Suchergebnisse

This research titled "Climate change policies in Cambodia: merging national Interests with global consensus" contributes to the ongoing climate change discussions as one of the foremost global issues. Therefore, the object of this research is Cambodia's national development interests' vis-à-vis the global solidarity on climate change. Furthermore, the goal of this research was to determine whether Cambodia's climate change strategic plan as the most dominant policy reflecting its interests and priorities is capable of fulfilling recent global climate change agreements such as the Paris Agreement by finding a balance between both. In order to achieve this goal, the tasks of this research were: to define the concept of sustainable development; explore its goals and principles; to define the concepts of climate change and global consensus; to provide a background on the impacts of climate change in Cambodia, its current environmental realities, its involvement and participation in regional and international climate change frameworks and agreements and its national and local climate change policies as part of its mitigation efforts, and lastly to analyze and ascertain whether Cambodia through its climate change strategic plan is able to achieve the Paris Agreement goals as an example of global climate change consensus. In addition, the research methods used in this research are the qualitative content and document analyses of official policy documents and agreements, reports, data and publications of major climate change stakeholders in Cambodia. These methods were most appropriate as they provide a solid background of Cambodia's situation and give room for the analysis of the chosen topic. Some key findings in this research are that there is an enormous amount of difficulty on Cambodia's path in upholding sustainability when it is focused on massive economic growth. As a matter of fact, commitment to international climate agreements does not necessarily translate into improved environmental practices. Also, since the Paris Agreement, a lot of environmental activists have wound up dead. Lastly, there is no end in sight yet to climate change impacts in Cambodia. The conclusions were drawn according to the tasks of the research and recommendations made to Cambodia and other least developed countries, for developed countries and the United Nations as the anchor of international climate change agreements. ; Šis magistro darbas " Klimato kaitos politika Kambodžoje: nacionalinių interesų ir visuotinio susitarimo sąveika "prisideda prie vyraujančių diskusijų apie vieną iš svarbiausių pasaulinių klausimų - klimato kaitą. Todėl šio tyrimo objektas yra Kambodžos nacionaliniai vystymosi interesai, susiję su pasauliniu solidarumu klimato kaitos srityje. Šio tyrimo tikslas - nustatyti, ar Kambodžos klimato kaitos strateginis planas, kaip labiausiai dominuojanti politika, atspindinti jos interesus ir prioritetus, gali įvykdyti naujausius pasaulinius susitarimus dėl klimato kaitos, kaip pavyzdžiui, Paryžiaus susitarimas, tokiu būdu surandant abiejų pusių pusiausvyrą. Siekiant tikslo, šio tyrimo uždaviniai buvo: apibrėžti darnaus vystymosi koncepciją; ištirti jo tikslus ir principus; apibrėžti klimato kaitos ir visuotinio sutarimo sąvokas; pateikti bendrą informaciją apie klimato kaitos poveikį Kambodžoje, apie jos dalyvavimą regioninėse ir tarptautinėse klimato kaitos sistemose ir susitarimuose, taip pat apie Kambodžos nacionalinę ir vietos klimato kaitos politiką, kaip jos poveikio mažinimo pastangų dalį, ir, galiausiai, išanalizuoti ir išsiaiškinti, ar Kambodža per savo klimato kaitos strateginį planą gali pasiekti Paryžiaus susitarimo tikslus kaip pasaulinio klimato kaitos konsensuso pavyzdį. Šiame tyrime naudojami tyrimo metodai yra oficialių politinių dokumentų ir susitarimų, ataskaitų, duomenų ir pagrindinių klimato kaita suinteresuotų organizacijų Kambodžoje dokumentų kokybinė turinio ir dokumentų analizė. Šie metodai buvo tinkamiausi, nes jie padeda atskleisti pagrindinius aspektus apie Kambodžos padėtį ir suteikia erdvės pasirinktos temos analizei. Kai kurie pagrindiniai šio tyrimo rezultatai rodo, kad Kambodžai yra sudėtinga išlaikyti darnų vystymąsi, kai jis sutelktas į didžiulį ekonomikos augimą. Iš tiesų, įsipareigojimas laikytis tarptautinių susitarimų dėl klimato kaitos nebūtinai reiškia geresnę aplinkos apsaugos praktiką. Pavyzdžiui, po Paryžiaus susitarimo šalyje būta daug aplinkosaugos aktyvistų mirčių. Galiausiai, nėra išvadų dėl klimato kaitos poveikio Kambodžoje. Išvados buvo parengtos pagal tyrimų užduotis, rekomendacijos pateiktos Kambodžai ir kitoms besivystančioms valstybėms, išsivysčiusioms šalims ir Jungtinėms Tautoms, kaip tarptautinių klimato susitarimų pagrindiniam puoselėtojui. ; Politikos mokslų ir diplomatijos fakultetas ; Politologijos katedra

This article has as objective to present historical aspects, as much as a brief conceptualization of the contemporary socio-economic situation of South Africa. The theoretical reflection of this article articulates the participation of both authors in the youth movement "Fees Must Fall". Based on that, it aims to debate about the contemporary issues on the field of High Education in South Africa. Like in Brazilian reality, since 2015 there has been a rise of a students' movement demanding free education and a decolonial reform of the higher education curriculum, as much as gender and racial justice. The "Fees Must Fall" movement lead to, but also protested against, the militarization of the campi, imprisonment of students, depredation, arson and violence from the different sides. The so called High Education crisis in South Africa has made propitious a wide debate in society, as much as it has served as model for many student's struggles in other contexts. This article will speak from the reality of the engagement with these students to debate about the political and economic situation in South Africa and its impact in the field of high education. Methodologically, the article sets up a bibliographical debate concerning the social and economic reasons for the contemporary crisis. The conclusion of it points to a list of some of the reasons for the crisis in high education in South Africa ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo presentar aspectos históricos, tanto como una breve conceptualización de la situación socioeconómica contemporánea de África del Sur. La reflexión teórica de este artículo articula la participación de ambos autores en el movimiento de la juventud, "Tasas Deberán Caer" (Fees Must Fall). Con base en ello, pretende debatir sobre las cuestiones contemporáneas en el campo de la Educación Superior en Sudáfrica. Similar a la realidad brasileña, desde 2015 hubo un aumento de un movimiento de estudiantes exigiendo educación gratuita y una reforma decolonial del currículo de la enseñanza superior, tanto como la justicia de género y racial. El movimiento "Fees Must Fall" condujo a la, pero también protestó contra la militarización del campus, la detención de estudiantes, la depredación, el incendio criminal y la violencia de los diferentes lados. La llamada crisis de la Educación Superior en Sudáfrica ha propiciado un amplio debate en la sociedad, tanto como sirvió de modelo para muchas luchas de estudiantes en otros contextos. Este artículo hablará de la realidad de la implicación con estudiantes para debatir sobre la situación política y económica en Sudáfrica y su impacto en el campo de la educación superior. Metodológicamente, el artículo establece un debate bibliográfico sobre las razones sociales y económicas de la crisis contemporánea. La conclusión de él apunta a una lista de algunos de los motivos de la crisis de la educación superior en Sudáfrica. ; Este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar aspectos históricos, tanto quanto uma breve conceptualização da situação socioeconômica contemporânea da África do Sul. A reflexão teórica deste artigo articula a participação de ambos os autores no movimento da juventude, "Taxas Deverão Cair" (Fees Must Fall). Com base nisso, pretende debater sobre as questões contemporâneas no campo da Educação Superior na África do Sul. Semelhante à realidade brasileira, desde 2015 houve um aumento de um movimento de estudantes exigindo educação gratuita e uma reforma decolonial do currículo do ensino superior, tanto quanto a justiça de gênero e racial. O movimento "Fees Must Fall" conduziu à, mas também protestou contra a militarização do campi, a prisão de estudantes, a depredação, o incêndio criminoso e a violência dos diferentes lados. A chamada crise da Educação Superior na África do Sul tornou propício um amplo debate na sociedade, tanto quanto serviu de modelo para muitas lutas de estudantes em outros contextos. Este artigo falará da realidade do envolvimento com estudantes para debater sobre a situação política e econômica na África do Sul e seu impacto no campo da educação superior. Metodologicamente, o artigo estabelece um debate bibliográfico sobre as razões sociais e econômicas da crise contemporânea. A conclusão dele aponta para uma lista de alguns dos motivos da crise da educação superior na África do Sul.

