can be used to track why and how apps use specific pieces of information, a flowbased characterization provides a relatively easy-to-interpret summary of the malware sample's behavior. Not all Android malware are easy to analyze due to advanced and easyto-apply anti-analysis techniques that are available nowadays. Obfuscation is the most common anti-analysis technique that Android malware use to evade detection. Obfuscation techniques modify an app's source (or machine) code in order to make it more difficult to analyze. This is typically applied to protect intellectual property in benign apps, or to hinder the process of extracting actionable information in the case of malware. Since malware analysis often requires considerable resource investment, detecting the particular obfuscation technique used may contribute to apply the right analysis tools, thus leading to some savings. Therefore, we propose AndrODet, a mechanism to detect three popular types of obfuscation in Android applications, namely identifier renaming, string encryption, and control flow obfuscation. AndrODet leverages online learning techniques, thus being suitable for resource-limited environments that need to operate in a continuous manner. We compare our results with a batch learning algorithm using a dataset of 34,962 apps from both malware and benign apps. Experimental results show that online learning approaches are not only able to compete with batch learning methods in terms of accuracy, but they also save significant amount of time and computational resources. Finally, we present a number of open research directions based on the outcome of this thesis. ; Android es el sistema operativo líder en teléfonos inteligentes (también denominados con la palabra inglesa smartphones), con una gran diferencia con respecto al resto de competidores. Las estadísticas muestran que el 88% de todos los smartphones vendidos a usuarios finales en el segundo trimestre de 2018 fueron teléfonos con sistema operativo Android. Independientemente de su sistema operativo, la mayoría de las funcionalidades de estos dispositivos se ofrecen a través de aplicaciones. Actualmente hay más de 2 millones de aplicaciones solo en la tienda oficial de Google, conocida como Google Play. Este enorme mercado con miles de millones de usuarios es tentador para los atacantes, que buscan distribuir sus aplicaciones malintencionadas (o malware). El malware para dispositivos móviles ha aumentado de forma exponencial desde 2009. Symantec ha detectado un aumento del 54% en las nuevas variantes de malware para dispositivos móviles en 2017 en comparación con el año anterior. Además, el crecimiento del mercado negro (es decir, plataformas no oficiales de descargas de aplicaciones) supone un incentivo para los programas maliciosos con fines lucrativos. Este aumento también ha ocurrido en el malware de Android, aprovechando la circunstancia de que solo el 20% de los dispositivos ejecutan la versión mas reciente del sistema operativo Android, de acuerdo con el informe de Symantec en 2018. De hecho, Android ha sido la plataforma que ha centrado los esfuerzos de los atacantes desde 2015, aunque los ataques decayeron ligeramente tras ese año debido a las mejoras de seguridad incorporadas en el sistema operativo. En todo caso, existen formas avanzadas de malware para Android que hacen uso de técnicas sofisticadas para evadir el análisis estático o dinámico. Para abordar los problemas de seguridad y privacidad que causa el malware en Android, esta Tesis se centra en tres objetivos principales. En primer lugar, se propone un método ligero y eficiente para identificar aplicaciones de Android que pueden suponer un riesgo. Por otra parte, se presenta un mecanismo para la caracterización del malware atendiendo a su comportamiento. Finalmente, se propone un mecanismo basado en aprendizaje adaptativo para la detección de algunos tipos de ofuscación que son empleados habitualmente en las aplicaciones maliciosas. Identificar aplicaciones potencialmente peligrosas y riesgosas es un paso importante en el análisis de malware de Android. Con este fin, en esta Tesis se desarrolla un mecanismo de clasificación (llamado TriFlow) que ordena las aplicaciones según su riesgo potencial. La aproximación se basa en características estáticas que se obtienen rápidamente, siendo de especial interés los flujos de información. Un flujo de información existe cuando un cierto dato es recibido o producido mediante una cierta función o llamada al sistema, y atraviesa la lógica de la aplicación hasta que llega a otra función. Así, TriFlow combina un modelo probabilístico para predecir la existencia de un flujo con una métrica de lo habitual que es encontrarlo en aplicaciones benignas y maliciosas. Con ello, TriFlow proporciona una puntuación para cada aplicación que puede utilizarse para priorizar su análisis. Al mismo tiempo, proporciona a los analistas un informe explicativo de las causas que motivan dicha valoración. Así, esta herramienta se puede utilizar como complemento a otras técnicas de análisis estático y dinámico que son mucho más costosas desde el punto de vista computacional. Otro paso importante hacia el análisis de malware de Android radica en caracterizar su comportamiento. Etiquetar el malware de Android es un desafío de crucial importancia, ya que ayuda a identificar las próximas muestras y amenazas de malware. Una cuestión relevante es que los diferentes investigadores y proveedores de antivirus asignan etiquetas utilizando sus propios criterios, de modo no se sabe en qué medida estas etiquetas están en línea con el comportamiento real de las aplicaciones. Sobre esta base, en esta Tesis se propone un nuevo método de caracterización de comportamiento para las aplicaciones de Android en función de sus flujos de información. Como dichos flujos se pueden usar para estudiar