Theologie(n) und Modernisierung: interdisziplinäre Perspektiven aus Judentum, Christentum und Islam
In: Theologie in pluraler Gesellschaft Bd. 1
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In: Theologie in pluraler Gesellschaft Bd. 1
In: Himalayan and Central Asian studies: journal of Himalayan Research and Cultural Foundation, Band 9, Heft 1-2, S. 141-166
ISSN: 0971-9318
Ortodoksi Islam yang datang dari tanah Arab ke Indonesia berhadapan dengan budaya Jawa yang sudah mengakar dan mentradisi dalam masyarakat. Oleh karena itu, dibutuhkan kearifan dalam memahami pergumulan diantara keduanya supaya dapat mensikapinya secara tepat. Kearifan lokal dibutuhkan dalam menginteraksikan Islam sebagai agama dan budaya baru dalam masyarakat yang sudah lama hidup di dalam tradisi dan budayanya. Demikian pula untuk memahami Islam dalam konteks budaya Jawa, dibutuhkan kearifan aktor yang memiliki capital yang mumpuni di dalam field yang sesuai. KH. Ali Maksum adalah seorang tokoh yang mampu mengakomodir budaya-budaya Jawa dengan pemahamannya terhadap Islam sehingga tidak mengalami benturan yang merugikan kedua belah pihak. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan sosial Pierre Bourdieu, Penelitian ini mengkaji pemikiran KH. Ali Maksum dalam memahami dan mensikapi pergumulan ortodoksi Islam dan budaya Jawa. Beberapa pemikiran KH. Ali Maksum yang dapat dijadikan sebagai pendekatan alternatif dalam memahami dan mensikapi pergumulan ortodoksi Islam dan budaya Jawa adalah: dalam bidang keagamaan KH. Ali Maksum menggunakan pendekatan Manhaj Ushuli ulama' mazhab, dalam bidang politik KH. Ali Maksum menggunakan pendekatan Revelational, dalam bidang sosial, KH. Ali Maksum menggunakan pendekatan Humanistik. Dengan demikian, pergumulan ortodoksi Islam dan budaya Jawa justru menunjukkan perkembangan Islam PERGUMULAN ORTODOKSI ISLAM DAN BUDAYA JAWA MENURUT KH. ALI MAKSUM Fauziah Salamahfauziahsalamah87@gmail.com Yayasan Ali Maksum Pondok Pesantren Krapyak Yogyakarta54 Fauziah Salamah, Pergumulan Ortodoksi Islam dan Budaya Jawa . (53-72)dalam berbagai bidang, tidak hanya dalam bidang keagamaan, namun juga bidang politik dan sosial.
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In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.c061410865
Includes index. ; Bibliography: p. 416-428. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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In: Israeli history, politics and society, 57
The 21st century exists in the shadow of the return of extremist Islam to the center of the world's political stage, a process that began at the end of the previous century. While researchers have focused on the rise of Hamas, this return has in fact manifested itself in a range of independent Islamic extremist groups with their own philosophies. Jihad in Palestine provides a comprehensive study of the variety of Islamic extremist groups operating inside Israel/Palestine today, examining their philosophies and views concerning martyrdom, as well as their attitudes to the Israeli-Palestinian co.