Abstrak Pemerintah membuat program kampung iklim (PROKLIM) untuk mencegah naiknya gas emisi rumah kaca serta mencegah dampak dari perubahan iklim dengan tindakan adaptasi dan mitigasi secara proaktif yang berkontribusi kepada upaya pembangunan nasional. Program ini melibatkan seluruh masyarakat desa/kelurahan yang menerapkan program maupun masyarakat desa yang terdampak atau tidak terdampak langsung pada bencana. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah mendeskripsikan proses pemberdayaan masyarakat melalui kegiatan pengelolaan sampah pada aksi mitigasi dalam Program Kampung Iklim di Desa Mojodeso.Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Fokus dari penelitian ini adalah proses pemberdayaan masyarakat yang meliputi pemungkinan, penguatan, perlindungan, penyokongan, pemeliharaan. Subyek dari penelitian ini ditentukan dengan teknik purposive sampling. Teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan adalah wawancara, observasi, dan dokumentasi. Teknik analisis data yang digunakan adalah pengumpulan data, reduksi data, penyajian data dan penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pemberdayaan masyarakat Desa Mojodeso melalui kegiatan pengelolaan sampah dalam Program Kampung Iklim (PROKLIM) berjalan dengan baik. Proses pemungkinan, sudah dilakukan persiapan yang baik, dengan melakukan kegiatan studi banding dan pensosialisasian untuk memilah sampah. Proses penguatan dilakukan dengan memberikan pelatihan pembuatan daur ulang sampah, namun masyarakat masih minim menekuni daur ulang tersebut. Proses perlindungan, dilakukan dengan mengeluarkan SK kepada pihak pengelola sampah. Pada proses penyokongan, bimbingan dan dukungan sudah diberikan, namun belum ada dukungan alat transportasi pengangkut sampah di bank induk sampah. Sedangkan proses pemeliharaan sudah dilakukan dengan baik, dengan diadakan perlombaan lingkungan per RT setiap tahun. Sehingga peneliti memberikan saran yaitu perlu diberikan sosialisasi terus menerus untuk masyarakat mau mengelola sampah, melakukan pengimplementasian dari pelatihan yang sudah diberikan, mengundang pihak luar untuk memberikan pengetahuan lebih dalam tentang pengelolaan sampah dan membuat terobosan baru guna meningkatkan partisipasi masyarakat dalam pengelolaan sampah, sehingga pelaksanaan dari aksi mitigasi bisa terlaksana dengan baik. Kata kunci : Proses Pemberdayaan Masyarakat, PROKLIM, Pengelolaan Sampah Abstract The government created a climate village program (PROKLIM) to prevent the increase of greenhouse gas emissions and prevent the effects of climate change with proactive adaptation and mitigation actions that contribute to national development efforts. This program involves all village / kelurahan communities who implement programs and village communities that are affected or not directly affected by disasters. The purpose of this study is to describe the process of community empowerment through waste management activities in mitigation actions in the Climate Village Program in Mojodeso Village. This study uses descriptive research with a qualitative approach. The focus of this research is the process of community empowerment which includes the possibility, strengthening, protection, advocacy, maintenance. The subjects of this study were determined by purposive sampling technique. Data collection techniques used were interviews, observation, and documentation. Data analysis techniques used are data collection, data reduction, data presentation and conclusion. The results showed that the empowerment of the Mojodeso Village community through waste management activities in the Climate Village Program (PROKLIM) went well. The possible process, good preparation has been carried out, by conducting comparative study and socialization activities to sort waste. The strengthening process is carried out by providing training in making waste recycling, but the community is still minimal in pursuing recycling. The protection process is carried out by issuing a decree to the waste management party. In the process of refinement, guidance and support have been given, but there is no support for the transportation of garbage transporters in the garbage master bank. While the maintenance process has been done well, with an environmental race held per RT every year. So that researchers provide advice, namely that they need to be given continuous socialization for the community to manage waste, implement the training provided, invite outsiders to provide deeper knowledge about waste management and make new breakthroughs to increase community participation in waste management, so that the implementation of mitigation actions can be carried out well.Keywords: Community Empowerment Process, PROKLIM, Waste Management