el uso de cada dato por parte de una aplicación, permiten proporcionar un resumen relativamente sencillo del comportamiento de una determinada muestra de malware. A pesar de la utilidad de las técnicas de análisis descritas, no todos los programas maliciosos de Android son fáciles de analizar debido al uso de técnicas anti-análisis que están disponibles en la actualidad. Entre ellas, la ofuscación es la técnica más común que se utiliza en el malware de Android para evadir la detección. Dicha técnica modifica el código de una aplicación para que sea más difícil de entender y analizar. Esto se suele aplicar para proteger la propiedad intelectual en aplicaciones benignas o para dificultar la obtención de pistas sobre su funcionamiento en el caso del malware. Dado que el análisis de malware a menudo requiere una inversión considerable de recursos, detectar la técnica de ofuscación que se ha utilizado en un caso particular puede contribuir a utilizar herramientas de análisis adecuadas, contribuyendo así a un cierto ahorro de recursos. Así, en esta Tesis se propone AndrODet, un mecanismo para detectar tres tipos populares de ofuscación, a saber, el renombrado de identificadores, cifrado de cadenas de texto y la modificación del flujo de control de la aplicación. AndrODet se basa en técnicas de aprendizaje automático en línea (online machine learning), por lo que es adecuado para entornos con recursos limitados que necesitan operar de forma continua, sin interrupción. Para medir su eficacia respecto de las técnicas de aprendizaje automático tradicionales, se comparan los resultados con un algoritmo de aprendizaje por lotes (batch learning) utilizando un dataset de 34.962 aplicaciones de malware y benignas. Los resultados experimentales muestran que el enfoque de aprendizaje en línea no solo es capaz de competir con el basado en lotes en términos de precisión, sino que también ahorra una gran cantidad de tiempo y recursos computacionales. Tras la exposición de las contribuciones anteriormente mencionadas, esta Tesis concluye con la identificación de una serie de líneas abiertas de investigación con el fin de alentar el desarrollo de trabajos futuros en esta dirección. ; Omid Mirzaei is a Ph.D. candidate in the Computer Security Lab (COSEC) at the Department of Computer Science and Engineering of Universidad Carlos III de Madrid (UC3M). His Ph.D. is funded by the Community of Madrid and the European Union through the research project CIBERDINE (Ref. S2013/ICE-3095). ; Programa Oficial de Doctorado en Ciencia y Tecnología Informática ; Presidente: Gregorio Martínez Pérez.- Secretario: Pedro Peris López.- Vocal: Pablo Picazo Sánchez

La cooperativa agraria de comercialización se presenta como una de las alternativas organizativas a disposición de los agricultores para operar en los mercados agrarios. Se trata de una organización particular, con un grado de integración intermedio entre la empresa productora-comercializadora (mayor grado de integración) y la venta directa en el mercado a través, por ejemplo, de alhóndigas (ningún tipo de integración). En esta fórmula, los socios son propietarios y controlan, una característica de la jerarquía, pero también son proveedores de producto, lo que otorga a la relación una característica de mercado. Así, la cooperativa agraria se aprovisiona casi en su totalidad de las producciones de sus socios, los cuales además son sus propietarios, usuarios de sus servicios y supervisores de una organización que distribuye al beneficio de forma igualitaria sobre la base del uso o volumen comercializado por el socio. Estas características confieren al análisis de la relación socio-cooperativa un papel muy relevante en el estudio de las cooperativas. Las cooperativas agrarias tienen que competir con otras formas de organización en unos mercados cada vez más competitivos, globales y desregulados, con frecuentes cambios legislativos, avances tecnológicos, y una demanda muy concentrada y con un gran poder de negociación. A esto se le unen los cambios en la demandas de los consumidores, con mayores exigencias en cuanto a calidad, seguridad, variedad y conveniencia. En este entorno, la capacidad para adaptarse a los nuevos cambios se presenta como un elemento capital para la supervivencia de cualquier operador, también los que se sitúan en el origen de la cadena, como es el caso de las cooperativas agrarias. Sin embargo, la cooperativa es en ocasiones criticada desde el plano teórico por su ineficiencia a la hora de conseguir recursos para financiar inversiones, recursos que tienen que provenir fundamentalmente de los socios. Se argumenta desde esta corriente teórica que las cooperativas son ineficientes dado que los propietarios (los socios) tienen los derechos sobre la propiedad vagamente definidos. Por ello, esta forma de gobierno presenta mayores dificultades a la hora de afrontar estrategias de cambio y adaptación para competir en el mercado. Por otro lado, en las cooperativas la heterogeneidad de los intereses de los miembros parece haber aumentado. En tanto que las cooperativas se orientan más hacia los consumidores, pasando de ser productores independientes de commodities hacia productores de productos específicos, necesitan de importantes inversiones, las cuales no favorecen por igual a todos sus miembros. La heterogeneidad de objetivos puede llevar a conflictos en los procesos de decisión, mermar la capacidad de coordinación y reducir el compromiso de los miembros y, con ello, su disposición a invertir en la cooperativa. Esta heterogeneidad se va también amplificada como consecuencia de los procesos de concentración empresarial que han tenido lugar en los últimos años. En nuestro país las instituciones también han hecho hincapié en la necesidad que tienen las cooperativas de alcanzar el tamaño necesario para contrarrestar la concentración de la demanda