In the Indonesian constitutional system, the Head of State is held by a president this refers because in Indonesia the country uses a democratic and presidential system. Where presidential is known by using the Trias Politica system in which power is divided into three parts (Legislative, executive and judiciary). To appoint a head of state who manages a country and takes care of his problems, the condition of a candidate for head of state is a very important issue in determining a nation, it becomes one of the needs that must exist at all times. Unlike the parliamentary system, where the head of state can have two heads of state, namely the president and prime minister, but this presidential only has one head of state, namely only one president, democracy is a system of government which is organized by the people, by the people and for the people, therefore, for the president to do it through elections where the people determine. and the president only has a position for 5 years and 2 periods to lead, this is done to minimize power that is too long, while the elected head of state must be able to hold the mandate of the people in accordance with what is written in Islamic law, the head of the state must be honest and trustworthy and can be an example for his people because whatever the decision of the head of the state the people must obey. ; : Dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia kepala Negara di pegang oleh seorang presiden, hal ini merujuk dikarenakan di Negara Indonesia memakai sistem demokrasi dan presidensial. Di mana di dalam presidensial dikenal dengan memakai sistem Trias Politica yang mana kekuasaan di bagi atas tiga bagian (Legislatif, eksekutif dan yudikatif). Mengangkat seorang kepala Negara yang mengelola sebuah Negara dan mengurus permasalahannya, syarat calon kepala Negara merupakan suatu masalah yang sangat penting dalam menentukan suatu bangsa hal tersebut menjadi menjadi salah satu kebutuhan yang harus ada pada setiap masa. Berbeda dengan sistem parlementer, yang mana kepala Negara bisa memiliki dua kepala Negara yaitu presiden dan perdana menteri namun presidensial ini hanya memiliki satu kepala Negara yaitu seorang presiden saja, demokrasi adalah sistem pemerintahan yang mana diselenggarakan dari rakyat, oleh rakyat dan untuk rakyat maka dari itu untuk presiden dilakukan melalui pemilu yang dimana rakyat lah yang menentukan.dan presiden hanya memiliki jabatan selama 5 tahun dan 2 periode untuk memipin, ini dilakukan untuk meminimalisir kekuasaan yang terlalu lama, sementara kepala Negara yang terpilih haruslah yang bisa memegang amanah dari rakyat sesuai yang tertulis di hukum islam, kepala Negara harus yang jujur adil amanah dan bisa menjadi tauladan bagi rakyatnya karna apapun keputusan kepala Negara maka rakyat harus mematuhinya.
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In the Balkans, the 1990s have been characterized by the emergence of the Muslim populations as autonomous political actors, as shown by the creation of ethnic parties and the formulation of nationalistic claims. This political awakening has been followed by a reshaping of the relationship between Islam ad national identity on the one hand, political actors and religious institutions on the other. The rare attempts at reislamizing the Balkan Muslim populations have not put their high level of secularization into question and, with the exception of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Islamist currents have remained at the margin of the events. ; Dans les Balkans, les années 1990 ont été caractérisées par l'émergence des populations musulmanes comme acteurs politiques autonomes, comme l'attestent la création de partis politiques à base ethnique et la formulation de revendications nationalistes. Ce réveil politique s'est accompagné d'une recomposition des rapports entre Islam et identité nationale d'une part, acteurs politiques et institutions religieuses d'autre part. Les quelques tentatives de réislamisation des populations musulmanes balkaniques n'ont pas remis en cause leur forte sécularisation et, sauf dans le cas bosniaque, les courants islamiques sont restés marginaux.
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In the Balkans, the 1990s have been characterized by the emergence of the Muslim populations as autonomous political actors, as shown by the creation of ethnic parties and the formulation of nationalistic claims. This political awakening has been followed by a reshaping of the relationship between Islam ad national identity on the one hand, political actors and religious institutions on the other. The rare attempts at reislamizing the Balkan Muslim populations have not put their high level of secularization into question and, with the exception of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Islamist currents have remained at the margin of the events. ; Dans les Balkans, les années 1990 ont été caractérisées par l'émergence des populations musulmanes comme acteurs politiques autonomes, comme l'attestent la création de partis politiques à base ethnique et la formulation de revendications nationalistes. Ce réveil politique s'est accompagné d'une recomposition des rapports entre Islam et identité nationale d'une part, acteurs politiques et institutions religieuses d'autre part. Les quelques tentatives de réislamisation des populations musulmanes balkaniques n'ont pas remis en cause leur forte sécularisation et, sauf dans le cas bosniaque, les courants islamiques sont restés marginaux.