The union struggle has been, and still is, a key element to understand Mexico's history. These organizations have taken a systematical fight since the year 1943, which has not met a truce, in order to improve the workers' conditions. The present research is developed within this context with the objective to identify, from a feminist perspective, the sisterhood relationships that are woven by the militant women from the section XXII of the Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación en Oaxaca, as part of the labor union (CNTE). I turn to the feminist ethnography (Acevedo 2007; Blanco 2012) as a method for writing and transmitting the fighting stories to which I had access through my female partners, as well as my own since I have been part of the labor union. Also, I have participated directly with the teacher's protest organized by CNTE in the Mexican capital in September, 2013. My methodology is sustained by the one proposed by Teresa del Valle (2017) to access the past from an autobiographic reflection. I build, in this way, a series of stories in which I compile my evocations as historical references to the popular teachers' movement from the year 2006. Through them, I have identified, following Marcela Lagarde's (2012) characterization, the ethic, political and practical levels in which the sisterhood relationships are produced as strategies of care, resistance and empowerment among the union activist teachers. The vertebrae of this analysis are composed by the key constructs such as "sorority" (Lagarde, 1997 & 2012), "ethics of care" (Comins, 2007, Lagarde, 2012) and "empowerment" (Azcuy and Palacio, 2008, Magdalena León, 2001). Finally, I suggest that the sisterhood relationships become a way of empowerment for the teacher of the CNTE, since these relationships find the possibility of obtaining power, signaling oppression, reporting abuses and signaling precedent of political participation for future generations. ; La lucha sindical ha sido y continúa siendo un elemento clave para comprender la historia de México. Estas organizaciones han llevado una lucha sistemática desde el año 1943, que no ha conocido tregua, a fin de mejorar las condiciones laborales de lxs trabajadorxs. La presente investigación se enmarca en este contexto con el objetivo de identificar, desde una perspectiva feminista, las relaciones de sororidad que se tejen entre las mujeres militantes de la sección XXII de la Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación en Oaxaca, que forma parte del Sindicato (CNTE). Acudo a la autoetnografía feminista (Acevedo 2007; Blanco 2012) como método de escritura y de transmisión de las historias de lucha a las que tuve acceso por medio de las compañeras, así como a las mías propias al haber sido parte del propio sindicato y haber participado de manera directa en el plantón magisterial organizado por la CNTE en la capital mexicana en septiembre de 2013. Mi metodología se sustenta así, en la que propone Teresa del Valle (2017) para acceder al pasado desde la reflexión autobiográfica. Construyo, de este modo, una serie de relatos que recogen tanto mis evocaciones como referencias históricas al movimiento popular-magisterial del año 2006. A través de ellos, he buscado identificar, siguiendo la caracterización de Marcela Lagarde (2012), los niveles éticos, políticos y prácticos en que se producen dichas relaciones de sororidad como estrategias de cuidado, resistencia y empoderamiento entre las maestras activistas sindicales. Las vértebras de este análisis están compuestas por conceptos claves como "sororidad" (Lagarde, 1997 y 2012), "ética de los cuidados" (Comins, 2007, Lagarde, 2012) y "empoderamiento" (Azcuy y Palacio, 2008, Magdalena León, 2001). Sugiero finalmente que las relaciones sororales se convierten así en una forma de empoderamiento para las maestras de la CNTE, ya que en dichas relaciones se encuentra la posibilidad de obtener el poder, señalar opresiones, denunciar abusos y marcar precedentes de participación política para futuras generaciones. ; MÁSTER ERASMUS MUNDUS GEMMA. XI EDICIÓN

Поступила в редакцию 25.03.2019. Принята к печати 18.04.2019. ; Submitted on 25 March, 2019. Accepted on 18 April, 2019. ; На основе эпистоляриев, мемуаров, а также публицистики эпохи 1812 г., почерпнутых в том числе из архивов Франции и Германии, рассматривается отношение населения так называемых «малороссийских губерний» — Киевской, Черниговской, Новгород-Северской, Полтавской и Слободско-Украинской — к вторжению Наполеона. Методом документальной деконструкции доказана необоснованность характерного для отдельных представителей украинской историографии мифологического утверждения о наличии профранцузских настроений среди представителей духовенства, дворянства и крестьянства Малороссии, якобы питавших надежду на автономию либо независимость. Особое внимание уделено критическому переосмыслению хрестоматийных примеров вольнодумия местных элит — принесению верноподданной присяги Наполеону уроженцем Малороссии архиепископом Могилевским Варлаамом Шишацким и провозглашению тоста за здоровье французского императора полтавским помещиком Василием Лукашевичем, которые рассмотрены в более широком контексте подобных социокультурных практик. Отдельно проанализированы художественные образы, созданные в поэтических сочинениях малороссийских дворян, нарочито имитировавших язык простого народа с целью акцентировать специфический характер (верноподданный, но в то же время привилегированный) взаимодействия этих потомков казацкой старшины с царским престолом. В реальности отношение низов общества к войне с Наполеоном было гораздо более сложным, в его основе лежало основанное на социальной памяти о казацких вольностях желание избавиться от помещичьего гнета и административной регламентации, но реализовывалось оно не через симпатию к Наполеону, а наоборот — показательное участие в борьбе с французским нашествием в надежде принять волю из рук благодарного царя. Отсутствие в этом этнически специфическом регионе Российской империи общественных групп, организаций и даже отдельных лиц, ориентированных на сотрудничество с Францией, было следствием всеобщих страхов перед возможным возобновлением Речи Посполитой, негативного восприятия западной модели общественного устройства, а также влияния религиозно-консервативного фактора. На роль последнего указывает впервые вводимый в научный оборот визуальный источник — икона из храма села Белозерка с сюжетом распятия Христа французами 1812 г. ; Referring to epistolary works, memoirs, and political essays of 1812 taken mostly from archives of France and Germany, the author considers the attitude of the population of the five so-called "Little Russian provinces", i.e. Kyiv, Chernigiv, Novgorod-Siverskyi, Poltava, and Sloboda Ukraine to Napoleon's invasion. Relying on the method of documentary deconstruction, the author proves the inconsistence of the mythological assertion (which finds some support in Ukrainian historiography) about the presence of pro-French sentiments among the representatives of the clergy, nobility, and peasantry of Little Russia, who allegedly hoped for autonomy or independence. The author pays close attention to the critical reconsideration of textbook examples of the libertinism of local elites, such as oaths to Napoleon by the archbishop of Mogilev Varlaam Shishatsky and a toast to the health of the French Emperor by landowner Vasyl Lukashevytch from the government of Poltava which are considered in the broader context of similar sociocultural practices. In addition, the author separately considers the artistic images created in the poetic works of Little Russian nobles, who deliberately imitated the language of ordinary people to emphasise the specific character of the interaction (loyal, but at the same time privileged) of the descendants of Cossack officers with the throne. In reality, the attitude of the lower classes towards the war with Napoleon was much more complex. It was based on the social memory of Cossack liberties, the desire to get rid of the landlord's oppression and administrative regulation. However, the attitude was not realised through sympathy for Napoleon, but, on the contrary, through demonstrative participation in the struggle against the French invasion in the hopes of drawing the attention of a grateful tsar. The absence of social groups, organisations, or even individuals focused on cooperation with France in this ethnically specific region of the Russian Empire was a consequence of the widespread fears of a possible return to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the negative perception of the Western model of social order, and the influence of the religious-conservative factor. The role of the religious factor is shown in the attempt to introduce a new visual source, i.e. an icon from the church of the village of Belozerka depicting the crucifixion of Christ by the French in 1812.