y adquirir una dimensión competitiva. Como respuesta a estas iniciativas, el sector cooperativo ha experimentado un proceso de concentración empresarial a través de fusiones, adquisiciones, formación de grupos, integración en cooperativas de segundo grado, etc. que ha tenido como resultado la existencia de un menor número de cooperativas, pero de mayor dimensión. Un problema asociado a estos procesos es que llevan aparejado un aumento de la heterogeneidad de la base social de las cooperativas, lo que hace aumentar los conflictos ya comentados asociados a las mismas. A pesar de que las cooperativas agrarias se enfrentan a los nuevos retos del mercado, a su supuesta ineficiencia para conseguir financiación y la heterogeneidad de sus bases sociales, éstas siguen operando en un número considerable y son muchos los ejemplos de éxito empresarial. Nos planteamos así como tesis del trabajo la existencia de factores en el ámbito de las relaciones de la cooperativa con su base social que contrarrestan estos problemas, factores pueden explicar la disposición de los socios a invertir y, en última instancia, el desempeño de la organización cooperativa. Objetivos Con todo ello, el objetivo principal de este trabajo es el de analizar los factores de la relación socio-cooperativa que influyen en la disposición a invertir de sus socios y el desempeño final de la cooperativa. En particular, nos planteamos como objetivos específicos los siguientes: • Analizar cómo influyen los problemas de los derechos de propiedad en la disposición a invertir de los miembros de la cooperativa. • Comprobar cómo la orientación al mercado de la base social explica su disposición a invertir y cómo su efecto puede estar moderado por la existencia de los problemas asociados a los derechos de propiedad. • Descubrir qué papel juega la heterogeneidad de los socios en su disposición a invertir en la cooperativa. • Estudiar cómo explica el oportunismo de los socios la disposición a invertir de los mismos y el desempeño de la cooperativa. • Determinar cómo influyen los mecanismos de gobierno de la relación socio-cooperativa sobre el oportunismo de los socios y el desempeño de la cooperativa. • Estudiar la influencia de la disposición a invertir de los socios en el desempeño de la cooperativa. Metodología Sobre una muestra de 249 cooperativas obtenida mediante encuestas online son testadas las hipótesis de investigación planteadas mediante regresiones lineales jerárquicas y análisis de modelos de ecuaciones estructurales. Resultados Los resultados permiten por un lado subrayar el efecto positivo que la orientación al mercado ejerce sobre la disposición a invertir de sus miembros y la moderación que ejercen los problemas de propiedad de las cooperativas limitando este efecto. Igualmente destacar el efecto de la heterogeneidad en la base social ejerce sobre esta disposición a invertir de los socios en su cooperativa, y el papel mediador y directo que desempeña también el oportunismo sobre ella. Y por otro lado, los resultados reconocen la bondad de varios mecanismos de gobierno para controlar el oportunismo y explicar el desempeño de la cooperativa. ABSTRACT Marketing cooperative's typology represents a moderate level of integration because farmers are in fact the owners of these organisations created to bargain for better prices and to handle, process, and sell their members' produce. Marketing cooperatives constitute a special type of vertical integration for farmers because the integration of their businesses, which still maintain their independence, is only partial, with a market element (the transaction relationship) and a hierarchical element (the control relationship). Additionally, unlike in other governance modes, farmers are not only owners but also users and controllers of a business that distributes benefits equitably based on use or patronage. Therefore, the economic literature has approached agricultural cooperatives as a form of vertical integration ('extension of the farm'), as an independent firm ('cooperative as a firm'), as a coalition of firms that act in a collective or collaborative manner ('the coalition approach'), or as a nexus of contracts. All of these perspectives, albeit treating the phenomenon under different lenses, share a common position on the analysis of the relationship established between the farmer or member firm and the marketing cooperative firm as a key matter of interest. These firms operate at different stages of the production and distribution chain, where market exchange is substituted by internal exchanges within the boundaries of the cooperative firm. Agricultural marketing cooperatives operate in the origin of the fresh fruit and vegetables supply chain. They have to compete against other alternative organizational forms in markets characterized by great demand's pressure caused by the high levels of the distributors' bargaining power and the increasing number of competition because of deregulation and the globalisation of the sources of supply for many of these products. These factors, along with the greater consumer's demands of variety, convenience and quality, as well as the changes on institutional and economic environment, face agricultural cooperatives to new challenges that force them to address adjustments and changing processes, whether they might be functional or organizational with the aim of increasing vertical coordination among all participants. Thus, the cooperative's innovation capabilities constitute a fundamental mean to achieve it. Nonetheless, some researchers question the efficiency of cooperatives and argue that cooperatives suffer from a host of problems unique to this specific form of governance. They are referred mainly to the relational dimension between the farmer-user-owner and the cooperative itself. This thesis is focused on this relational