Suchergebnisse

Surveying the causes of the Arab Spring, and revealing the governing trends arising from it, this book examines various international relation theories through the lens of the experiences of the countries in the Middle East and North Africa region. It takes the events of the Arab Spring as an outcome of globalization's double movement whose integrative cultural, political and security frameworks devastated nationally controlled economies, undermining the nation-state system and propagating a decentralized and communitarian-based governance structure. The consequences for many plural, diverse societies were two-fold: autocratic nationalism was discarded while decentralized regimes representing communitarian-based politics came to the fore. The author reveals how the formulation of a new communitocratic order rests on the accommodation of this newly emerging communitarianism and explores the major drivers of political transformation, describing the emerging communities, forecasting their governing options and the possible repercussions for the post-Arab Spring states.

The rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia has been unfolding over a long period, influencing the politics and conflicts in the Middle East. The dynamics, content, and form of the rivalry have changed dramatically following the Iranian Revolution in 1979. Sectarianism is frequently seen as the constitutive element of the conflict between the two countries. This paper brings a new light into the literature on the nature of the evolving Saudi–Iran rivalry. Specifically, it explains Saudi Arabia's ideational balancing and threat perception against Iran by highlighting the ontological security narratives under which the Saudi–Iran rivalry evolves. In doing so, it draws on the fatwas (i.e., religious opinions), issued by Saudi scholars, as an empirical object of investigation, and explores how they constitute and reconstitute Saudi Arabia's ontological security narratives. In this way, this work critically explains the ontological security regime in Saudi Arabia and the nature of the political struggle and antagonism between the two countries.

In the autumn period 2011, 2015 in the waters of the Barents Sea, the communities of viruses and bacteria were studied, their quantitative composition was determined, and the nature of their distribution was studied. It was shown that the distribution of both virio- and bacterioplankton had pronounced zoning presumably due to increased concentrations of organic matter in more productive coastal and Atlantic waters compared to the Arctic. In September 2011, the number of viruses varied from 0.6 to 46.7 million particles/ml, exceeding the abundance of bacteria by 5 times an average. The quantity of bacterioplankton varied within 0.3–2.9 million cells/ml, biomass – 4.1–35.1 mg C/m3, with a range of mean cell volumes of 0.030–0.115 μm3. In November–December 2015, the abundance of viruses was 0.3–6.4 million particles/ml and quantitatively exceeded their bacterial hosts by 18 times an average. The quantity and biomass of bacteria varied within 0.02–0.3 million cells/ml and 0.3–2.7 mg C/m3, with a range of mean cell volumes of 0.013–0.068 μm3. It was found that the level of development of virio- and bacterioplankton significantly decreased by the late autumn period.

Greater East Asia War is a continuation of World War II in Europe. Japan's ambition to dominate the region in Southeast Asia accordance with the ideology of the highway east asia co-prosperity and spirit Hakko i chiu. Japan to attack the strongest fleet in the Pacific of the United States on 8 December 1941. This war is called a war of the Pacific or Greater East Asia. The victory of the war turned out to be reciprocated by the United States since middle of 1942. The situation makes Japan to mobilize the people of Indonesia and other occupied areas for the benefit of war. Mobilization policies implemented in the political, economic and social mobilization of the masses. Japan also control in the fields of education, culture, and mass media. The policy aims to mobilize the people of Indonesia in all fields so that the Japanese get backup power if United States invade Indonesia. Keyword: Mobilization, Greater East Asia War, Japanese occupation

As part of the study of the early stages of settlement of the Middle Irtysh region, the multilayered monuments of the tract "First and Second island" near the village of Tanatovо, Muromtsevsky district of Omsk region. Based on the study of ceramics and stone tools, complexes of the late Neolithic - early bronze age belonging to the artyn and Catherine cultures and the Stepanov type of monuments were identified. Specific features of stone processing are described for each stage. Artyn stone processing was characterized by high-quality raw materials and the technique of chipping plates. At the stage of Catherine's culture, the quality of raw materials significantly deteriorates, and the use of local raw materials (swamp iron ore) is noted. In stone processing, there is an increase in the share the technique of chipping flakes. At all stages, the tendency to minimize the impact of the shortage of stone raw materials is well recorded.

This study is to review the political issues that arise in Central Java and analyze several issues based on framing analysis and the media agenda. The type of this research is descriptive qualitative. The data are analyzed from five journalists, that are Solo Pos, Tribun Jawa Tengah, and Kedaulatan Rakyat in interviews session. The results of this study mention the issues that arise, include the issue of identity politics, the issue of the president profile 2019, the policy issue of three magic cards and single card, the tagline of #2019GantiPresiden, the issue of total war, the issue of moving the Prabowo-Sandi winning headquarters to Java Middle, people power and coup issue. These issues are detailed by framing and also the media setting agenda to be taken into consideration the news material. The contribution in this research is to review the detailed management of issues that have arisen around the 2019 presidential election.

The point of interest in this paper is the issue of state-sponsored terrorism. The essence of this form of terrorism is the intentional (indirect or direct) support, offered by state sponsors to terrorist organizations, and the intention to let them achieve their political, strategic or tactical goals, usually concerning the citizens, governments or the territory of third-party countries. The paper presents a classification of the range of such support and concentrates on the analysis of the motives and means applied by the state sponsors. Owing to historical conditions and the range and scope of support granted, the paper uses the examples of Iran, Syria and Iraq. Only the former two states offer permanent support to terrorist organizations in the Middle East. After the collapse of Saddam Hussein's regime, Iraqi authorities have abandoned this activity as it was actually harmful to the interests of their country.