Rising nationalism and populism, the threat of neo-fascism, increasing xenophobia and racism, the growth of violent extremism pose significant challenges to human rights and the democratic values that have been the cornerstone of Western democracies since the end of World War two. These challenges are manifestations of a globalised system characterised by high levels of interconnectedness but also dominated by great poverty, rising inequalities within and between countries, violent conflicts, and transnational challenges such as forced migrations, environmental destruction and climate change. In this context, the last two decades have witnessed a resurgence of interest in a global notion of citizenship. While global citizenship is an ambiguous and contested concept, it is widely used in education to stress the need for a new citizenship education with a global orientation. Global Citizenship Education (GCE) is presented as a new agenda for citizenship education in a global era and has recently been recognised as one of the educational priorities of the 21stcentury. Yet, GCE is a highly complex and ambiguous idea, is infused with a variety of meanings, and is understood and used differently within and across a variety of contexts, including various sites of education. This thesis explores how GCE is conceptualised and practiced in the Province of Trento in northern Italy. It studies the multiple meanings and perspectives that different provincial actors (decision-makers, key informants, teachers) convey through GCE. Based on Constructivist and Informed Grounded Theory, the thesis provides a nuanced understanding of how GCE is conceptualised and translated into policies and practice. In the first phase of data collection, intensive interviews were conducted with 21 teachers from 9 local secondary schools and with 6 provincial representatives and key informants. Theoretical sampling was used in the second phase of data collection to elaborate and refine the provisional interpretative categories. It included thematic analysis of provincial policy documents, participation in a group of experts, interviews with 2 additional key informants, and re-interview of 9 teachers. Combining the conceptual categories constructed from the analysis of the empirical data with the theoretical concepts in the scholarly literature, the thesis presents a typology illustrating four GCE ideal-types: Neo-liberal human capitalism, Cosmopolitan humanism, Social justice activism, and Critical counter-practice. The thesis highlights that GCE in the Province of Trento is broadly consistent with the Cosmopolitan humanism ideal-type, and is characterized by a distinctive moral dimension. On the one hand, GCE is constructed as a 'new moral pedagogy', which reflects adherence and commitment to what is perceived to be as a universal moral structure based on humanistic cosmopolitan values. GCE has a distinctive socialisation function, articulated in terms of the promotion and acquisition by young people of certain values and identities to become 'better' citizens of the global world. But GCE presents also elements of Neo-liberal human capitalism. It is in fact infused with a qualification function aimed at equipping students with the skills they need for life in the global society and work in the global economy. On the other hand, the moral dimension of GCE finds expression in the fact that GCE is not an educational imperative but it is rather a personal 'moral' choice. It is not a provincial educational priority and is not structurally embedded in the curriculum. Hence GCE is just a 'moral optional' in the hands of 'willing and able teachers' who are committed to cosmopolitan values. These teachers are highly motivated, and see GCE as a 'moral duty' for the teachers of the 21stcentury. The thesis suggests that overcoming a constellation of institutional, curricular, organisational and conceptual barriers is essential to facilitate the structural and systematic integration of GCE in the curriculum. The role of teacher education and an alliance between academia and practice are of paramount importance. They are essential to facilitate a more structural grounding of GCE in the curriculum and stimulate reflection on the necessity for political and critical GCE perspectives and approaches. ; open

The peasant production has been an objective of government policies during more than 5 decades. However, there is a great government ignorance concerning to dynamics and rationality of this productive sector. In this sense, there is a great difference between capitalistic production and peasant production. But, this matter has been ignored by the government, so that, the economical policies applied to peasant development has always failed. It is necessary to make new researches in order to get a better knowledge about peasant dynamic due to the present diagnosis is wrong. In the peasant production does not work the concept of earning and some expenses are not taken in to account. Besides, to improve the peasants life level implies to go further of economical aspects and it is necessary an integral vision, so that it is required to apply strategies directed to the development of the whole territory (countryside). Accordingly, the government policies, must take into account not only the economical matters, but some other elements as security, ways of communication and transport, public services, environment protection and strategies of social participation, association and organization. ; Las Unidades Económicas de Producción Campesina han sido objetivo de la política económica y social del gobierno colombiano durante más de cinco décadas. Sin embargo, todavía existe un gran desconocimiento por parte del Estado respecto a la racionalidad y dinámica de este sector de la producción. La lógica de la producción campesina es completamente diferente a la de la producción capitalista, situación que ha llevado al fracaso de las estrategias estatales para mejorar la vida en el campo, dado que el gobierno pretende aplicar en el campesinado las mismas acciones dirigidas a la producción empresarial. La visión del Estado sobre la dinámica de la producción campesina requiere una reformulación, ya que se parte de un diagnóstico errado. En la producción campesina no se establece el concepto capitalista de ganancia y algunos costos de producción no son asimilados como tales. Adicionalmente, la mejora en la calidad de vida en el campo no es un asunto exclusivamente productivo y su manejo requiere una visión integral sobre el significado del campesinado, por lo cual, además de las estrategias dirigidas al apoyo a las actividades productivas y a la posesión de la tierra, se hace necesario un desarrollo de todo el territorio (los espacios rurales). Lo anterior implica que la política gubernamental dirigida al campesinado, además de los aspectos económicos, debe abarcar aspectos como la seguridad, mejora en las vías de comunicación y transporte, servicios públicos, protección del medioambiente y desarrollo de mecanismos de participación social, asociación y organización. ; As Unidades Econômicas de Produção Rural têm sido objeto da política econômica e social do governo colombiano durante mais de 5 décadas. No entanto, ainda existe um grande desconhecimento por parte do Estado a respeito da racionalidade e dinâmica desse setor da produção. A lógica da produção rural é completamente diferente da produção capitalista, situação que levou ao fracasso das estratégias estatais para melhorar a vida no campo, dado que o governo pretende aplicar ao campesinato as mesmas ações dirigidas à produção empresarial. A visão do Estado sobre a dinâmica da produção rural exige uma reformulação, uma vez que se parte de um diagnóstico errado. Na produção rural não se estabelece o conceito capitalista de lucro e alguns custos de produção não são assimilados como tal. Adicionalmente, a melhoria da qualidade de vida no campo não é um assunto exclusivamente produtivo e seu tratamento exige uma visão integral sobre o significado do campesinato através da qual, além das estratégias dirigidas ao apoio às atividades produtivas e à posse da terra, se torna necessário um desenvolvimento de todo o território (os espaços rurais). O anterior implica que a política governamental dirigida ao campesinato, para além dos aspetos econômicos, deve incluir aspetos como a segurança, a melhoria nas vias de comunicação e transporte

