Suchergebnisse

This article puts forward the idea that to be able to understand the selection of Chinese communist elites (cadres, officials, leaders), we must now turn away from approaches using the factional variable as an explanatory element to instead focus on rules and "necessary" formal requirements for the nomination and selection of personnel. We believe that age and experience in both the Party and State apparatus are gradually taking over the informal side of Chinese politics. Finally, this article wants to be understood as a warning to researchers regarding the use of the notion of faction in Chinese politics. Neither the existence of factions nor, much less, their supposed influence, should be accepted a priori. Adapted from the source document.

Classical Realism most often is falsely associated with a positivist underpinning of power politics. This article presents a re-reading of selected texts of Morgenthau and argues that Realism has indeed something important to say on real-world normative issues; a capacity of which Realism was denied to do. Starting with Morgenthaus engagement on power and the societal pursuit to escape from it, the article objects the conventional 'Machiavelian-Hobbesian' political science view of Morgenthau in the German speaking academic community. Via the Realist origins of International Relations in the 20th century the article turns towards the normative competence of Morgenthaus Realism and argues with Morgenthau against a pure positivism and utilitarianism in the comprehension of international politics. Adapted from the source document.

Regulation by independent agencies, rather than ministries, is believed to result in better policy outcomes. Yet this belief requires one to accept a complex causal chain leading from formal independence to actual independence from politics, to policy decisions, and, ultimately, to policy outcomes. In this study, we analyze the link between the formal and actual independence of regulatory agencies in Western Europe. New data on the appointment of chief executives of these agencies is used to create a proxy for the actual independence of agencies from politics. The analysis demonstrates that formal independence is an important determinant of actual independence, but the rule of law and the number of veto players matter as well. Adapted from the source document.

While politics are known to be prevalent at managerial levels, there is currently little insight into what drives managers to engage in organizational politics and whether there are gender differences in this respect. In the current study we explore the concept of political will by using a qualitative approach based on 14 semi-structured interviews with managers (five men and nine women) in a global semiconductor company. We identify key dimensions of managerial political will consisting of three attitudinal ambivalences: functional, ethical and emotional. We also examine gender differences along these dimensions and discuss managers' political will in the context of a masculine organizational setting. We conclude by discussing the theoretical and practical implications of the findings and further research directions. © 2012 British Academy of Management.

An inquiry in historical sociology using textual interpretation of educational curricular documents to analyze the role assigned to Islam in the official ideology of Tunisia under its first post-independence president, Habib Bourguiba. Adapting a typology of religions in politics proposed by Bruce Lincoln, the article argues that the rationalized, controlled version of Islam promoted in Tunisia's schools as part of a top-down revolution has its genealogy in similar efforts in Turkey and earlier in revolutionary and Third Republic France, and should be labeled 'Jacobin.' It concludes that the present polarization of Tunisian politics may be attributed in part to the partial success of Bourguiba's project of republican identity formation, promoting different relationships to Islam among different classes of citizens.

In this article I argue that there is a significant generational shift within British Pakistani communities in relation to political participation and civic engagement. Using George Galloway's March 2012 by‐election victory in Bradford West and an analysis of primary empirical research conducted amongst British Pakistani communities between 2005–2007, and, 2011, I argue that kinship‐based bloc voting—a feature of British Pakistani political engagement in UK politics—is being challenged. A younger generation of British Pakistanis want politicians to engage with them as individuals rather than politicians assuming their votes through co‐opting Pakistani community elders in a system of patronage politics, an arrangement which has been in place since mass immigration from the subcontinent in the 1950s and 60s.

Over the past fifty years, top political science journals have published hundreds of articles about policy diffusion. This article reports on network analyses of how the ideas and approaches in these articles have spread both within and across the subfields of American politics, comparative politics and international relations. Then, based on a survey of the literature, the who, what, when, where, how and why of policy diffusion are addressed in order to identify and assess some of the main contributions and omissions in current scholarship. It is argued that studies of diffusion would benefit from paying more attention to developments in other subfields and from taking a more systematic approach to tackling the questions of when and how policy diffusion takes place.