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This is the final version. Available from Elsevier via the DOI in this record. ; Iran is currently discussing cannabis and opium regulations, which could bring a legalisation of drug consumption through a state supervised system. The article engages with the question of cannabis by looking at the legal interpretation of religious authorities in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The choice of Iran is justified for several reasons: firstly, Iran has a long history of drug use and cannabis has been part of the country's intoxicant traditions since times immemorial; secondly, the Iranian state is unique in that it combines religious exegesis with political machination through official channels; finally, among all Middle East and Islamic countries, Iran is at the avant-garde in experimenting in the field of drugs policy which makes an excellent case for the study of cannabis regulation. The article is the result of a direct engagement with Iran's leading Shi'a authorities, the maraje'-e taqlid, 'source of emulation'. The authors redacted a list of eight questions (estefta'at) about the status of cannabis in Iranian society. It questioned cannabis' legality in Islam, its potential medical use, the feasibility of domestic production and other relevant aspects of its social-religious life. Based on the responses, the authors analysed the difference in opinions among the religious scholars and speculate on the possibility of policy reform. Given the dearth of scholarly work about illicit drugs in the Islamic world, about which many readers might not be familiar, the article opens with an overview of the place of cannabis in the history of Islamic societies. It discusses terminological ambiguities, references in religious texts and traditions, and the general interpretations within Muslim religious schools of thought. Then, it discusses the status of cannabis in contemporary Iran before tackling the responses provided by the religious scholars. Eventually, the paper puts forward reflections about the potential implications for future policy developments on cannabis. ; Wellcome Trust
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In: Sir Syed journal of education & social research: (SJESR), Band 4, Heft 2, S. 295-298
ISSN: 2706-6525
The contemplation of God's creation is one of the greatest forms of worship in Islam every human being, when he observes the different scenes of this universe of colors and smells, enjoys seeing some of them so much that he longs to repeat this pleasure۔ It is not amazing, therefore, that countless Quranic verses give confidence this action and do so using a range of methods to appeal to every temperament and religious state. The mean is to switch people away from their dulled senses, awful habits, and monotonous familiarity, and encourage them to observe the signs of their Lord in the world with insight and vulnerable hearts. True Islamic contemplation can only spring from a mind that believes in God and a mind that submits to Him and His glorious Attributes. This is the unwavering faith of oneness (tawhÏd), which is to bear witness that the Almighty is the One and only God Who created, governs, and maintain the universe. Any other form of contemplation of the attractiveness and brilliance of the heavens and the earth would be measured atheism or polytheism (shirk) because the contemplator would not be distinguished, let alone admiring and express thanks to the Creator. In all religions, after beliefs, the highest importance is given to worship. Worship and contemplation are inseparable.
World Affairs Online
In: Key Concepts in Interreligious Discourses volume 2
The second volume of the series "Key Concepts in Interreligious Discourses" points out the roots of the concept of ''human rights'' in Judaism, Christianity and Islam. It shows how far the universal validity of ''human rights'' opposes in some crucial points with religious traditions. The volume demonstrates that new perspectives are introduced to the general discussion about human rights when related to religious traditions. Especially the interreligious viewpoint proves that a new kind of debate about human rights and its history is necessary
Tulisan ini berusaha menjelaskan hubungan antara Islam dan demokrasi yang pada akhirnya membentuk simpul konsep moderasi Islam. Pintu dalam menerima sistem demokrasi yang dianut oleh bangsa Indoensia mengasumsikan sudah diaplikasikan oleh para ulama ahlusunnah wal jamaah seperti para wali songo, ulama besar di Nusantara dan organisasi-organisasi islam besar di Indoensia sampai saat ini. Penulis menggunakan pendekatan historis fenomenologis untuk melihat konsep moderasi Islam (Islam wasathiyah) sebagai pintu masuk membangun kehidupan berdemokrasi di Indonesia, khususnya membagun sikap toleransi beragama di Indonesia.
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