Suchergebnisse

Speakers on US U campuses are now frequently harassed or even prevented from speaking by students or faculty critical of their views. This disruption is characteristically created by radical leftists, often preventing speakers from addressing large audiences eager to hear their views. This phenomenon seriously limits the willingness of conservatives to address Coll audiences, & is profoundly destructive to the ideals of freedom of speech & academic freedom. 3 Illustrations. W. H. Stoddard

by Leung Sai Wing. ; Bibliography: leaves 141-150 ; Thesis (M.Ph.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1984

A test of the two-value model of political ideology proposed by Milton Rokeach (The Nature of Human Values, New York: Free Press, 1973). The relationship between self-identified liberalism/conservatism & the importance placed on the values of personal freedom, racial equality, & sexual equality is explored with telephone interview data collected from 1,048 US residents, using a random-digit-dial procedure for sampling. Liberals & conservatives do not differ significantly in the value placed on personal freedom, but do differ significantly in the value placed on racial & sexual equality. Affirmative action implications of racial & sexual differences in the importance placed on equality are noted. 1 Table, 8 References. Modified HA.

Venture analysis involves the use of a group of analytical techniques, generally by the private sector, to assist in major capital decisions. The approach can be applied to public policy decisions, however, in cases where changing private sector investment decisions are the central focus. A case study concerning a temporary subsidy by the US Dept of Energy to an emerging energy technology, photovoltaics, is reviewed. Major strengths of the approach are its use of numerous data- & opinion-gathering techniques & its explicit treatment of market & supply uncertainties. The major weakness is its lack of ability to handle those social costs & benefits for which no market exists. Implications for other policy studies are presented. 1 Figure. Modified HA.

THE AUTHOR APPRECIATES THE INVITATION TO COMMENT AT LENGTH ON PROFESSOR ROTHMAN'S PAPER, BUT BEFORE DOING SO WISH TO EXPRESS MY ADMIRATION AND GRATITUDE FOR THE TASK WHICH HE AND HIS CO-WORKERS HAVE UNDERTAKEN AND THE ENERGY THEY HAVE EXPENDED OVER MANY YEARS IN PROBING THE POLITICAL MIND AT DEPTHS TO WHICH FEW BEFORE THEM HAVE VENTURED. THEIR ROOTS OF RADICALISM (ROTHMAN AND LICHTER, 1982) IS GUARANTEED THE STATUS OF MILESTONE ALONG THE ROUTE MANY OTHERS WILL TRAVEL IN OUR EFFORT TO COMPREHEND THE MOTIVES INFLUENCING POLITICAL BEHAVIOR, AND THIS LATEST CONTRIBUTION ABLY FOLLOWS UP ON IMPLICATIONS WHICH THAT EARLIER WORK SUGGESTED. THE AUTHOR MENTION THIS AT THE OUTSET, AND AT THE RISK OF SOUNDING DISINGENUOUS, SINCE THE INVITATION TO CRITICIZE NECESSARILY PLACES ONE IN THE ROLE OF EXPOSING WARTS, IN LIGHT OF WHICH CASUAL READERS MIGHT BE TEMPTED TO INFER LACK OF APPRECIATION FOR THE POSITIVE SIDE OF THE CONTRIBUTION. SUCH IS NOT THE CASE. THE MAIN THRUST OF MY COMMENTS IS AS IT WAS IN MY ORIGINAL REVIEW OF THE MANUSCRIPT WHICH LED UP TO THIS ARTICLE, NAMELY, ON WHAT APPEARS TO ME TO BE THE WEAK CONNECTION BETWEEN PROFESSOR ROTHMAN'S CHARACTERIZATION OF THESE RADICALS AND HIS OWN DATA. FIRST, IN RE HIS FIRST TABLE: PROFESSOR ROTHMAN STATES THAT THE RADICALS SHOW LEAST CONCERN FOR AFFILIATION AND ARE MORE SELF-ASSERTIVE (PHALLIC) IN ORIENTATION, BUT THE FIGURES WHICH HE PROVIDES ARE AS SHOWN IN TABLE 1(A). HENCE THERE IS NO EVIDENCE THAT RADICALS ARE ANY LESS AFFILIATIVE TPY: 1984