dimension. About this relationship, based primarily on the Property Rights Theory postulates, some authors have stressed the cooperatives' difficulties for raising equity, concluding that cooperatives are inefficient by nature. A further issue of interest is related to the issue of heterogeneity of the agricultural marketing cooperatives membership and their implications on the cooperatives' performance. Such an argument is used as another claim against the cooperatives ability to compete in nowadays markets. In particular, heterogeneity of cooperative's memberships has increased lately. In Spain, there has been a process of business concentration (less cooperatives, but bigger ones) in order to face the concentration of distributors and obtaining a competitive dimension. This has taken place through mergers, internal growth, acquisitions, groups' formation and adhesion to second-order cooperatives. These processes have resulted in a blending of different memberships (fusions, mergers and acquisitions) or the incorporation of new members (internal growth). In any case, the increase in members' heterogeneity might be causing conflicts, especially those related to gathering funds from members for equity raisings. Nevertheless, even though agricultural marketing cooperatives are faced to these new market challenges, its theoretical inefficiency and heterogeneity problems, they still coexists with investor owned firms, they hold a relevant share in agricultural markets, they have played an active role for a very long time, and they still appear as an alternative with a future. Objectives Consequently, we consider as thesis of this dissertation the existence of factors within the cooperatives relational environment established between the cooperative and its farmer-members that can offset these problems and explain the members' willingness to invest in the cooperative and, finally, the cooperatives' performance. In particular our specific objectives are: • To analyse how property rights problems affects to members' willingness to invest in the cooperative. • To check how the members' market orientation explains their willingness to invest and the impact of property rights problems on this relationship. • To find out how heterogeneity is affecting members' willingness to invest in the cooperative. • To study how perceptions about the membership general levels of opportunism explains the each member willingness to invest in the cooperative and the cooperative's performance. • To determine how governance mechanisms that rules the relationships between members and cooperative influence members' willingness to invest and cooperative's performance. • To study the effect of members' willingness to invest on cooperative's performance. Methodology We obtained data from 249 Spanish marketing agricultural cooperatives through an online survey. Several hierarchical regressions models and structural equation models were conducted in order to test the research hypotheses. Results The results have proven how certain factors inherent to the relationship between cooperatives and their members explain the members' willingness to invest and cooperative's performance. On one hand, we proved the positive effects of the membership market orientation on their willingness to invest. We have also observed the negative influence of the problems of property rights on the membership willingness to invest in the cooperative. Likewise, results showed that members' perception of opportunistic behaviours and some kinds of heterogeneity affect their willingness to invest. On the other hand, the results also showed that selection and socialisation governance mechanisms have power to control opportunism, which itself affects negatively to cooperative's performance. Likewise, selection mechanism and hostages in the form of specific investments have shown a direct effect on cooperative's performance.

Over the past decade, the use of the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) by the Moroccan Government has undergone remarkable development in many activity sectors, particularly, infrastructure, agriculture, energy, ports, transportation. etc. This type of partnership in the irrigation sector was initiated in 2005 and concerned the El Guerdane project in the Souss-Massa area. This project commissioning started in 2009; the irrigation of this perimeter was essentially based on pumping water from the aquifer. In addition, the importance of water withdrawals, given the scarcity of inputs, has led to a continuous decline in the water table levels (from 1.5 to 2 m /year). At this rate, the medium and the long term future of the 10,000 ha of citrus was seriously threatened. As a result, the idea of safeguarding this sector came up and was undertaken by the Government. The project to safeguard the citrus-growing area of El Guerdane consists of an annual volume of water transfer estimated to 45 million m3 from the Aoulouz-Chakoukane dam to irrigate 10 000 ha of plantations in the the project's area. Since the commissioning of the El Guerdane project, the Moroccan Government has continued to implement similar projects all over the country. Unfortunately, the Government did not benefit from the return on experience based on completed projects' assessment in order to come out with corrective measures that could have been adopted either within the program's framework or switch for other types of partnership. In this research, we went through several aspects to evaluate the impact of this public-private partnership program. Accordingly, these aspects concern the financial and the agronomic valorization of irrigation water, the farmers' net income, the technical efficiency of farms and the technical and economic efficiency of the use of irrigation water. In order to study the project's impact on the aspects already