The point of interest in this paper is the issue of state-sponsored terrorism. The essence of this form of terrorism is the intentional (indirect or direct) support, offered by state sponsors to terrorist organizations, and the intention to let them achieve their political, strategic or tactical goals, usually concerning the citizens, governments or the territory of third-party countries. The paper presents a classification of the range of such support and concentrates on the analysis of the motives and means applied by the state sponsors. Owing to historical conditions and the range and scope of support granted, the paper uses the examples of Iran, Syria and Iraq. Only the former two states offer permanent support to terrorist organizations in the Middle East. After the collapse of Saddam Hussein's regime, Iraqi authorities have abandoned this activity as it was actually harmful to the interests of their country.

Norway's ambiguous approach towards Israel and Palestine can be traced back to the 1940s when it was the most pro-Israeli of the three Nordic countries. Since then, there has been a change in perceptions of Israel amongst the Norwegian public and at the official government level. The article follows this change through four crucial phases: the first focuses on the period 1978 up until 1993; the second highlights the Oslo Accords period; the third elucidates the Second Intifada phase and the fourth concentrates on the time of the Gaza war of 2014 up to this day. While Middle East events influenced Norwegian public opinion vis-à-vis Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territory, policies of Norwegian governments throughout these periods did not necessarily reflect public opinion. Nowadays, the Norwegian government continues to enhance its economic relations with Israel, in spite of the more pro-Palestinian stance amongst the general public in Norway.

In the middle of the heated debate on how to reverse climate change, some countries in Eastern Europe are returning to extractive industries and the exploitation of natural resources to finance their national budgets. The paper looks at mobilization in one locality in Romania and the Czech Republic and investigates the radically different pattern of mobilization in these two otherwise similar areas. Whereas in many Romanian cities affected by this economic "transformation," citizens have protested against it, as in Câmpeni with regard to the Roșia Montană gold mining project, in the Czech Republic, however, the extension of coal extraction was hardly opposed by the general population, with the exception of environmental groups. Using critical political economy approach, the paper explores the interaction between the economic changes, politics, and citizens' reactions and argues that the difference in outcome can be explained by the configuration of the economic organization, and the dominant "social blocks" that sustain it, in each of the areas considered.

The growth of Thai society in western style in the middle of Rattanakosin period can be defined as modernization /civilization. These terms had an influence on the development of the country in the reign of King Rama V owing to the governance reform, and cultures influenced by the West. Those were passed on until the reign of King Rama VI. The preference was not only for the renovation of architecture and arts based on Thai customs reflecting the prosperity and beauty of handicrafts but also for the acceptance of westernization. The remain of this acceptance includes the concept of such value as gentlemanly behavior like that in Victorian Era of the United Kingdom, and the support of women's status. Moreover, the wide spread of modernization leads to the movement to change the country's governance system from absolute monarchy to democracy by a group of people called Rattanakosin Era (R.E.) 130 party.

The general theme that unites the works to be discussed here is the history of psychoanalysis in America over the past hundred years, particularly during the heyday of its public impact from the 1950s through the 1970s. The broad outlines of this story have been well known for some time. Interesting about the volumes discussed here is the step that each book takes in its own way beyond a narrow focus on Freud and his followers or the institutional history of the psychoanalytic profession to examinations of so-called neo-Freudianism and of the entry of psychoanalytic discourse into American middle- and highbrow popular culture. The question whether, how, or to what extent psychoanalysis became "Americanized" in the course of all this is addressed explicitly in the volume by Elizabeth Lunbeck, and implicitly in the other books under review. In the following I will discuss each volume in turn, pointing to linkages among them along the way.

In this article we explore the notion of freedom expressed in the pedagogical thinking of theMERCOSUR countries (Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay and Brazil) during the redemocratizationperiod. We do a comparative study with emphasis on the ideas ofautonomy and democracy in the current era. It is methodologically supported bybibliographic research using periodicals of large circulation in the pedagogicalenvironment. It is concluded that the integration of pedagogical ideas in the region wasdriven by the connection of the teacher union movement, the progressive Catholic Churchand even the conjunction of interests of sectors linked to private schools. The idea of libertywas represented through the defense of private freedom advocated by school owners, andalso defended through the rereading of the New School by the middle sector of society. Itwas also understood as revolution of capitalist structures by the teacher union movement -which proposed the pedagogical process as counter-hegemonic - and as liberation byeducators linked to Freire.

The emergence of the Indo-Pacific construct brings about interesting avenues for cooperation among states in the region. Characterised by the intertwining geographies of the Indian and the Pacific Oceans, the Indo-Pacific region is home to some of the most diverse peoples and economies in the world. In a speech delivered at the CSIS, Washington in 2013, the former Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegwa outlined the need for an "Indo-Pacific Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation". In efforts to continue to address the prospects and challenges for a treaty among the major powers in the Indo-Pacific region, the article argues that a treaty would be necessary step and but should be concluded when sufficient groundwork for it is concluded. The article also argues that, the Indo-pacific concept would be best addressed if there is increased institutionalization of the concept and increased cooperation among middle powers such as India, Indonesia and Australia.