Suchergebnisse

This chapter aims to disentagle the 'presidentialization' and 'prime ministerialization' concepts and to clarify them. The first section begins by noting when the terms first came into common academic usage. It will also discuss the relationship between the concept of prime ministerialization and the more familiar concept of prime ministerial government as it has been used in the work on the core executive. The chapter will then focus on the most important research questions at stake in this area, noting the methods that are traditionally used to study this topic. The second section reviews the existing literature on presidentialization and prime ministerialization. The focus will be on the presidentialization of electoral or party politics only in so far as it affects the nature of executive politics. Finally, the chapter will try to set the research agenda for the future study of the presidentialization by focusing of what aspects have not been sufficiently or adequately investigated, or where there is still a lack of knowledge.

This thesis looks into the working conditions for international NGOs in Russia, focusing on a children's rights organization. The main objective of this thesis is to direct focus on how NGOs can contribute to promote sustainable peace from below and improve children's situation in Russia. Children in Russia are experiencing different challenges; this is often due to socio-economic instabilities and political problems. Consequently these factors have effects on children growing up within the Russian Federation and have effects on children's lives. UNICEF reports that number of children living on the streets is increasing. Thus, Save the Children is concerned about the high numbers of street-children and child neglect. Therefore, this thesis will regard the situation for children in Russia by relating Save the Children Norway in Russia's efforts on promoting children's rights and peaceful developments at the individual level. When focusing on NGOs efforts for children in Russia, one needs to regard the working conditions for NGOs in the Russian context, and thus how Save the Children in this case, can work within the civil society and according to their objectives.

Examines patterns of political identification and religiosity in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe, focusing on analyses on church attendance and effects on political attitudes; based on data on six countries. Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Ukraine and Russia.

By now most of you are aware of the severe cuts in federal funding for the social and behavioral sciences and for the humanities proposed by the Reagan Administration.At the National Science Foundation, while support for the natural sciences is slated to increase, the proposed budget for the social and economic sciences calls for a 65 percent reduction.At the National Institute of Mental Health (ADAMHA), the Administration proposes toeliminateall social research, which is expected to include research on the family, socialization of children, effects of separation and divorce, evaluation of prevention efforts with children, effects of mass media on behavior of children. In addition, the definition probably will include social policy research, research on race and ethnic relations, studies of community structure and change and studies of social institutions.

Abstract
This article explores the meaning and significance of the political in the October 2019 uprising in Iraq, commonly called Thawra Teshreen, through the lens of gender, space, and emancipation. It looks at the spatiality of the protests, considering both discursive and material dimensions and centering the experience of the gendered body. At the same time, it breaks with binary lenses of agency and resistance and with preconceived and universalist notions of rights and claims to representation. It proposes instead a situational understanding of power and subjectivation. The article analyzes the gendered and sexual dimensions of Thawra Teshreen and explores its discursive, material, and imaginary space production through the massive corporeal presence of protesters in the streets and their cybermobilization. It shows that protesters have put forward their own politics of life and death in mobilizing against the political, structural, and infrastructural forces of death that shape their experiences. It argues that women's participation constitutes an emancipated subjectivation that goes beyond the identitarian.

Much research contends that candidate competence brings technical or political skill, such that selecting against such attributes seems irrational. However, if special interest coalitions are sufficiently strong, a majority may expect that political expertise will be used to select policies that generate rents for narrow constituencies at the expense of its own welfare. I develop a model in which a majority prefers to elect the less competent politician in order to undermine the incumbent's ability to pursue the special interest agenda and derive the implications for accountability in this setting. The results demonstrate that the majority's attempts to reassert control over policy through its retention decisions impede social welfare maximizing reform and distort aggregate welfare by either encouraging ([Formula: see text]) inefficient policy selection or ([Formula: see text]) inefficient candidate selection. Even if politicians choose policies that maximize social welfare doing so may only worsen aggregate welfare by providing voters with more information about candidate competence, which enables the majority to better select inept politicians.

This paper presents an overview of my dissertation project. My project harnesses posthumanist and ecofeminist insights to illuminate how the category of the human—whether its metaphysical status, purview, or validity—is at the center of early modern understandings of classical moral and political philosophies. In doing so, my study redresses a gap in the critical reception of Shakespeare's Roman texts by challenging existing cross-historical, cross-cultural studies that (a) consider the human a stable construct and (b) overlook the capacity for nonhuman forces to impact humanity's discursive and material practices. I extend ongoing critical debates by demonstrating how the figure of Aristotle's "political animal" exceeds the human in Shakespeare's Roman plays (Titus Andronicus, Julius Caesar, Antony and Cleopatra, Coriolanus, and Cymbeline) and narrative poetry (Venus and Adonis and The Rape of Lucrece). Specifically, I argue that early modern literary representations of human agency in ancient Mediterranean sea- and land-scapes are positioned alongside, and often considered less favorably than, the forces exerted by other creatures, inert matter, or technologies.