mentioned, we have selected and defined a control perimeter that did not benefit from this program (the Issen perimeter). In addition, we defined a representative sample to avoid the exogenous factors' effect on our results (the propensity score matching method). Our sample was selected using the software R.3.1.0 and SPSS 23. Furthermore, the impact evaluation was carried out by the double difference method. In this work, we have been interested in qualitative aspect related to the regulation of the El Guerdane project that has been realized in the form of public-private partnership thanks to the interviews carried out with the different actors of this project (farmers, private partner, Government, Regional Office of Agricultural Development, etc.). The estimation of the scores related to the different types of efficiency was carried out using the FRONTIER 4.1 software by choosing a stochastic parametric model and by using a functional Translog form. The analysis of the irrigation water valorization determinants was carried out using an ordinary regression model by the GRETL software, while the analysis of the determinants of the efficiency scores was carried out by a Tobit model using the same software to take into consideration the truncated criterion of the dependent variable. The survey concerned 130 citrus growers in both perimeters studied. For the El Guerdane perimeter, the financial valorization increased from a negative level of -0.637 DH /m3 in 2009 to a positive level of 2.19 DH /m3 in 2016. The agronomic valuation level has improved in the El Guerdane perimeter from 2.59 Kg / m3 in 2009 to 3.65 Kg/m3 in 2016. In 2009, water price and farm size are positively correlated with the level of irrigation water valorization, while the participation in the public-private partnership program is negatively correlated with this aspect (irrigation water valorization). In 2016 only the farms' size impacts the irrigation water valorization in both perimeters. This partnership program was able to improve the financial valorization of irrigation water by 2.1 Dh / m3, the agronomic valorization by 1.05 Kg / m3 and the farmers net income by 10 902 Dh / ha. The farms technical efficiency is affected only by their areas in 2009 and 2016. The technical efficiency of irrigation water use is positively impacted by farm size and negatively impacted by the public-private partnership program in 2009; also, the technical efficiency of irrigation water use is negatively correlated to water price in 2016. The economic efficiency of irrigation water use is negatively correlated to the participation in the public-private partnership program in the year of 2009. However, it was negatively impacted by the water price in 2016 and positively impacted by the partnership program in the same year. The project monitoring shows that during the exploitation years ,all the indicators maintain a positive trend resulting in a record level for some of them such as the volumes taken and distributed to the users. Despite the negative impact of the public-private partnership program on several aspects, in 2009 or in 2016, the social cost of the El Guerdane project remains a significant component that could justify the use of this type of collaboration. Therefore, the use of this mode of management for the irrigation water service will be more relevant if the aspect of the technical supervision of the farmers is taken over by the private partner. ; Au cours de la dernière décennie, le recours par le Maroc aux partenariats public-privé a connu un développement remarquable dans de nombreux secteurs d'activité notamment ceux des infrastructures, de l'agriculture, de l'énergie, des ports, du transport, etc. Ce mode de collaboration dans le secteur de l'irrigation a été lancé, pour la première fois au Maroc, en 2005 et concernait le projet El Guerdane dans la région du Souss-Massa. La mise en service dudit projet date de 2009. L'irrigation de ce périmètre reposait essentiellement sur le pompage à partir de la nappe. Par conséquent, l'importance des prélèvements en eau, devant la rareté des apports, a conduit à une baisse continue du niveau de la nappe (1,5 à 2 m/an). A ce rythme, l'avenir de 10 000 ha d'agrumes se trouvait menacé à moyen et à long terme. C'est ainsi que l'idée de sauvegarde de ce secteur a été initiée par l'Etat. Ce projet de sauvegarde de la zone agrumicole d'El Guerdane consiste en un transfert d'un volume annuel d'eau de 45 millions de m3 à partir du complexe de barrages Aoulouz-Chakoukane au profit de 10 000 ha de plantations dans la zone du projet. Le coût de ce projet s'élevait à plus de 980 MDH. Depuis la mise en service du projet El Guerdane, l'Etat continue à lancer d'autres projets dans le cadre de ce programme de partenariat sans aucune évaluation des projets achevés afin de capitaliser sur les expériences et apporter des mesures correctives dans le cadre du même programme, ou, le cas échéant, opter pour d'autres modes de partenariat. Dans le présent travail, nous nous sommes intéressés à plusieurs aspects pour évaluer l'impact de ce programme de partenariat public-privé. Ces aspects concernent la valorisation financière et agronomique de l'eau d'irrigation, la marge nette des agriculteurs, l'efficacité technique des exploitations agricoles ainsi que l'efficacité technique et économique de l'utilisation de l'eau d'irrigation. Afin d'analyser fidèlement l'impact du projet sur les aspects cités, nous étions dans l'obligation de choisir et définir un périmètre témoin ne bénéficiant pas de ce programme (le périmètre Issen) et d'utiliser une méthode d'échantillonnage très précise afin de contourner l'effet des facteurs exogènes sur les résultats (la méthode d'appariement par score de propension). La méthode d'échantillonnage est effectuée à l'aide des logiciels R.3.1.0 et SPSS 23 et l'évaluation