La democracia brasileña, como en la gestación anembrionaria – en la que los aparentes síntomas de embarazo debidos a la acción de las hormonas no se corresponden con la presencia de un embrión – no ha encontrado en las instituciones formales constituidas valores y prácticas capaces de resguardar el desarrollo de una democracia sustancial. En distintos períodos de la historia del país, el impulso inicial en dirección a una mayor participación política e inclusión social se ha visto interrumpido por movimientos abruptos de intervención en el curso de la democracia. En 2016, una combinación de intereses de la oposición partidaria, del oligopolio de la comunicación y de sectores del poder judicial, creó las condiciones para el impeachment de la presidenta Dilma Rousseff por incumplimiento de las leyes presupuestarias. Bajo el rito formal de las instituciones, el golpe parlamentario aseguró el retorno de los conservadores al poder y puso en marcha una agenda de regresión social y de autoritarismo, con amplio apoyo de sectores ideológicamente contrarios al gobierno anterior. Como resultado, el proyecto democrático en Brasil se presenta una vez más amenazado y las señales de ello repercuten en el agravamiento de los problemas sociales. En este trabajo, analizamos los factores que determinaron el deterioro de la democracia brasileña y la profundización del golpe parlamentario que impide la fecundación de una democracia sólida en el país. ; A democracia brasileira, como na gestação anembrionária, em que os sinais aparentes causados pela ação de hormônios não correspondem à presença de um embrião, não encontrou nas instituições formais constituídas, valores e práticas capazes de resguardar o desenvolvimento de uma democracia substancial. Em distintos períodos da história do país, o impulso inicial na direção de maior participação política e de inclusão social foi interrompido por movimentos abruptos de intervenção no curso da democracia. Em 2016, uma combinação de interesses da oposição partidária, do oligopólio de comunicação e de setores do poder judiciário, criou as condições para o impeachment da presidenta Dilma Rousseff por descumprimento de leis orçamentárias. Sob o rito formal das instituições, o golpe parlamentar assegurou o retorno dos conservadores ao poder e pôs em marcha uma agenda de regressão social e de autoritarismo, com amplo apoio de setores ideologicamente contrários ao governo anterior. Como resultado, o projeto de democracia no Brasil se apresenta mais uma vez ameaçado e os indicadores disso repercutem no agravamento dos problemas sociais. Neste trabalho, analisamos os fatores que determinaram a deterioração da democracia brasileira e o aprofundamento do golpe parlamentar que impede a fecundação de uma democracia sólida no país. ; Brazilian democracy, as in anembryonic gestation - in which the apparent signs caused by the action of hormones do not correspond to the presence of an embryo - did not find in the formal institutions constituted, values and practices capable of safeguarding the development of a substantial democracy. In different periods of the country's history, the initial impetus towards greater political participation and social inclusion was interrupted by abrupt intervention in the course of democracy. In 2016, a combination of interests from the party opposition, the oligopoly of communication, and sectors of the judiciary created the conditions for President Dilma Rousseff's impeachment for non-compliance with budget laws. Under the formal rite of the institutions, the parliamentary coup ensured the return of the Conservatives to power and set in motion an agenda of social regression and authoritarianism with broad support from sectors ideologically opposed to the previous government. As a result, the democracy project in Brazil is once again under threat and the indicators thereof have repercussions on the aggravation of social problems. In this work, we analyze the factors that determined the deterioration of Brazilian democracy and the deepening of the parliamentary coup that prevents the fecundation of a solid democracy in the country.

Through the present investigation, the aim is to demonstrate the importance of financial management in the Rural Parochial Decentralized Autonomous Governments of the Baños de Agua Santa canton, which will allow promoting a proposal to articulate processes that reduce existing biases in the administration. The main interest of this research is to conceive an adequate financial management that allows those who are managers of the Parochial Rural Decentralized Autonomous Governments to supply the population needs reflected in the parish budget, designed through citizen participation. The present investigation is novel because of its scope of study, it focuses on the Parochial Rural Decentralized Autonomous Governments of the Baños de Agua Santa canton, and establishes an evaluation of its budgets and processes, as well as establishing a correlation with the Annual Operating Plans and the Hiring Plan Public public. Having an adequate Financial Administration and its legal basis in this investigation would allow to promote legal technical solutions to mitigate the various problems of the Decentralized Autonomous Governments of the Baños de Agua Santa Canton. In this sense, this study promotes the strengthening of the administrative financial management of the Decentralized Parochial Autonomous Governments of the Baños de Agua Santa canton and achieving an integrated organization through an administrative management model that serves as a guide for the fulfillment of political, economic objectives and social. For the development of the solution to the problem raised it was observed that it is of vital importance the budgetary evaluation, for its fulfillment as well as its repercussion in the development and fulfillment of the POA and the PAC of the autonomous decentralized rural parochial governments of the canton Baños de Agua Santa, here is its importance, for which it has all the knowledge and bibliographical support materials, as well as technological resources for the normal development of it. In this regard, the proposed proposal seeks to establish a degree of optimization of resources for the welfare of the population. ; A través de la presente investigación se pretende demostrar la importancia de la gestión Administrativa Financiera en los Gobiernos Autónomos Descentralizados Parroquiales Rurales del cantón Baños de Agua Santa la misma que permitirá promover una propuesta para articular procesos que disminuyan los sesgos existentes en la administración. El interés principal de esta investigación es concebir una adecuada gestión Administrativa Financiera que permita a quienes son gestores de los Gobiernos Autónomos Descentralizados Parroquiales Rurales suplir las necesidades poblacionales plasmadas en el presupuesto parroquial, diseñado mediante la participación ciudadana. La presente investigación es novedosa por su ámbito de estudio, se enfoca en los Gobiernos Autónomos Descentralizados Parroquiales Rurales del cantón Baños de Agua Santa, y establece una evaluación de sus presupuestos y procesos, además establece una correlación con los Planes Operativo Anual y el de Contratación Pública públicas. El tener una adecuada Administración Financiera y su fundamento legal en esta investigación permitiría promover soluciones técnicas legales para mitigar las diversas problemáticas de los Gobiernos Autónomos Descentralizados del Cantón Baños de Agua Santa. En tal sentido con este estudio se promueve fortalecer la gestión administrativa financiera de los Gobiernos Autónomos Descentralizados parroquiales del cantón Baños de Agua Santa y lograr una organización integra a través de un modelo de gestión administrativa que sirva como guía para el cumplimiento de objetivos políticos, económicos y sociales. Para el desarrollo de la solución a la problemática planteada se pudo observar que es de vital importancia la evaluación presupuestaria, para el cumplimiento del mismo así como su repercusión en el desarrollo y cumplimiento del POA y del PAC de los gobiernos autónomos descentralizados parroquiales rurales del cantón Baños de Agua Santa, he aquí su importancia, para lo cual se cuenta con todos los conocimientos y materiales de apoyo bibliográfico, así como recursos tecnológicos para el normal desarrollo de la misma. En tal razón la propuesta planteada busca establecer un grado de optimización de recursos para el bienestar de la población. Descriptores:

En el campus de investigación Mobility2Grid, situado en el barrio de Schöneberg de Berlín, distintos actores trabajan conjuntamente para desarrollar un nuevo sistema de movilidad, basado en vehículos eléctricos. Se analizará el papel que efectúan el Estado, las empresas privadas (tanto start-ups como grandes compañías(, universidades y, especialmente, sociedad civil, con usuarios dentro y fuera del campus involucrados en la innovación. ; La sociedad de hoy en día se enfrenta al reto de la Sostenibilidad. El Desarrollo Sostenible se refiere a satisfacer las necesidades básicas de las generaciones actuales sin poner en peligro la capacidad de las generaciones futuras para satisfacer las suyas. Todos los sub-sistemas de la sociedad deben contribuir para conseguir un planeta más sostenible, teniendo en cuenta que ni el gobierno, las instituciones privadas, las universidades o la sociedad civil son capaces de enfrentarse a este desafío trabajando de forma independiente. De ahí que surjan iniciativas como el campus objeto de estudio, Mobility2Grid, donde empresas privadas trabajan en asociación con instituciones públicas para implementar soluciones innovadoras que garanticen un servicio asequible de energía, transporte y calefacción basado exclusivamente en energías renovables. El gobierno y la sociedad civil forman parte de este proceso de innovación. Mobility2Grid es un Living Lab, es decir, un espacio relacionado con la User Innovation que funciona como un banco de ensayos donde se implementan escenarios reales para que tanto los usuarios como los fabricantes puedan participar como co-diseñadores en el proceso de innovación. La innovación se produce a partir del conocimiento, el cual procede de cuatro fuentes diferentes (también conocidas como hélices): universidades, industria, gobierno y sociedad civil. Estos cuatro sub-sistemas constituyen el modelo de la cuádruple hélice, pero existe asimismo una quinta hélice que es el entorno natural. El objetivo principal de este Proyecto es realizar un estudio de Mobility2Grid para comprender los papeles de los actores involucrados en el proceso de creación de valor. Otro objetivo es proponer nuevas ideas de participación de la sociedad civil. Se ha utilizado el Flourishing Business Canvas para analizar el modelo de negocio. También se han realizado entrevistas a expertos y encuestas ciudadanas para obtener distintos puntos de vista sobre el futuro de las ciudades. ; Today's society faces an important challenge regarding Sustainability. Sustainable Development deals with how to satisfy the basic needs of present generations without jeopardizing the ability of future generations to meet theirs. All subsystems of society must contribute to the accomplishment of a more sustainable planet, taking into account that neither the government, private institutions, universities or civil society are able to face this challenge while working by themselves. Hence, initiatives such as the campus under study take place. On Mobility2Grid, private companies work in partnership with public institutions to implement innovative solutions that guarantee an affordable service of energy, transport and heat based exclusively on renewable energies. Government and civil society are also part of this innovation process. Mobility2Grid is a Living Lab, that is, a space related to User-driven Innovation that functions as a test bench where real scenarios are implemented so that both users and manufacturers can participate as co-designers in the innovation process. Innovation comes from knowledge, which comes from four different sources (also called helices): academia, industry, government and civil society. These four subsystems are the model of the quadruple helix, but there is also a fifth helix that is the natural environment. The main objective of this Project is to carry out a Mobility2Grid study to understand the roles of the stakeholders involved in the process of creating value. Another objective is to propose new ideas for the participation of civil society. The Flourishing Business Canvas has been used to analyze the business model. Interviews with experts and citizen surveys also took place to obtain different points of view about the future urban mobility scenario.

The use of citizens` and legal entities` personal information is crucial for the protection of human rights at the current stage of society and information technology development. On the one hand, a high-quality system of processing and using this information can increase the level of citizen participation in government-making processes and assist on creating a human-centric approach in public administration, when the state will have all the necessary information to serve citizens (providing of all administrative services online, use of analytics to improve infrastructure, etc.). On the other hand, misuse and unauthorized access to personal data can lead to violations of citizens' rights, corruption and excessive bureaucracy in administrative procedures.At the same time, approaches to the protection of personal data should be not formal, but purely practical. The state policy should be based on the solution of real problems, which often require a complete revision of the systematic approaches, in this case the infrastructure of the state registers.Modern information technologies make it possible to implement large-scale changes in the business processes of collecting, storing and processing personal data of citizens. Moreover, such approaches make it possible to reduce bureaucratic burdens and minimize corruption risks.Distributed registry technology is a popular solution for improving the performance of government processes and enhancing eGovernment in the country. However, its application requires a proper assessment of the problem and its origins, as well as the outcomes that should be achieved ; Использование персональных данных граждан и юридических лиц имеют критическое значение для защиты прав человека на современном этапе развития общества и информационных технологий. С одной стороны, качественная система обработки и использования этой информации может повысить уровень участия граждан в процессах и способствовать становлению человекоцентрического подхода в публичном управлении, когда государство будет иметь всю необходимую информацию для того чтобы служить гражданам (предоставление административных услуг без справок и в режиме онлайн, использование аналитической информации для улучшения инфраструктуры и т.д.). С другой стороны, неправильное использование и доступ к персональным данным может привести к нарушениям прав граждан, коррупции и чрезмерной бюрократизации административных процедур.В то же время, подходы к защите персональных данных должны иметь не формальный, а сугубо практический характер. Государственная политика должна базироваться на решении реальных проблем, которые часто требуют полного пересмотра подходов к работе системы, в данном случае инфраструктуры государственных реестров.Современные информационные технологии дают возможность реализовывать полномасштабные изменения бизнес-процессов сбора, хранения и обработки персональных данных граждан. К тому же такие подходы дают возможность уменьшить бюрократическую нагрузку на людей, а также минимизировать коррупционные риски.Технология распределенного реестра является популярным подходом для улучшения работы государственных процессов и повышение уровня электронного управления в государстве. Однако ее применение требует правильной оценки проблемы и ее истоков, а также результата, который необходимо достичь ; Використання персональних даних громадян та юридичних осіб мають критичне значення для захисту прав людини на сучасному етапі розвитку суспільства та інформаційних технологій. З одного боку, якісна система обробки та використання цієї інформації може підвищити рівень участі громадян в державотворчих процесах та сприяти становленню людиноцентриського підходу в публічному управлінні, коли держава буде мати всю необхідну інформацію для того щоб служити громадянам (надання адміністративних послуг без довідок та в режимі онлайн, використання аналітичної інформації для покращення інфраструктури тощо). З іншого боку, неправильне використання та доступ до персональних даних може призвести до порушень прав громадян, корупції та надмірної бюрократизації адміністративних процедур.В той самий час, підходи до захисту персональних даних повинні мати не формальний, а суто практичний характер. Державно політика повинна базуватись на вирішенні реальних проблем, які часто потребують повного перегляду підходів до роботи системи, в даному випадку інфраструктури державних реєстрів. Сучасні інформаційні технології дають можливості реалізовувати повномасштабні зміни бізнес-процесів збору, зберігання та обробки персональних даних громадян. До того ж такі підходи дають можливість зменшити бюрократичне навантаження на людей, а також мінімізувати корупційні ризики. Технологія розподіленого реєстру є популярним підходом для покращення роботи державних процесів та підвищення рівня електронного врядування в державі. Проте її застосування потребує правильної оцінки проблеми та її витоків, а також результату, який необхідно досягнути