AbstractThe political prisoner is a figure taken for granted in historical discourse, with the term being used broadly to describe any individual held in captivity for oppositional activities. This article argues for understanding the political prisoner, for whom prison becomes a vehicle of politics, as the product of modern states and political movements. The earlier practices of the "imprisoned political," for whom prison was primarily an obstacle to politics, gave way to prisoners who used the category creatively against the regimes that imprisoned them. Using the cases of Polish socialists in the Russian Empire, Fenians in Ireland, suffragettes in Britain, andsatyagrahiin British South Africa, this article explains how both regimes and their prisoners developed common practices and discourses around political incarceration in the years 1865–1910.

While the tools of civically engaged higher education (service-learning, community-based research, etc.) existed in sociology classes well before the onset of what some call the "civic engagement movement," they have quickly shifted from margin to center as key building blocks for sociology's own trend toward public sociology. While we examine the precarious rise of both civic engagement and public sociology, we argue that lacking strong social movements as shaping forces, the social justice potential for both civic engagement and public sociology must come from practitioners' links to community-based politics and social movement organizing. Such connections still ground teaching and scholarship in the real politics of everyday life: people, institutions, and communities.

This essay explores letter writing in late ancien régime France as a means of political contestation. Drawing from Rancière's notion of "illegitimate speakers," I retrace the story of an obscure Bastille prisoner, Geneviève Gravelle, whose letters to the king and the French public reveal the simultaneously political, literary, and aesthetic barriers impeding such illegitimate speech and the strategies used in attempting to overcome them. Attending to the historical-poetic context in which Gravelle's letters were composed and circulated, I elaborate, first, a politics of voice that highlights the uncertain and multiply mediated processes on which political speech depends, and second, a politics of reading and writing in which sovereignty is both challenged and impersonated through the epistolary form.

Interest in politics is important for a host of political behaviors and beliefs. Yet little is known about where political interest comes from. Most studies exploring the source of political interest focus on parental influences, economic status, and opportunity. Here, we investigate an alternative source: genetic transmission. Using two twin samples, one drawn from Denmark and the other from USA, we find that there is a high degree of heritability in political interest. Furthermore, we show that interest in politics and political efficacy share the same underlying, latent genetic factor. These findings add to the growing body of literature that documents political behaviors and attitudes as not simply the result of socialization, but also as part of an individual's genetically informed disposition.

Se analiza los límites de la sociedad capitalista especialmente en la conformación de sus temporalidades. En las fracturas del orden dominante, se estudia el surgimiento de otros tiempos que corresponden a la constitución de mundos alternativos. Finalmente se muestra el modo de conformación de una política alternativa a través de discutir la constitución de lo impolítico. ; This paper analyzes the limits of the capitalist society and mainly focuses on the composition of its temporalities. In the ruptures of the dominant order, we study the emergence of other times that correspond to the constitution of alternative worlds. Finally, we illustrate the way alternative politics is formed by discussing the constitution of the non-politics. ; Cuenca ; no. 24

Scholars of International Politics have recently come to grip with theglobal resurgence of religion. Since the inception of the field of International Politics,the secularisation thesis had been taken for granted and religion dismissedas unimportant. But in line with the current transformation affecting societiesworldwide as well as with the re-consideration of the secularisation thesis bySociologists, new resources must be developed within IR to better understandcurrent events. While theories and concepts have been developed within Sociologyand the Political Sciences, no such tools are available in International Politics.Thus, this article provides a tentative theory of secularisation drawing onresources endogenous to the field. Drawing on recent advances in the broadlyConstructivist tradition, this article re-interprets secularisation as a protracted internationalcrisis of legitimacy.

В статье рассматривается актуальный вопрос использования потенциала привлекательности российского образования в качестве инструмента долгосрочного политического влияния на международной арене. Последовательно анализируется изменение ресурсной базы лидерства в современной мировой политике, рассматриваются относительные преимущества и потенциал «мягкой силы» российской системы высшего образования, дается оценка существующим государственным инициативам в области повышения качества и привлекательности российских вузов. ; The article analyses the potential of Russian tertiary education as a tool of long term influence in world politics. It makes a coherent review of a changing nature of leadership in world politics, shows advantages and disadvantages of Russian education as a soft power tool, evaluates the current government initiatives to improve the quality and attractiveness of Russian universities and colleges.