d'impact est réalisée par la méthode de double différence. Aussi, nous nous sommes intéressés dans le présent travail à un aspect qualitatif relatif à la régulation du projet El Guerdane réalisé sous forme de partenariat public-privé grâce aux entretiens effectués avec les différents acteurs de ce projet (usagers, partenaire privé, Etat, Office Régional de Mise en Valeur Agricole, etc.). L'estimation des scores des différents types d'efficacité est effectuée par le logiciel FRONTIER 4.1 en choisissant un modèle paramétrique stochastique et en utilisant une forme fonctionnelle Translog. L'analyse des déterminants de la valorisation de l'eau d'irrigation est effectuée en utilisant un modèle de régression ordinaire par le logiciel GRETL , tandis que l'analyse des déterminants des scores des efficacités est effectuée par un modèle Tobit en utilisant le même logiciel dans le but de prendre en considération le critère tronqué de la variable dépendante. L'enquête du terrain a concerné 130 agrumiculteurs dans les deux périmètres étudiés. La valorisation financière est passée, pour le périmètre El Guerdane d'un niveau négatif en 2009 estimé à -0, 637 Dh/m3 à un niveau positif de 2,19 Dh/m3 en 2016. Pour la valorisation agronomique, on constate aussi que son niveau a connu une amélioration dans le périmètre El Guerdane en passant de 2,59 Kg/m3 en 2009 à 3,65 Kg/m3 en 2016. En 2009, le tarif de l'eau et la taille des exploitations sont corrélés positivement avec le niveau de la valorisation de l'eau d'irrigation, tandis que la participation au programme de partenariat public-privé est corrélée négativement avec cet aspect. Pour l'année 2016 seule la taille des exploitations impacte la valorisation de l'eau d'irrigation dans les deux périmètres. Ce programme de collaboration a pu améliorer la valorisation financière de l'eau d'irrigation de 2,1 Dh/m3, la valorisation agronomique de 1,05 Kg/m3 et la marge nette de 10 902 Dh/ha. L'efficacité technique des exploitations est affectée uniquement par leurs superficies aussi bien en 2009 qu'en 2016. L'efficacité technique de l'utilisation de l'eau d'irrigation est impactée positivement par la taille des exploitations et négativement par le programme de partenariat public-privé en 2009 et elle est corrélée négativement avec le tarif de l'eau en 2016. Concernant l'efficacité économique de l'utilisation de l'eau d'irrigation, en 2009 elle est corrélée négativement avec la participation au programme de partenariat public-privé et en 2016 elle est impactée négativement par le tarif de l'eau et positivement par le programme de partenariat. Le suivi du projet montre qu'au cours des années de son exploitation, tous les indicateurs continuent leur évolution croissante; certains ont même atteint un niveau record, notamment les volumes prélevés et distribués aux usagers. Malgré l'impact négatif du programme de partenariat public-privé sur plusieurs aspects soit en 2009 ou en 2016, le coût social du projet El Guerdane reste une composante non négligeable pouvant justifier le recours à ce mode de collaboration. Par conséquent, le recours à ce mode de gestion pour le service de l'eau d'irrigation sera plus pertinent si l'aspect de l'encadrement technique des bénéficiaires est pris en charge par le partenaire privé.

Relevance of research topic. The number of Ukrainian holding-type organizations and their land bankcontinues to grow, "displacing" small and medium-sized producers from the agricultural economy.Since 2019, state policy has been refocusing on forced support for small and small-scale farms, and after the Ukrainian decentralization reform the leadership of the united territorial communities of the new tools they received depends on the development of small and medium-sized businesses. Formulation of the problem. Today, the actualization of local economic development requires significant financial resources from the united territorial communities. And the formation of their budget depends on the effectiveagricultural sector operation. After the Ukrainian reform of local self-government and decentralization, the economic development of the territories and of Ukraine as a whole, depends on the using of new tools and resources by the community leadership. The solution of theagrarian sphere problems of the united territorial communities is in the plane ofsmall agrarian entrepreneurship state support, strengthening of the state control over the activity of large agro-traders, as well as their social and financial responsibility to the united territorial communities. Analysis of recent research and publications. Theoretical questions on the study of small agrarian entrepreneurship in the development of united territorial communities were engaged in such scientists of the Institute of Economics of NASU, Institute of Agrarian Economics of NAAS of Ukraine, as Shemyakin D., Finagina O. V., Lysetsky A. S., Onishchenko O. M., and other national and foreign scientists. Selection of unexplored parts of the general problem. The issue of the impact of decentralization on theagricultural sector development of the united territorial communities needs to be detailed and further researched. Setting the task, the purpose of the study. The article aim is to investigate the theoretical aspect of organizational and legal foundations of the formation of united territorial communities in Ukraine, assess thesmall agricultural business current state and trace its relationship with the activities of united territorial communities for economic development. Method or methodology for conducting research. The set of general scientific methods of cognition and special methods of economic research are used in the work. Among them: analysis and synthesis, generalization and comparison, system-structural and comparative analysis, systematic method of cognition of economic processes