Abstract This purpose of this article was to analyze political discourses in Isan Stone Inscriptions duringTai - Lao reign from the view of critical linguistics in order to explain relations between the stone inscriptionsand the contexts of society through language.From the study, it was found that the outstanding characteristicsof the language used to create political discourses in Isan Stone Inscriptions were character styles, tradition ofstone inscription creations, word choices, andsentence constructions which showed structural relations.On the other hand, the contents of the discourses reflexed construction of power and producing of righteousnessin society of people from 3 groups; kings and noblemen who were the most powerful people in society,monks, and citizen. Relations in the manner of power between these three groups of people also portrayedrelations of powerbetween human and human, and between human and beliefs. These power relations werenot directly presented but were implied within contents which needed to be decoded and interpreted.Moreover, context of society in those periods had to be considered as guidelines for the analysis as well.Keywords : Discourse, Stone Inscriptions, Isan

Closes a special journal issue on the psychological responses to the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the US & consequent US response. Why the contributions were presented in English is explained before averring that it is difficult to know the psychological & political impressions of people while the events are occurring. Data from Spanish polls are offered to demonstrate that experience in the first moments of the attack was similar internationally, with differences in information processing evidenced as time passed & as a function of memory & differential cultural bases. Thus, a European-North American divide in historical memory has manifested, indicating cultural differences in the interpretation of the symbolic culture of threat & in the emotional activation & psychological reaction of public opinion & its impact on the government & subsequent politics. A call is made for political psychology to set a new agenda centered on exploring the attitude, value structure, & cognitive processing differences across cultures with an eye toward minimizing violent clashes & promoting social coexistence. J. Zendejas

Even today, politics is based on power relationships and the kind of calculations that have been canonized since the rise of the nation-state. Get a group of Washington practitioners together and you will still hear echoes of the old saw that "politics is the art of the possible."But this kind of thinking, in our new situation, has already brought mankind to the brink of disaster and promises to destroy political life altogether. It is so clearly anachronistic, at least to the young, that the newest postwar generation to come to maturity simply refuses to play the game. To their ears, even the soaring political rhetoric of John F. Kennedy sounds hollow and unconvincing. I recently heard a brilliant college student charge that the President's famous "Ask not what your country can do for you …" smacked of fascism. Taken literally that, of course, was nonsense; yet I think I know what the young man was trying to get at.

This study uses a mail survey (N = 1,305) conducted in two Upstate New York counties to explore relationships between media use and individual fairness judgments regarding local scientists. It extends previous work in organizational justice to a community setting, with local scientists evaluated according to four social-psychological dimensions of justice—distributive, procedural, interpersonal, and informational. Results show science news attention positively related to perceived distributive, procedural, and interpersonal justice of local scientists. The conclusions argue that justice constructs can help media researchers better understand society's relationship with authorities.

This study contributes to the information on the category of Conditions for Political/citizen participation, integrated with the Implications in political formation in contexts of violence. In this manner, participation is defined as those actions that affect power relations in social order, which are open to the characteristics of concrete performance spaces and times of the youth. The study argues that participation is a construct that varies according to contexts and times. ; El presente estudio aporta al conocimiento de la categoría Condiciones de participación política/ciudadana, el cual se articula con las Implicaciones en la formación política en contextos de violencia. En este sentido, la participación se asume como aquellas acciones que afectan las relaciones de poder en el orden social, y queda en evidencia su carácter abierto a las características de los espacios y los tiempos de actuación concreta de los y las jóvenes. De esta manera, la investigación sostiene que la participación es un constructo que varia según los contextos y los tiempos. ; Este estudo contribui ao conhecimento da categoria Condições de participação política/cidadã," o qual se articula com as "implicações na formação política em contextos da violência." Neste sentido, a participação é considerada como aquelas ações que afetam as relações de poder na ordem social e que evidenciam o seu caráter aberto às características dos espaços e dos tempos do atuar dos jovens. Porem, a investigação afirma que a participação é um construto que muda segundo os contextos e os tempos.

Past work emphasizes the decline of cognition into older age. Recent work suggests that living in an aged community provides ample opportunity for social interaction with peers and that these older residents perform better cognitively than more isolated seniors. I test whether this relationship is evident for the political cognition of older residents with NAES data from 2000 and 2004. Findings indicate higher levels of political knowledge among seniors living in aged communities compared with their peers living in places without the same social context.