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A longer version of this interview with A. Sivanandan by Kwesi Owusu was carried out in March 1998 for a reader on British Black Culture. The interviewee, a leading analyst on black politics, discusses: what in his Ceylonese (Sri Lankan) background had formed his outlook; why he came to the UK and what he found in 1958; the transformation of the establishment organisation the Institute of Race Relations, where he worked as librarian, in the context of 1960s' liberatory politics; how Black became a political colour and how that broke down; his take on Enoch Powell; his view on Black culture and how it differed from that of people like cultural studies theorist Stuart Hall; the way forward for struggle under the then new prime minister Tony Blair.

This study aims to contribute new insights into the way 'political labour' is divided in the household. I use data from a large-scale panel study, the Parent–Child Socialization Study 2012–2013, conducted among adolescents and both their parents in Belgium, to analyse the different ways in which family members engage in politics and influence each other's political preferences. First, I analyse differences in political engagement between fathers, mothers and adolescents. Second, I present a full triadic structural equation model to measure the political influence that fathers, mothers and adolescent children exert on one another. The findings suggest that fathers are (still) more engaged in politics, but when it comes to preferences for political parties, both parents influence their partners and their adolescent children in equal measure.

AbstractNongovernmental organizations (NGOs) were once considered as altruistic groups which aim was to impartially influence public policy with no vested interests. Nevertheless, this perception has changed. They are increasingly perceived as groups that prioritize their own ideologies or that respond to the interests of their donors, patrons, and members rather than to those of the groups they represent. This article discusses the politics of NGOs in the present changing globalized world as agents concerned with social and environmental change as much as with their own causes. It argues that numerous NGOs are as much a part of national and international politics as any other interest group and that their practices and activities are not always in the search of a good society or the common good.

Social engineering comprises two major models of politics: ethnopolitics and biopolitics. Biopolitics aims to create a society whose government does not treat the right to decide about death as the main tool of politics and is responsible for life development and management. The most important task of this government is no longer to receive certain benefits, but to control them and increase their efficiency. Ethnopolitics, in turn, aims to create an ethnically homogenous state, although such projects were sometimes more complicated in terms of the structure of a nation. This article aims to look at the main directions in the development of social engineering projects in Central Europe (Germany), East-Central Europe (Poland and Ukraine), as well as on the border between the latter and Southeastern Europe (Croatia).

Abstract:The ideal of public justification holds, at a minimum, that the most fundamental political and legal institutions of a society must be publicly justified to each of its members. This essay proposes and defends a new account of this ideal. The account defended construes public justification as an ideal of rational justification, one that is grounded in the moral requirement to respect the rational agency of persons. The essay distinguishes two kinds of justifying reasons that bear on politics and shows how they inform the ideal of public justification. It also decouples public justification from contractualist political morality. The result is a novel account of public justification that departs markedly from how the ideal is commonly characterized, but shows how it retains its distinctiveness as an ideal of politics.

With the launch of over 40 official investigations between 2010 and 2014 alone, planning is clearly an area of renewed political interest in Sweden. Drawing on Jodi Dean's interpretation of politicisation, which entails raising the particular to the level of the universal, in this article I argue that we are currently witnessing ongoing politicisation of planning, but of a form which aims at making planners loyal to the current neoliberal politics. I situate this argument within a wider debate which contends that democracy today is characterised by trivialisation and conformity. In response to this situation and drawing on Michel Foucault's work on the concept of parrhesia, which means fearless speech, I identify a need for planners to develop a critical ethos and shoulder the necessary role of resistance to politics.

The 'Scottish approach' refers to its distinctive way to make and implement policy. Its reputation suggests that it is relatively comfortable with local discretion and variations in policy outcomes. Yet, policymakers are subject to 'universal' processes - limited knowledge, attention and coordinative capacity, and high levels of ambiguity, discretion and complexity in policy processes - which already undermine central control and produce variation. If policy is a mix of deliberate and unintended outcomes, a focus on policy styles may exaggerate a government's ability to do things differently. We demonstrate these issues in two 'cross cutting' policies: 'prevention' and 'transition'. complexity ; devolution; prevention; transition ; This article was among the most highly cited articles published in Policy & Politics 2016 and 2017: http://policy.bristoluniversitypress.co.uk/journals/policy-and-politics/highly-cited

We study the politics of water infrastructure through the Large Technical Systems (LTS) literature, which examines human agency in the dynamics of complex sociotechnical systems. We take into account the transnational turn in LTS-studies in the past decade. Transnational analysis is about the mutual shaping of the international, national, and local. Accordingly, we look at how key system builders –historical agents envisioning and working on the entire sociotechnical system –identified and negotiated international, national, regional, and local politics through the design process. We do this for the intriguing case of the Danube-Oder-Elbe Canal, the so-called 'missing link' between the North, Baltic, and Black Seas, with a design history spanning wildly diverging paradigms of political rule – from imperialism to fascism, communism, and 'EU-ropeanism'.