and phenomena, index method and method of statistical groupings for analysis of united territorial communities activity development of the agro-industrial complex of Ukraine. Presentation of the main material (results of work). The article considers the theoretical aspect of organizational and legal foundations of the united territorial communities formation in Ukraine, assesses the current state of small agricultural business and reveals it's main relationships with the united territorial communities activities for region economic development. Territorial communities are voluntary associations of residents of city, village and settlement councils, which directly receive funding from the state budget for the development of education, medicine, sports, culture, and social protection. Financial support from the state gives more opportunities to local communities to implement their own projects. The more active the territorial community, the more projects will be implemented and theterritorial communityprofitability level will be higher, which it will spend on the development of territories. This is the main incentive to attract additional investment to improve people's living standards. In 2020, theUkrainian Cabinet of Ministers adopted 24 orders on the definition of administrative centers and approval ofregional community's territories. There are 1469 territorial communities in our country. After the launch of the decentralization process in Ukraine – the transfer of powers and resources to places from which the community itself determines the direction of funding, small communities require forresource lack for rural development. The solution has beena decision to consolidate several councils by merging, which allowed communities to use common resources for territorial development. Ukraine owns 60.3 million hectares, which is about 6% of Europe's territory.There are 32.7 millionarable land hectares of land in the structure ofUkrainian agricultural territory, of which almost 9 million are used as pastures, hayfields and other agricultural lands. The quarter of agricultural land was never distributed, remaining on the balance of the state. Thus, state and the communal property include 10.5 million hectares of agricultural land, which is 26% of the total area, of which 3.2 million hectares – in the permanent use of state enterprises, 2.5 million hectares – in stock, and the rest – for rent. Almost 40% of the total number of Ukrainian enterprises in the agricultural sector and 38% of the area of agricultural land cultivated by agricultural enterprises are absorbed by agricultural holdings and large agricultural traders. On June 1, 2019, there were more than 160 large agricultural holdings in the country, they cultivate more than 3.6 million hectares of agricultural land. Thus, today in Ukraine the number of holding-type organizations and their land bank continues to grow, "displacing" small and medium-sized producers from the agricultural economy. Thecommunity agrarian branch is a complex multi-sectoral system, the individual subsystems of which are unevenly represented in different territorial formations, but are in close interaction with each other. The role of small agrarian businesses in the development of united territorial community'sagriculture is constantly growing. In recent years, the share of farms has increased by 30%. With the development of farming in the agricultural regions of Ukraine, the opportunities to solve the problem of employment in rural areas and the revival of territories in general are increasing. Therefore, state support for agricultural producers is an important step in order to obtain funds for small business development in the agro-industrial sector. If earlier the preference of vectors of state support was in large agro-traders, then from 2019 the policy of the state was reoriented to the strengthened support of small and small-scale farms. Such support is confirmed by financial preferences for small agribusiness through regional branches of the Ukrainian State Farm Support Fund. Agricultural cooperatives will receive state support through cooperation with the Ministry of Agriculture of Ukraine with the assistance of the Department. Thus, today the promissory note form of payment has been abolished, and 70% of the cost of their equipment has been reimbursed for cooperatives. As a result of the crisis of 2014-2016, many Ukrainians started doing business and many successful cases of micro and small agricultural enterprises operating in the regions appeared in the country. However, barriers to rural development are a lack of financial resources and a lack of economic knowledge. Therefore, in order to maximally support farms and agro-industrial entrepreneurship in rural areas by the state, high-quality interaction and communication on the ground is needed. Thus, in addition to financial support, the state program also includes advising agricultural producers. Experienced specialists will help to structure the business, calculate the financial and create a business plan. In 2020, the budget of financial support for the agro-industrial sector of Ukraine is set at 4 billion UAH, which is only 43% of the limit – does not meet 1% of GDP. the real need for financial state support of a key sector of Ukraine's economy. The implementation of the program of financing micro and small agribusiness has great potential not only in the country, but also within each united territorial community. Each of them, which participates in the program of state support of small agrarian business, annually receives about 75 thousand UAH of taxes to its budget. On a national scale, this is an additional UAH 75 million ($ 3.06 million) in taxes to local budgets over 5 years. The possibility of organizational and legal forms of micro and small agribusiness, according to the