El objetivo de esta investigación es realizar una propuesta de criterios para establecer un Acuerdo Bilateral entre Perú y Ecuador, para un plan de contingencias conjunto de respuesta ante derrames de hidrocarburos en el mar, sobre la base de los Acuerdos Regionales de la Comisión Permanente del Pacífico Sur (CPPS). Se analizó el comportamiento de la ejecución de las acciones de respuesta por parte de las instituciones. Asimismo, se formuló criterios para establecer un plan nacional para el control de derrames de hidrocarburos en el mar. Y se identificó criterios políticos y jurídicos para establecer un Acuerdo Bilateral entre Perú y Ecuador para un plan de contingencias conjunto. El tipo de investigación fue cualitativo, para la muestra se contó con la participación de 10 especialistas entre peruanos y ecuatorianos. La técnica de recolección fue el análisis documental y la entrevista. Se elaboró una guía de análisis documental y una guía de entrevista. El análisis de las entrevistas consistió en la identificación de las ideas principales e importantes, que nos permitieron clasificar la información y posteriormente describirla en los resultados. Se concluyó que para establecer un Acuerdo Bilateral entre Perú y Ecuador para la elaboración de un plan de contingencias conjunto de respuesta ante derrames de hidrocarburos en el mar, los criterios jurídicos deben estar enfocados sobre la base del Convenio Internacional sobre Cooperación, Preparación y Lucha Contra la Contaminación por Hidrocarburos, 1990 (Convenio OPRC), tomando en cuenta el marco normativo vigente de ambos países respecto a convenios bilaterales que contemplen disposiciones de Aduanas y Migraciones a efectos de facilitar el ingreso de personal y equipamiento para atender la situación de emergencia y hacer frente a los posibles incidentes de contaminación en el medio ambiente. Los criterios políticos, deben estar alineados principalmente a la política ambiental de cada país, tomar en cuenta los límites marítimos establecidos, este tema debería ser parte de las reuniones bilaterales y debe considerar e implementar funciones de control interno binacionales. ; The objective of this research is to formulate proposals for criteria to establish a Bilateral Agreement between Perú and Ecuador, for a joint contingency plan to respond to oil spills at sea, based on the Regional Agreements of the Permanent Commission of the South Pacific (CPPS) the performance of the response actions by the institutions was analyzed. Likewise, criterias were formulated to establish a national plan for the control of oil spills at sea. And political and legal criterias were identified for establishing a Bilateral Agreement between Perú and Ecuador for a joint contingency plan were identified. The type of research is qualitative, with the participation of 10 specialists between Peruvians and Ecuadorians. The collection technique was documentary analysis and interview. A document analysis guide and an interview guide were developed. The analysis of the interviews consisted in the identification of the main and important ideas, which allowed us to classify the information and then describe it in the results. It was concluded that in order to establish a Bilateral Agreement between Perú and Ecuador for the elaboration of a joint contingency plan in response to oil spills at sea, the legal criteria must be focused on the basis of the International Convention on Cooperation, Preparation and Struggle Against Hydrocarbon Pollution, 1990 (OPRC Agreement), taking into account the current regulatory framework of both countries regarding bilateral agreements that include Customs and Migration provisions in order to facilitate the entry of personnel and equipment to address the emergency situation and cope with possible incidents of pollution in the environment. The political criteria, must be aligned mainly to the environmental policy of each country, take into account the established maritime limits, this issue should be part of the bilateral meetings and should consider and implement binational internal control functions.

Hrvatska je 2002. godine provela radikalnu reformu mirovinskog sustava privatizacijom dijela javnog sustava, takozvani II. stup definiranih doprinosa, te uvođenjem i III. dobrovoljnog stupa. Reforma je provedena po modelu Svjetske banke slično kao i u drugim tranzicijskim zemljama. Za razliku od drugih tranzicijskih zemalja, hrvatski je sustav preživio krizu i u njemu nisu poduzimane značajnije dodatne reforme. U tekstu se tematizira korist i potreba provođenja evaluacija ovako opsežnih reformi kao razvoj politike utemeljene na dokazima. U tom kontekstu, analiziraju se mirovinske reforme u zemljama višegradske skupine (Poljska, Slovačka i Mađarska) gdje je pod utjecajem krize ukinuto obvezno članstvo u II. stupu. Glede politike mirovinskih reformi, u ovim zemljama na djelu je proces konvergencije. Rasprave o privatizaciji mirovinskog sustava sežu u prvu polovicu 1990-ih, a uvođenjem II. stupa govorilo se o razvoju tržišta kapitala, poticanju gospodarskog razvoja, novog zapošljavanja te većih mirovina. Premda je bilo političkih planova o privremenom zaustavljanju uplata u II. stup, on je preživio krizu. Suočena s manjim mirovinama iz I. i II. stupa za dobrovoljne drugostupaše od mirovina iz I. stupa vlada je dala dodatak dragovoljnim drugostupašima koji se vraćaju u I. stup. Reformom 2018. znatan dio dodatka imaju i obvezni drugostupaši. Analiza javnog diskursa govori da su glavne dnevne novine dio medijske kampanje obveznih mirovinskih fondova (OMF), zapravo društava za upravljanje mirovinskim fondovima, i u njima nema mjesta za drugačije mišljenje o II. stupu. U tekstu se analiziraju operativni troškovi društava za upravljanje OMF-ima, dominanta ulaganja u države obveznice čime se povećava javni dug te, imajući u vidu javne podatke, tranzicijski trošak. Zaključno se vrednuju dometi mirovinske reforme s nalazima evaluacije koji ukazuju na neodrživost II. stupa te njegovu reformu kao u spomenutim tranzicijskim zemljama. ; In 2002 Croatia implemented a radical pension system reform through privatization of a part of the public system, the so-called second pillar of defined contributions and the introduction of the third voluntary pillar. The reform was implemented according to the World Bank model, similarly as in other countries in transition. Unlike other countries in transition, the Croatian system survived the crisis and no other significant additional reform was undertaken in it. The text analyses the use and need of conducting an evaluation of such comprehensive reforms as a policy development based on evidence. In that context, the paper examines pension reforms in the Visegrád Group countries (Poland, Slovakia and Hungary) where the mandatory participation in the second pillar was cancelled due to the crisis. With regard to pension reform policies, these countries are undergoing a convergence process. Discussions about the pension system privatization date back to the first part of the 1990s, and the introduction of the mandatory second pillar opened debates about the capital market development, stimulation of economic growth, new employment and larger pensions. Although there were some political plans to temporarily halt payments to the second pillar, it survived the crisis. Faced with the pensions from the first and second pillars for voluntary second tier participants that were smaller than the pensions from the first pillar only, the government gave an increase to the second tier participants returning to the first pillar. The 2018 reform provided a considerable part of the increase for the mandatory second tier participants. The public discourse analysis shows that main daily newspapers serve as a part of the media campaign of the mandatory pension funds, actually pension fund management companies, and there is no place for different opinions about the second pillar in them. The paper analyses the operative costs of pension fund management companies, dominant investments in government bonds which increases public debt and, bearing in mind publicly available data, the costs of transition. Finally, pension reform aims are assessed against evaluation findings that point to the unsustainable second pillar and its reform similar to the reforms in aforementioned countries.