This article deals with the problem of gender balance in Ukrainian politics. The author analyzes the relevance of gender transformation for the political life of our country. Furthermore, author defines the current trends of gender transformation in our politics and makes some predictions about future solutions to this problem in Ukraine ; В статье исследуется проблема гендерного сбалансирования в украинскомполитикуме. Автор детально анализирует актуальность гендерных трансформаций для политической жизни страны. Кроме того, автор определяет современные тенденции гендерных преобразований в отечественной политике и делает определенные прогнозы относительно дальнейшего решения этой проблемы в Украине. ; У статті досліджується проблема гендерного збалансування в українськомуполітикумі. Автор ґрунтовно аналізує актуальність гендерних трансформаційдля політичного життя країни. Окрім того, автор окреслює сучасні тенденціїгендерних перетворень у вітчизняній політиці та робить певні прогнози щодоподальшого вирішення цієї проблеми в Україні.

The communicative-discursive resources acquire the most significance in the determine of the new external state politics modern course, which may formed on the basis of the legal divergence overcoming in positions of different countering. It is important conceptually define and fix the communicative-discursive paradigm as a part of the Ukraine international State politics and as an object of legal linguistics teaching. Key words: legal linguistics, international communication, communicative interaction, intercultural communication. ; У визначенні сучасного курсу новітньої зовнішньої державної політики особливого пріоритету набуває міжнародний комунікативно-дискурсивний ресурс, сформований на основі правового подолання розбіжностей у позиціях різних країн. Концептуально важливо визначити та усталити комунікативно-дискурсивну парадигму частиною міжнародної державної політики України. Ключові слова: міжнародні відносини, комунікативна взаємодія, комунікативний ресурс, міжкультурна комунікація, право на комунікацію.

" ""More men in kindergarten"" as a blind spot in gender politics? The share of men in Austria's childcare facilities is less than 2%, in the educational institutions for kindergarten education about 4%. An increase in the proportion of men in elementary education is considered desirable by parents, kindergarten staff, educational science and politics in general. Not just for reasons of gender equality, but because children need women AND men. On the basis of an FWF research project carried out at the University of Innsbruck, this book presents basic conditions on the way to mixed-gender staff in kindergartens. The study results show strong persistence tendencies both in the system of childcare and in the gender equality system. Clear recommendations for measures to increase the proportion of men in kindergartens round off the contribution."

Performer: Columbia University Project Lead: Austin Long Project Cost: $152,722 FY16–17 ; Clandestine capabilities are an increasingly relevant part of nuclear strength, and will likely be a key determinant of deterrence success and strategic stability in future world politics. While the challenge of managing the balance between political benefit and the need to maintain the secrecy of these capabilities is not new, trends in technology are increasing the salience and importance of this issue across several different military domains. This project will investigate how states might use their clandestine capabilities for political benefit without permitting countermeasures to be implemented that would neutralize those capabilities. The project lead will then develop theoretical frameworks that can be used to analyze the impact of clandestine military capabilities on international politics. ; PASCC

Abstract: This paper aims to reveal the socio-political reality that is loaded with interest. The interest certainly are mutually-beneficial but often unbalanced political advantage. In this regard, politics always intersect or identical to 'exchange' and 'communication'. When interpreted in reverse, that isn't politics if it doesn't contain elements of 'exchange' which must be preceded by a communication strategy its politicians. Specifi cally, this paper reveals the occurrence of a 'political exchange' and the ongoing process of 'political communication'. Set in the elections in Soppeng district iIn 2010, the process of exchange and political communication that takes place generally is 'transactional'. Although some cases of 'looks' is 'interactional' but it always ends with a political compensation (transactional).Keywords: Exchange, Political Communication, Election, Transactional, Interactional

Within sociology a burgeoning literature on class identities and politics has developed during the past 20 years. One area of analysis which has yet to be fully investigated concerns the ways class politics are imbued within debates about human–animal relations. Focusing on the case study of dangerous dog legislation in England and Wales, this article develops the literature on class to locate the ways political framings and legislative responses to the issue of dangerous dogs have been enacted. Analyzing historical accounts of responses to rabies and hydrophobia in dogs and humans, through to contemporary debates about the biological dangerousness of certain dog breeds, the article discusses the sociological implications of these class constructions within the establishment of dangerous dog legislation and associated social control powers.

E.H. Carr contrasts 'realism' with 'utopianism' in his major work in theorising international relations, but he ought to have contrasted it with 'moralism', which is a complex set of attitudes that give unwarranted priority to moral considerations in explaining and justifying human action. 'Moralism' is a flawed approach to politics. One should distinguish it from 'utopianism', which is made up of different strands, not all of which are equally problematic. One strand which has been historically important was centred around an attempt to describe and realise a perfect unchanging society, and Carr seems to have this in mind primarily when he speaks 'utopianism'. However, there has been another strand which has focused on the social construction of 'impossibility' in politics, and our potential ability to undo that construction. Such utopianism is compatible with realism.