current legislation of Ukraine, to hire labor – partially solves the problem of unemployment in rural areas. A significant contribution is also made by micro and small agribusiness in increasing the volume of gross domestic product in Ukraine. Small and medium business in Ukraine brings 55% of gross domestic product to the country's economy, and micro and small business 16%, while in Europe the figure is twice as high, and their efficiency is 10 times higher than in our country. It is the subjects of small and medium-sized businesses in the field of agriculture that are powerful catalysts and stimulators of business activity, determine the unification of all participants in economic relations in the country. Therefore, state support and effective development of united territorial community'sagribusiness create the basis for the emergence and functioning of the institutional environment. Thus, giving 12% of Ukraine's GDP and providing jobs for members of the local community, small agribusiness entities need the development of agricultural equipment suppliers, agricultural processors, research institutions that conduct breeding work and develop modern technologies, logistics infrastructure, market structures, as well as institutions of agricultural education. The agro-industrial sphere of the community is the main means of ensuring the socio-economic development of territorial united territorial communitiesand the effective functioning of rural areas. However, the distribution of agricultural land and land ownership remains an urgent problem for united territorial communities, as in addition to the territorial base, the land is a means of agricultural production. The population of the united territorial community is the main consumer of agricultural products produced by small agricultural enterprises. So, it provides a reproduction of labor for the industry. The vector of development of united territorial community'sagricultural production depends on the availability of natural, productive and labor resources of the community. The most energy-intensive are the production of vegetable crops, sugar beets, potatoes, industrial crops, as well as certain livestock industries, which are more often engaged in by farms and small agricultural enterprises. The study found that in Ukraine, government measures are the main obstacle to the development of agro-industrial entrepreneurship in united territorial communities, because it creates an extremely unfavorable climate for the development of small and medium enterprises or prohibits it altogether. For many years in a row, the sources of budget formation, which are generally local taxes, remain a significant problem in the development of agriculturally oriented united territorial communities. The limitation of incomes of agricultural enterprises and the population is the low efficiency of agricultural enterprises, the main reason for which is the low wages of peasants. The reason for this problem in the agricultural sector is low productivity, which forms the added value of agricultural products. Examining the structure of Ukrainian small agrarian business, its players in general education were classified into two large groups: 1. Farmers and agricultural producers living and working in rural areas. They live in a society within the lands of which they rent shares, pay all the necessary taxes, provide residents of general education with jobs, finished agricultural products at affordable prices. 2. Farmers who are registered in Ukrainian cities, however, use the land of the community, paying only the rent of agricultural land, depleting them due to non-compliance with crop rotations. Such agro-traders enjoy state support, soft loans and other preferences, receive super-profits and in no way contribute to the development of agricultural areas and society. These are the activities of large agro-industrial holdings, the form of interaction with rural general education and the mechanisms of social responsibility which need to be worked out with the help of the following measures by the government and agricultural producers: 1) development and restoration of the infrastructure of the united territorial communities and its elements used by agricultural holdings; 2) use of modern ecologically safe agrotechnologies. 3) training of qualified specialists in the field of agro-industrial complex, their employment in modern agro-industrial companies; 4) state support, restoration and preservation of recreational and health facilities of the united territorial communities, including agricultural lands, which are leased by large agricultural holdings; 5) involvement in the economic activity of the agricultural holding of farms on a partnership basis. Thus, partnerships and cooperation between large agricultural holdings and small agricultural producers of united territorial communities can contribute not only to the development of small agricultural businesses in Ukraine, but also to the socio-economic development of society and rural areas in general. The field of application of results. Thescientific research results on the problems of small agricultural entrepreneurship in the development of united territorial communities can be used in the field of state regulation of agribusiness and united territorial communities to support local agricultural producers. Conclusions according to the article. The agro-industrial sphere of the communities is the main means of ensuring the socio-economic development of territorial communities and the effective functioning of rural areas, because the development of farming opportunities increases the problem of rural employment and the revival of territories in general. That is why state support for agricultural producers is an important step to obtain funds for small business development in the agro-industrial sector.