As a result of the parliamentary elections held in the Czech Republic on October 20-21, 2017, the two left-wing parties of the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD) and the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM) achieved the worst results in the history of their parliamentary rivalry from the time of the Velvet Divorce [Výsledky voleb a referend: 2018]. This fact is part of the regularity of recent years also in Poland, Hungary and partly in Slovakia - weaker results in the parliamentary elections of left parties. This article is an attempt to show the political strength of the most important left-wing parties in these countries. It will be a kind of background that will help show the scale of the crisis. Otherwise, we should consider parties isolated from those that had a significant influence on state policy through the governance. The index of participation and government responsibility suggested by Giuseppe Ieraci will be helpful in this case. The second part of this article is an attempt to identify the causes of the crisis. It is known that the determinants of this state of affairs are many, the more necessary it seems to systematize them and attempt to indicate similarities in this respect in the Visegrad Group countries. This will allow us to determine if there are common features of the leftist crisis in the V4, which in turn may become the basis of discussions about left-wing issues in Central and Eastern Europe, leading to reflections on the contemporary challenges of left-wing parties. Although the national political scenes as well as the processes taking place in their areas, in the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary are clearly different from the mechanisms and decisions in Western Europe, it is impossible to analyze the subject taken by the authors in isolation from the crisis of the West European Left Wing as well as the growing debate and critical voices towards liberal democracy, which, according to some European leaders, such as Viktor Orban, is a failure in the field of solving the most important problems of the modern state [Nowak 2018: 45]. ; W wyniku wyborów parlamentarnych, które odbyły się w R epublice Czeskiej w dniach 20–21 października 2017 r., dwie partie lewicowe – Czeska Partia Socjaldemokratyczna (ČSSD) oraz Komunistyczna Partia Czech i M oraw (KSČM) – uzyskały najgorsze wyniki w historii swojej rywalizacji parlamentarnej od czasu "aksamitnego rozwodu" [Výsledky voleb a referend: 2018]. Fakt ten wpisuje się w prawidłowość występującą w ostatnich latach również w Polsce, na Węgrzech i częściowo na Słowacji – słabszych wyników w wyborach parlamentarnych ugrupowań lewicowych. Niniejszy artykuł stanowi próbę wykazania politycznej siły najważniejszych ugrupowań lewicowych w tych państwach. Stanowić to będzie swoiste tło, które pomoże określić skalę wspomnianego kryzysu. Inaczej bowiem powinniśmy rozpatrywać partie izolowane od tych, które miały istotny wpływ na politykę państwa przez sprawowanie rządów. Pomocne będą w tym przypadku indeksy partycypacji i odpowiedzialności rządowej, zaproponowane przez Giuseppe Ieraciego. Druga część niniejszego artykułu to próba określenia przyczyn wspomnianego kryzysu. Wiadome jest, że determinantów takiego stanu rzeczy jest wiele, tym bardziej konieczne wydaje się ich usystematyzowanie oraz próba wskazania podobieństw w tym zakresie w państwach Grupy Wyszehradzkiej. Pozwoli to określić, czy istnieją wspólne cechy kryzysu lewicy w V4, co z kolei może się stać zalążkiem dyskusji o problemach lewicy w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej, prowadząc do rozważań na temat współczesnych wyzwań partii lewicowych. Wprawdzie krajowe sceny polityczne, a także zachodzące w ich obrębach procesy w Czechach, Polsce oraz na Słowacji i Węgrzech różnią się wyraźnie od mechanizmów i rozstrzygnięć w państwach Europy Zachodniej, mimo to nie można analizować podjętego przez autorów tematu w oderwaniu od kryzysu lewicy zachodnioeuropejskiej, a także coraz silniejszej dyskusji oraz krytycznych głosów wobec demokracji liberalnej, która zdaniem niektórych przywódców europejskich państw, np. Viktora Orbana, przynosi klęskę na polu rozwiązywania najważniejszych problemów współczesnego państwa [Nowak 2018: 45].

The state of the agrarian insurance market in Ukraine is analyzed. The data of insurance of crops in the period from 2005 to 2018 are given. Compares the indicators of 2018 underwriting year to the indicators of previous years: the number of concluded contracts, the size of the insured sown area, the sum of insurance contracts, insurance premiums, insurance payments and the number of types of insured crops. The trend of use of combined insurance protection is monitored: insurance against total death during the period of hibernation plus spring frosts. It was determined that the reason for a sharp increase in the conclusion of contracts for animal insurance in 2018 underwriting year is the conclusion of contracts with individuals. The essence and necessity of agrarian insurance for agricultural commodity producers are determined. The role of the state in the process of organization of agrarian insurance in Ukraine is determined. Participation of the state in support of agricultural risk insurance is dictated, on the one hand, by the uniqueness of agricultural risks, and, on the other hand, the need to make financial assistance to the state of agriculture targeted and targeted. It has been determined that due to lack of budget funds and for a number of other objective reasons, the government has refused to finance the previously introduced subsidized agricultural insurance program. Therefore, the state lost the opportunity to influence the market of agrarian insurance. The general level of development of insurance of agricultural risks at the present stage is investigated and the main reasons for the reluctance of agricultural enterprises to conclude insurance contracts for the safeguarding of their crops and future yields from possible risks are identified. Among these reasons are: high level of distrust of agricultural producers to insurers and low awareness of the general mechanism of agrarian insurance. Defined tasks that need to be done to increase the interaction between insurers and insurers in the agrarian insurance sector. The issues of cooperation of the Ministry of Agrarian Policy and Food with the IFC Project "Development of Financing of the Agrarian Sector in Europe and Central Asia", which is aimed at establishing a constructive dialogue with the insurers, is disclosed. The given recommendations on introduction of an agrarian insurance pool in Ukraine. ; Аналізується стан ринку аграрного страхування в Україні. Наведені дані страхування сільськогосподарських культур в період з 2005 по 2018 рік. Порівнюються показники 2018 андеррайтингового року до показників минулих років: кількість укладених договорів, величини застрахованих посівних площ, страхові суми договорів, страхові премії, страхові виплати та кількість видів застрахованих сільськогосподарських культур. Відслідковується зберігання тенденції використання комбінованого страхового захисту: страхування від повної загибелі на період перезимівлі плюс весняні заморозки. Визначено, що причиною різкого збільшення укладання договорів на страхування тварин у 2018 андеррайтинговому році є укладання договорів з фізичними особами. Визначається сутність та необхідність аграрного страхування для сільськогосподарських товаровиробників. Визначається роль держави у процесі організації аграрного страхування в Україні. Участь держави у підтримці страхування сільськогосподарських ризиків диктується, з одного боку, унікальністю сільськогосподарських ризиків, а з другого – необхідністю зробити фінансову допомогу держави сільському господарству адресною і цільовою. Визначено, що через брак бюджетних коштів та з ряду інших об'єктивні причини уряд відмовився від фінансування раніше запровадженої програми субсидованого аграрного страхування. Тому держава втратила можливість впливу на ринок аграрного страхування. Досліджено загальний рівень розвитку страхування сільськогосподарських ризиків на сучасному етапі та визначено основні причини небажання сільськогосподарських підприємств укладати страхові договори по убезпеченню своїх посівних площ та майбутнього врожаю від можливих ризиків. Серед цих причин: високий рівень недовіри виробників сільськогосподарської продукції до страховиків та низька обізнаність в загальному механізмі аграрного страхування. Визначені завдання, які необхідно виконати для збільшення взаємодії між страхувальниками та страховиками в аграрній страховій сфері. Розкрито питання співпраці Міністерства аграрної політики та продовольства з Проектом IFC "Розвиток фінансування аграрного сектору в Європі та Центральній Азії", завданням якої є встановлення конструктивного діалогу зі страховиками. Надані рекомендації щодо впровадження в Україні аграрного страхового пулу.